Newspaper Page Text
VOL. XXIII.-ND. 88.
The CartersviHe Express,
Established Twenty Years.
Rates and terms.
SUBSCRIPTIONS.
One copy one year ?1 r.O
One copy six months 7*
One copy three months.... 50
Payments invariably in advance.
ADVEKTSIINO RATES.
Advertisements will he insertdl at the rates
of One Dollar per inch for the first insertion,
aild Fifty Cents for each additional insertion.
Address S. A. CUNNINGHAM.
■■■" * ' ■" ■ ■—' J
BAttTOW COUNTY—OFFICIAL DIRECTORY.
County Officers.
Ordinary—J. A. Howard—Ollice, court h ouse.
Sheriff—Jas. Kennedy.
deputy sheriff—A. M . Franklin,
Clerk ol Superior Court—Thos. