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CEDARTOWN RECORD. jji D. WIKLE & 00., Proprietors, CEDARTOWN, GEORGIA, Ell ID AY, OOTOliER (i 1870. VOL. III. NO. 16. LATEST NEWS. •«ITTH aim* WMT, Savannah liml received $17,922 in Money up In Tuesday. IVxns planters are nfTcring a dollar a liundri’d for codon picking, I’orl tons uf Texas and Isjuisiatm art* aufleriiiK from a severe drouth. Memphis and New Orleans excoption- nl'ly healthy for thi?« neaRou of the year. Arkansas pays seventy-flvq cents per hundred ponu«» Hl for cotton picking. Worms are doing; great damage to eot- " n f. portions of Alahnmn, Mississippi, l -onisinna and Texas. A skill' upset with five Jewish youths at Monlpomery, Ala , Tuesday, drowning four of them. Full returns I tion in .Malinina e 'in the late state elec- o Houston 98,81 li; \Yootl- Garflehl, thn Plmrlsoo, Put Upon tlm Spit a ml Done to n Turn. Sniveling Hypocrisy and Lyin^ To- IrioUsm Exposed and Smashed. Secession an Original Product ot Now Kngland Cupidity. Three eargors of leaf tolr.cco w shipped from Uichinund Inst week for I'.i pen narke Mitehell Pearson has i Bedford eoiitiit n 4 been Penn., of killing W in. i reek in 1865, and sent to the peniten tiary for ten years. IL O. Sneed, connected with SwiIVs Mon an steel walks of Cincinnati, is in Clint* lanooga, making arrangements for being Mipplird with .H7 non tons of ore per niinuin. ' ■’ll""' fe.i r iii Savshimli in Imvine S°<"' ■n.'l ,11 Min Ollier rill... null I....O. Mijijecl 1.11|„. ,,b C o. nro ..Irmihig street*, ll'<' hhaltli coniiniltee of Savannah uoip'mpnd the Inirning of lar, resin and turpentine all over the oily, and also the burning of large numbers of coal kilns of pine wood, I Miring the season 60,150 hales of col* l«>n were received in Charleston. The aver age weight of the bale is four hundred and , nml the average price Mo crease of $1H4 New t )rlea bear thatoprr the New l)rlen r of tin value, $-.1,117' lie Uomocrat: At last we mis are to he resumed at mint at an early dale. The mint, Dr. Limlernian, has given iiiHtriirtinns to open the mint during the ensiling month for the reception of de posits of htillinn to he converted into liars mliia'Ii will be asanved and stamped in sueh n manner ns to indicate the weight and legal value. The coinage can not be resumed, as congress failed fn provide the necessary Savannah News: Of the negro popu lation, amounting to about ten thousand, two-thirds are now supported by charity. Mild the number ot appeals is iming increased by the influx of destitute negroes from the country, who, hearing of the aid extended to their people in the city, are coming In fn r their share. Added to this there are about five tboiisnnd destitute while people, making a Ininl of sonic 10,000 persons who have to he looked after and aided according to their Mrs. Victoria Wood hull sued for and •ms obtained an absolute divorce from her husband, Col. James II. Mood, on the ground of habitual adultery. She is once wore free. rOHKIUN. Ilerr Krupp calculates that his latest gun will penetrate the twenty-four inch nr- uiorof llie English ironclad Inflexible at a distance of 1,000 metres, or will go through fourteen-inch armor five or six miles off and throw a projectile weighing five him*, id twenty kilogramme# completely r I. .lido tlm of the latest new* tram Kiiropi- there can be no doubt that Hums,„ is intriguing in I lie aid of Hervin, furnishing iliploaialii: force, and with il both soldiers and money. Tlm proposed creation of hostilities is only a postpone- on nt «.f a question that will ultimately be decided against the Tin lea. Too biggest thing yet attempted in the line of heavy artillery is the hundred- ,on k''»n, just completed at Woolwich, Eng land, for the Italian navy, fnr which seven other pieces of the like size are to be matin faciured. This tremendous engine of death Its# a base of thirty and a half fed in length, -« v. ntci-n inches in diameter in the clear, -Hid It is estimated has a prwjectilc force of tons -that is, the dynamic i fleet of its discharge will he equal to lifting 80,000 tons one -foot, or one ton about six mil. ' barge four hundred pounds of dl be required, and the shell pro- tile cted. . uk in any masonry c nisn.i,u#t:iMs. The following is a H|tecial dispatch from Madrid: “I.earning that the com mander of the United States ship Franklin, homeward hound, consents to delever Wil liam M. Tweed to the American authorities, instead of sending him back to Gen. Jovel- nr, the order for Tweed’s departure from Corunna has been countermanded. The Franklin, which in now at tiil.raltar, pro ceeds to Vigo to take Tweed, who is now closely confined in fortress Castello del Castro, on boarujher deck." The secretary of the treasury ha# called in for redemption $10,000,000 in 5-20 bonds of llhvi, May and November, upon which in terest will cease on the twenty-first of De cember next. 'I hey are ns follows: Coupon Imnds for $50—No. 651 to No. 718, both in clusive; for $100. No. 8601 to No. 12 406 both inclusive; for $500—No. 15,001 to No. 10,000, both inclusive; for $1000—No. 35,251 to No. 46,850, both inclusive; total coupon bonds, $7,000,000. Registered bonds—for $50, No. 1 to No. 50, both inclusive; for $100—No. 1101 to No. 1650, both inclusive; for $500—No. 1401 to No. 1810, both inclu sive; for f 1000—No. 2701 to 5750, both in- elnsiv.-: for $5000—No. 2201 to No. 2000, both inclusive; for $10,000—No. 8101 to No. 3050 both inclusive. Total registered bonds, $3,000,000; aggregate, $10,000,000. Sonin Account of the Puritan Slnvo- Drlvera ami Sluvo Traders. A Terrible Arraignment of Republi can Rascals, Cheats and Shams. JUDOK BLACK’S OPEN LETTER. To IDi til II . Mi- mi ('(iNMiiow from Ohio. . jlu- speech y«»ii set „,c. | am osUmi- Islicd it till shocked. As the lender of your party, to whom the candidates have H|K'diuly delegated the conduct of the i'ending eampaigu, you should have met your rea|Nmn(hflilte.H in a very dif ferent way. I do not presume to lecture so distiugui-'hed a man ii|miu his errors; hut if I can prevent you, r-vrn tna siniill extent, from abusing the public creduli ty, it is my duty to try. 1* re miningonly my pleat anxiety to preserve lhe frater nal relations existing lwiween us for many years, 1 follow the lloratian rule, and come at once to " the middle of things.” You trait' hack the origin nr present parties to the entlicnL immigration at Plymouth and Jamestown, and profess to find in the op|>osiiig doetritiei then planted and afterward constantly clier- ished in Mamaohusetts and Virginia, the germs of those ideas which now make democracy and alsditionism the deadly foes of each other. The hk'iti so plniiteil Massachusetts Were, according to on and equality ight and duty account, the fre of all races, and the <77. his pri vato judgment in polities religion. On the other hand, you *qI <-f‘ U trri.c.ajir.lbibtj' l.s'-.MlV- til*.'— * trine of Virginia, "Chat capital should own labor, that the negro had no rights of manhood, and that the white man might buy. own and sell him and his off- spring forever.” Following these ahser* turns with’others, and linking the pres ent with the long past, you employ the device* of your rhetoric to glorify the modem abolitionist and to throw foul scorn, not merely on tin southern peo ple, hut on the whole democracy of the country. Tills looks learned and philosophical, and it gives your speech a dignity seem ingly above the reach of the ordinary demagogue. Happy is he who knows the causes of tfungs; felicitous is the partisan mom her of congress whose stump sjieech goes up the river of time to the first fountain of good and evil. Hut your contrast of historical facts is open to one objection, which I give you in a form as simple as jKissihle when I say that it is wholly destitute of truth. This, of course, implies no imputation our good faith. Your high churac- ... in the church, as well as the state, forbids tin' Isdief that you would he guilty of willful misrepresentation. I LAND. The n of Massachusetts, so far from planting the right of private judgment, extirpated and utterly extinguished it, hy means no cruel that no man oi com mon humanity can think of them even now without disgust nud indignation. I am Surprised to find you ignorant of (his. I)id you never hear of the fright ful persecutions they carried on system atically against Haptisls and thinkers and Catholics? How they fined, im prisoned, lashed, mutilated, enslaved and banished everylwdy that claimed the right of free thought ? I low they striped the most virtuous and inoffensive wo men, and publicly wliipiied them on 1 barks, only for expressing I1M - ’ I (fit'll r conscientious convictions never, in all your reading, story of Roger Williams? I cly suggesting to the public uiiIIk t witli f the colony that i to Is- punished on account of his lioncsl opinions, lie was driven into the woods and pursued ever afterwards with a ferocity that put his own life ami that of his friends in constant danger. In fact, the cruelty of their laws against the freedom of conscience and the unfeeling rigor with which they were executed, made Massachusetts odious throughout the world These great crimes of the Pilgrim fathers ought not to Ik? cast up to their hildren; lor some of their descendants (I hope a good majority) nro high-prin cipled and honest men, sincerely attached to the liberal institutions planted in the more southern latitudes of the continent. But if you are right in your assertion that the aliolitionists derive their prin ciples from the ideas entertained and planted at Plymouth, that may account for the coarse and brutal tyrann^ with which your party has, in recent times, trampled upon the rights of free thought id free speech. MAWIACHUHETTH Nor are you more accurate in your declaration that the old yankecs planted the doctrine of freedom and equaitly, or opposed the domination of one race over another. Messrs Palfrey and Sumner have said something to the effect that slavery never existed in Massachusetts, and von may have been misled hy them. Hut either they were wholly ignorant of the subject, or else they spoke with that loose and lavish unveracity which is a common fault among men of their politi cal sect. The Plymouth colony and the province of Massachusetts bay were pro- slavery to the backbone. It volt doubt Ibis I refer you to Moor’s "History ol slavery in Massachusetts,” where the evidence (consisting phiqfiy of records and documents |wrfeotly authenticated) is produced and collated with a fullness and fairness which cannot lie questioned. 'I lie Plymouth Immigrants planted pre eisely the doctrine which you ascribe to the Jamestown colonists ; that is to say. they held that “ the negro hud uo rights of manhood; that the white man might buy, own and sell him and Ills offspring torever." Practically and thcorHienlly they maintained tluii- human slavery i\i its most unmitigated form was a perfectly just, proper and desirable institution, entirely consistent with Christianity as they understood it. and founded on prin ciples of universal jurisprudence. They insisted upon it as an established anil settled rule of the law of nations that when one government or community or |Mi|itieal organisation made wnr tijsin its ow n subjects, or the subject* of another, and vanquished then, the people of the beaten party had no rights to which the right of the conquerors was mo para- ntmttil. Whenever it Was demount rated, by actual uxporlhH'tit, that any people wclw loo weak to defend their families against an invaderwho visited thorn with lire and sword, they might lawfully he stripped of tludr property, and they themselves, their wives and their chil dren. might justly lu* held as slaves or sold in perpetual bondage. That was the idea they planted in their own soil, pro pagated among their contemporaries, and transmitted to the abolition party of the present day. You have preached and practised it ill all yoitr dealings with Jhe smith. This absolute denomination is what you mean, If you mean anything, when you talk ala,mi I t ho " prcnoils re sults ol the war. 1 li the doctrine thus planted hy the original settlers in Massa chusetts lie true, and if tlm “precious Iruits 1 of it, which you are gathering with so much industry, lie legitimate, it is a perfect justification of all the slavery that ever existed on thin continent. Your great exemplars, from whom you acknowledge that you have derived yollr ideas of freedom, Certainly thought, or professed to,think so. and they carried if out to its logical consequences. When an African potentate ollose to light with and Mithdue a weak tribe, inside or out of his own denomination, he sold the prisoners whom he did not think proper to kill, and the men of Massachusetts bought them without a question of his title. They kept them and worked them to death, or sold them again as their in terest prompted -for they held that the right of domination, resulting from the ; application of brute force, was good in the hands of all subsequent purchase!#, however remote from lire original con- litisiloh - * . imuwai mCm r i y • , , , 1 They executed tills theory to Its fullest extent in their own wafs With the In dian-. Without cause or provocation, find without notice or warning, they fell upon the I’cquods, massacred many of them, and made slaves of the ntlrvivors, without distinctiim of ago or sox. About seven hundred, including many women and children, were sent to the West In dies, and these sold on public account, the proceeds being put in the colonial treasury. Eight score of these unfortu nate people escaped from the butchery hy flight, and afterwards agreed to give themselves up on the solemn promise of the authorities that they should neither put to death nor enslaved. The promise was broken with as little remorse as a modern abolitionist would violate his oath to support the constitution. The "precious results of the war” were not to be lost by an honest observance of their pledged faith, and the victims of this infamous treachery were all of them shipped to Harhadpcs, and sold or npjied for Blackamoors.” This prac tice of enslaving their captives was iwii- forin, covered all cases, included women and children, as well as fighting men. When death put king Philip beyond their reach, they sent his wife and child with the rest to he sold into slavery. Indians make had slaves. They hard to tame, they escaped to the forest, and had t«* lie hunted down, brought buck and branded. They never d to Is 1 sullen and disobedient. The Africans always on the contrary, ”ac- pled the situation,” were easily domes ticated, and bore the yoke without murmuring. For that reason, it he me a settled rule of public and private inomy in Massachusetts to exchange i’ir worthless Indians for valuable negroes, cheating their West India mis ers in every trade. Perhaps it was • that your party got the germ of hhnesty as well ,-n its humanity, y made war for no other object than nnply themselves with subjects lor this fraudulent traffic. In lfll.'l, Email I I (owning, the foremost lawyer in the lony and a leader of commanding in icnee, as well as high connection, made written argument in favor of a war with the Narragansetls. He did not protend that any wrong had been done, but lie had a pious dread that Massaehii- •c held responsible for the (also religion of tin* Narragunsetts. " I doubt,” says he, “if it he not synne in us, having powe r in our 'lands, to suffer nlayne. the worship of the pow-wowe-s often 'Hiis te-nelcriicHS of conscience is haracteristic e»f the jinrty which u :zt from that little furtlie-r, and you how exactly you trines. “ If, got the soure-e. Hutgi will see with nlcasu ipied their ef he, "upon a just war, the I/ird shotilel Ediver them into our hands, wo might •asily have men, women and children'to exchange for Mr>ors(negroes), which will he more gayneful pilladge fur us than wee conceive, for I do not see how we* •an thrive: until we get into a stock of daves sufficient to do all our business.” This (except the sprdling) might come from an aliolition caucus to-day. You will find Downing’s letter in Moore, i ten. YANKEE HUMANITY. They did ge:t most of their Indians off, and supplier) themselves with negroes in their place. The shameless inhumanity with which the blacks were used marie slavery in Massachusetts " the sum of all villainy.” In the letter of Downing, al ready referred to, he says: " You know very well we shall mayntayne twenty j and loving disciples, and Moore cheaper than one Englishe se:f- plied it wherever you eon vant.” Think of reducing a West India tally us they did. m.'gro in that intensely Cold climate to the one twentieth part* of the food and clothing which a white'.'menial was in the habit of getting. They must have been IYor.cn and starved to death in great numbers. When that happened it was hut th" loss uf an animal Tlicv harlmr lug ol a slave woman wak, in 10*1(1, pm non need by the highest luitlioHt.v to he the same injury as the \mlawful’deten tion of a iK'iist. In 1710. Sewell, the chief justice of the eohmy, said that no grocH we're rated with horses ami hogs. Hr. Helkimp tells us that alterward, when the stock enlarged nud the market liecamo dull, young ncgre'ie.s and uuilnt toes wore sometimes given away like puppies. This is the kind of freedom, this (he equality of the: races, which you learned from the auch'iitqideinlsts. Hut they taught you irfore than that. Their precept and cxntliidp established the slavery of while (humous asrivell a> Indians and negreieii. As.theif remorse less tyranny spared no age* and no sex, so it made no distinotiofi of ceilm*. He- side's the* ntl geios eif whito heretics which acre captured and shipi*Vel to them bv their brethren in Eugluml, they took npocinl delight iu fastening their yoke on all who were suspcctesl ol lioteriiijjjxy. One instanee is worthy eifspccial attention. I.awmire Southwick ami his wife were (.Junkers, and accused atihesame time with many others of attending (Junker meetings, ol " sydlng with ■Junkers” and '• absenting themselves Irani the publiek ordinances.” The Noulltfwieks had pre viously Hiillered so much in their person# and csuilcs from this kind of persecu tion that they cotlld no longer Work or pay any more fines, add therefore, the general court, bv solcr. . resolution, or dered them to lie haUMfcd on pain of death. Ilanlshinent you will not fail to notice, was iu itself equivalent to a lin gering death, if the parlies were poor and leehle; for it meant merely driving tlii'in into the wilderness to starve with hunger and cold. Southwiek and his wife went out and died very soon. Hut thin Is not all. This unfortunate pair had two children, n boy and a girl (Daniil and Provided), who, having healthy constitutions, Would bring n guild price iu the slave market. The children were taken from the parents and ordered to he sold in the West. In dies. It, happened, however, that there was not a shipmaster in any port of the colony who would consent to become the agent of their exporta tion mid sale. The authorities, being thus baulked in their views of the main chance, were fain to he satisfied in another way; they ordered the girl to Ik* whipped \ she was lashed accordingly, n c'tnipaiiy Willi flevend other Quaker Indies, nud thoti committed to prison, to lie further proceeded against. History vf. 1 , ,- v ; r»..v. j I’ll is is one ejtsirD... IVi'^ii great many. It ir. very inlbresllng unci instructive when taken in connection with your speech, for it shows the “germ ol* the idea” which yoilr pa Hy acted on when it kidnapped and litipriHOiicd men and Women hy the thousands for believing in American liberty as guaranteed by the constitution. Thu (Junkers and baptists had no printed organs in that day through which their private judgment could Iki expressed, else you would no doubt have eases directly iu point to jus tify your forcible suppression of two hundred and IIfly newspapers. A (T!AN<IK OF l.HAHEIlfl. Enmity to the right of pri vatu judg ment comes down to the party of Ply mouth ideas Ity consistent and regular succession. It is woven like a dirty stripe into the whole warp and woof of their history. As soon us I,hey got pos session of t he federal government under John Adams they began to use it as an engine for the suppression <»f free thought. Their alien law gave the president power to banish or imprison, without trial, any foreigner whose opinions might he obnox ious to his supporters. Their sedition put every democratic speaker and writer under the heel of the administration. Their standing army was used, as it now is, to crush out llicir political opponents. If you come into eastern Pennsylvania, and particularly into the good county of Perks, you Mill learn that the |s*oph* there still think with indignation of that old reign ol terror when federal dragoons kidnapped, insulted and heat their fa thers, chopped down their “ liberty pole,” broke to pieces the press of the Heading Eagle, and whipped itH vener ated editor in the market'house. The same spirit broke out again in the burn ing ol mimicries and churches under Maria Monk,and under John Hrmvn the whole country swarmed with spies and kidnappers When you abandoned the harlot and rallied to the standard of the thief, you changed your leader without changing your principles. code planted in Ma.v>achu- iel in all its provisions, ft ioiisly adhered to for genor- over repented of, or formally l was gradually abandoned, wrong, but solely aliens, and i repealed. I not because lieeause il was found, after long experi ment, to lie unprofitable. Their plan of keeping twenty negroes as cheaply as one white servant did not work well; for in that, climate a negro thus used would infallibly die Indore his labor paid what he cost. They sold their stock whenever they could, hut emancipation was for bidden hy law, unless the owner gave security to maintain the slave and prevent him from becoming a pub lic charge. To evade this law, those who had old or infirm negroes en couraged them to bring suits for their freedom, and then hy sham demurrers,or other collusive arrangements, got, judg ment against themselves that the negroes were free and always had been Females likely to increase the stock were adver tised to lie sold "for that fault alone.” Young ones, because they were not worth raising, were given away like pup pies of a superabundant litter. In this way domestic slavery hy degrees got loose in practice, simply because il would not pay—but the principle on which one man may own another »*hom he subdues hy superior strength or cunning was never abandoned, repudiated or denied. That principle was cherished, prose You say that " war without au idea is simply brutality.” I submit to your judgment, as a Christian man, whether war is redeemed of its brutality liv such an idea as you and your |K>litlcnl asso ciates entertain of its purposes, objects ami consequences. In all your acts and measures, and by all your speeches ami discussions, you express the idea that the logic of blown proves everything you choose to assert; that the successful in vasion (if one people hy another has the effect of destroying all natural right to, and all legal guarantees for, the file, lib erty and property of tlm people so inva ded and conquered; that alter a trial hy battle the victor may enter up and exe cute wluit judgment‘ho pleases against Ids adversary; that the crime which a weak community are guilty of when they attempt to defend their lives, their iirojiorty, and their families against invaders who come upon them to kill, destroy and subjugate them is so unpardonable that the whole body of the olH'iiders taken collectively, and all individuals who partake even pas sively of the sin, may justly lie devoted to death or such oilier punishment, hy wholesale or retail, as the strong power shall see proper to inflict; that the con queror, alter the war is over, may insist tlial the helpless and unarmed people, whom he has prostrated, shall assist him by not merely accepting, hut "adopting” (I use your own words) the measures In tended to degrade and rob them, and thus make himself master oi their souls as well as their bodies. All rights ol men are resolved hy this theory into the mights of ineii. I aver that this doctrine, iu all its length and breadth, is false and perni cious. It la the foundation on which all slavery rests, and the excuse for all Ibrius of tyrranny. It, has no support any sound rule of public law, and has never been acknowledged by wise tmills governments iu any age si advent of Christ. You can find thority for it, except in the examples of mon whoso names are given over to uui- Vei'sal execration. Mahomet assorted it when he forced Ills religion on the suli jugaled East, when churches were vio lently converted Into mosques, and the emblem of Christianity was trampled under loot, to he replaced hy the badge of the impostor. On the same prin ciple Poland was peril Honed, jiiul Ireland plundered a dozen times, The king of Dahomey acted up on it when ho sold his cap tives, and the mon of Massachusetts ’ dorsed it when tliqy look them in change for captives ot their own. Y . tint! your coiifreroM adapted il as a part of your political orood when, after the southern poople were thoroughly sub dued, you doniod them all rights of free- loriiup their society, abrogated all vTiTolf could protect them in person •orty, broke their local govern ami transmitled t their imitativ.* ap- or property, broke their local govern ments in pieces, mid put them under the doiiiiiialion of notorious thieves, whom you forced them to accept as their abso lute masters. The results of the war are no doubt very precious. The right to traffic ii llesh of Indians and negroes was precious to the yankecs and the king of Dahomey. I was the fruit of their wars. Hut it in either ease legitimate ? Your great reverence for the founders of your political school In MassachiiHetis, to say nothing of your reaped for the authority of tlm African princes, or your faith in Koran, will probably impcll you to stand up in favor of the “ideas” which yott have learned from them. Hut I think I can maintain Hie Christian law of liberty iu opposition to all your Mus sulman notions; lor (Jodis great, and Mahomet is not His prophet. Till: ( A NT OF THE 1*11 AltIHEH. It, would ho very unjust to deny that a great many men, from the earliest pe riod of our history, were sincerely op posed to African slavery, from motives of religion, benevolence and humanity. This sentiment was strong in the south s well as the north, and by none was it xpressed with more fervor than hy efforson himself, the. great apostle of omocriicy. Hut this concession can hardly he made to the political ulsili- lionistH. As an almost universal rule, the leaders of that seel were rilmld infi dels, and their conventicles teemed with the most shocking blasphemy. They : hy their own avowals, the most I barbarians of any age. Servile in surrection and a general butchery of the southern people was a part of their pro- i trie from the beginning. The leaders to n they gave llicir higliOHlndiniralion the men whose feet were t he swift- i running to shed innocent blood, ml woo their affections in Ills early mod by pioposing measures from which civil wsir would he sure to come, ind in which he promised that negroes thinild he incited to “ rise iu blackest in surrection.” They applauded John Itrowu to the echo for a series of the basest murders on record. They did not conceal their hostility to the federal and state governments, nor deny their enmity all laws which protected the liberties of white men. The constitution stood in their way, and they cursed it bitterly ; the bible was quoted against them, and they reviled God Almighty himself. I know I hat. the miydof man, likohis body, fearfully and wonderfully made; I derstand all the difficulty of analyzing human passions,and I admit we should not judge harshly of motives; but how these heartless oppressors of their own race could have any’care for the freedom of the negro passes my comprehension. Unless you can explain il otherwise, the judgment of history must inevitably be against the sincerity of their anti-slavery profession. In the pres ent aspect of the case seems impossible to believe that love of the negro was not assumed mere excuse for enslaving the white race, just as their ancestors put on till pretense of piety to gratify their uppo tite for the property and blood of better j people than themselves. You must pos- j Stivcly reconsider this subject before you I undertake again to present the aboli tionists to tne world in the respectable character of fanatics, f think you will j find that the crew of the Mayflower brought over and planted no “germ of an j idea” which lias flourished with more I vigor than their canting hypocrisy, j j fere let me say again, that the vices and wickedness of the Plymouth colo- I nists are not to 1k; visited on the heads of their children, according to the flesh. Among them, iu every part of the coun try, are great statesmen, brave soldiers, true servants of the church, and virtu ous, patriotic democrats, who are no more responsible IVir the crimes of their ancestors than a iieaeonblo Scotchman Is (or the raids and robberies which in past generations were committed by his clan upon the English holder. Hut you acknowledge that you get your political Ideas from them—you Isiast that your party has no doct rines of public law and no notions of public duty which were not planted at Plymouth. Therefore, it is not only proper, hut necessary, to show what tlioso doctrines and ideas were A FUNDAMENTAL UKHJHI.tCAN LAW. I pass now to a later period. You know that there were two radically dif ferent parties about the nature of our government; the north believing and holding that wo were a nation, the south insisting that wo wore only a confedera tion of sovereign states. It, Is not true that any sueh theoretical conflict ever existed between the sections. That the articles of confederation first, and the constitution afterwards, united the stales together l«*r certain purposes therein enumerated, and thus made us a nation among nations, was never denied that I know of hy any party. But UiIh national diameter was givon to the general government hy sovereign states who con federated togeth er for that purpose. They bestowed certain powers on the now political cor poration then created, and called it the United Stales of America, and they ex pressly reserved to themselves all the sovereign rights not granted in the char ter. Ilenioeralie statesmen had no theo ry about it. They saw their duty writ ten down in the fundamental law, they sworn to perform it, and they kept their oaths. They executed the powers of the general government in their whole con stitutional vigor, for that, as Mr. Jofler- son said, was “the shoot-anchor of our peace at home and our safety abroad,” and they carefully guarded tho rights of the states as the only security wo could have for a just administration of our do mestic aImirs. This was unlvoisally assented to as right and t rue. No counter theory was set up. Difference of con struction there might he, but all ad mitted that when the line of power was accurately drawn between the federal government and state sovereignty, the rights on one side were us snored ns those on the other. Hut within two or three years last past the low demagogues </l' your party have got to putting in their platforms the assertion that this is a nat ion and not a confederation. What do they mean ? What do you mean when you indorse and produce it? Do von deny that the states wore sovereign helbro they united ? Do” ’ »'•*■ Uioir HovofuigiU'jr wnouy mu^ut ... the federal government when they assented to the constitution ? Is the tenth amendment a more delusion ? Do you moan to assert that Iho stales luivo not now, and never had, any rights at all except what arc conceded to them at the mercy of tho " nation ? ” No doubt this new article was inserted in the creed of the abolitionists, kceuuso they supposed it would give a sort of plausibility to their violent Intervention with the in ternal affairs of the stales. Hut it is so false, so shallow, and so destitute ot all respectable authority that it imposes upon nobody^ HKCESKION A YANKEE PRODUCT. Asa part of this conflict of theories, and resulting from it, you describe the south as " Insisting that each slate had a light*, at its own discretion, to break the union, and constantly threatening secession, where tho full rights of sla- were not acknowledged.” In fact aiuf in truth secession, like slavery was first planted in Now England. There it and flourished and spread its branch- r over the land, long before it was thought of in the south, and long boforn “ the full rights of slavery” were called in question by anybody. Tho anti-doni- rats of that region, in former as well as latter Lim's, totally misunderstood the purposes for which tliis government was made. 'They regarded it as a mare commercial ochine, hy which they could make uch " giiyncfull pilladge,” if allowed to iu it their own way. When they were disappointed iu this hy certain perfectly just and constitutional regulations of llicir trade, which the common defense I general welfare made necessary, they immediately fell to plotting the dismeiu- icnt of the union. He fore IK07 they lized a conspiracy with the Hrilish miLlioriti<-s in Canada for the erection of New England into and a separate repub lic under Hrilish protection. (See Ca rey’s “Olive Hraneli ” and the Henry •oiMspondcnee.) Not long afterwards losiidi (Jniney, whose fidelity to the party which elected him was never doubled, formally announced in congress the intention of his state to leave the union, “ peaceably if she could, forcibly ' i* must.” 'Their hatred of the union depended, and their determination to break it up grew fiercer,as tho resolution of the democrats to maintain the indepen dence of tho country been to stronger. When tho war of 1812 began they were virtually out of the union, and remained out during the whole of that desperate struggle, not only refusing all assistance to carry it on, but helping the enemy in every possible way. It was while England had her tightest grasp on the throat of the nation that the Hartford convention was called to dismember it; and this, Mr. Jefferson says, they would have accomplished but for the battle of New Orleans and the peoco of Ghent. John Quincy Adams in 1839, and Abra ham Lincoln in 18*17, made elaboratcjar* gunicnt in favor of the legal right of a state to go out. 'The later abolitionists did not attempt to conceal their raneor ous hostility to the union. “ No union with slave-holders” was one of the watch-words, and down to the opening of tho war its destruction was the avowed object of their machinations. There is one conclusive proof of your enmity to the union, and that is your unwavering opposition to the constitu tion which held the states to gather. You know as well as 1 do how absurd it is to suppose that any men or party can support the union, and at the same time trample on the constitution; and you certainly are not ignoiant that you and your predecessors, from the cur liest times, have bet'll anti-constitutional iu all your proclivities. Contenipluos disregard of constitutional obligations is not now the mere germ of a doctrine; il is a part of your settled creed. Heforo the war, and since, you have trodden un der foot every provision contained in the great charter of our liherlics. I do not speak at random. I challenge you «lo designate a Mhgln constitutional right of the stales, or individuals, which you have not at some time, or in some way deliberately violated. I.AWLUH8NE8H AND " LOYALTY.” 'This contempt for the constitution this practical denial that an oath to support it Ih sacred, implies a disre gard of all laws, human and divine, and when adopted, it left nothing to guide you except the propensities, evil or good, of your natural hearts. Many of you (and notably you yourself) roulruetoil no individual guilt, because you wore too proud for jiotty larceny, too benevolent for high-handed jobbery, and too full of kindness to break wantonly into the tuhernnelo of human life. Hut, generally the moral principles of the ultra aboli tionists (if they ever had any) became so wholly perverted that they saw nothing wrong in the worst ofTenses that could he committed against their political oppo nents. In their eyes, theft and murder mil only lost their felonious character, but became meritorious, if tho victims lived south of Mason St Dixon’s line. When John Brown stolo horses in tho peace of Hod and tlm state of Missouri, lie was taking his"lawful booty; when he sneaked into a quiet Virginia village on a Sunday night and assassinated defense less citizens, he was a hero; when he died a folon's doath on tho scaffold, to which ho was justly condemned, ho be came a martyr. THE DEMOCRATS OF THE NORTH. You persist in misunderstanding tho uuU-hcmim attitude of the northern de mocracy. We stood steadfastly hy the union against all attempts of the New England party to break it up hy seces sion. Wo sustained tho constitution agaiimt tho ferocious nvsaults of the abo litionists; wo labored earnestly to save republican institutions from tho destruc tion with which t hey wore threatened hy you; and as long as tho southern people acted with us, wo gratefully accepted their aid in tho good work. Your a Vermont that tho democrat ie party desired the aggrandizement of slavery, and "yielded tliolrconsciences” on that subject to the south, is grossly unjust, if you mean to charge them with anything ‘more than a willingness to pro tect tho southern,as well as the northern mid middle states in tlio oxofolao of tliolr constitutional rights. Wo had disposed of .slavery within our own jurisdiction according to our sonso of sound policy mid iuntiM. But wo had inode un ox- . 'Vo iko with the other states to ion d ' :?*bonLrnl.of their domestic affairs to ^wmiselves. Wo kept our cov enant, simply because It would Mvoboon gross dishonesty to break it, The aboli tionists look adiireront view, and refused to keep the faith. They swore as sol emnly as wo did to observe the terms of the bargain, but according to their code it was a sin not to violate it. The fact is true that wo did not think it right to cut the throats, or shoot, or strangle the men or women of the south for believing iu negro slavery; hut that is no justification of your mwortion that wo yielded our consciences to them. • Again: You charge us (the northern democracy) with having given had advice to tlio southern people. Ibis consisted, my, in assuring them that if they seceded, we would take their partaguinst any attempt to force them back again into the union. This is a gross error, and you will see it when I recall your attention to the facts. In all our exhor tations to southern men against seces sion wo were met by the expression of their fear that tho abolitionists intended, in any event, to invade and slaughter them. Homo reason for this apprehen sion was given hy tho ficreo threats of your leading men, and CHpooially by your almost universal admiration of Brown for his raid into Virginia. Cer tain democrats (and very good men, tno) did then declare that a lawless expedi tion intended for purposes of more pillage could not and should not he started in the north, without sueh opposition as would ellectually stop it. But this was e secession, and it was Intended to >nt that movement, not to encour- nK< You can not, with any show of justice, deny that devotion to the union was one of the strongest feelings in the heart ol the northern democracy. Wchnd always deprecated a separation from the south- states with so much earnestness that of the opprobrious epithets you be stowed on us was that of “ union saverH. 'l ids was not a mere sentiment of admi ration or gratitude to the great sun thorn men who had led us through the perils of tlio revolution,nettled our institutions, and given our country Hh high place in Ih • estimation of the world. Wo felt all this! hut wo felt much more. 1 ho pres ervation of the union was to us an absolute necessity. It was indispensable to the security of our lives, our personal liberty, and our plainest rights of prop erty. How true this was at all times, and especially in I860, you will see if von reflect a moment on our situation at thu. Ximo. THE ADVENT OF RADICALISM. The aliolitionists were coming into power. I m cd not say hy what combina tion of imposture and accident they irol it. All tin' northern ttlni™ iih well nn lilt! federal |>overiraient tell into their hands. No doubt their dis like of southern people was very great; but northern democrats were objects oI their special malignity. Long before that time, and over since, this sentiment has lieen expressed in words and nets too plain to bo misunderstood. You show how strong it is in your heart when you tell southern men (and you do tell them so iu this very speech) that you honor them ten thousand times more than democrats of the north. Remember, in addition to this, that the leading abolitionists ac knowledged no law which might Hand in the way of their interests or their pas- sions. 'Against anybody else the consti tution of the country would have been a protection. Hut they disregarded its limitations, and had not scruples about «wearin? to sumxirl it with a predeter mination to violate it. We had been well warned by all the men best entitled Conchukd on Fourth J‘uge>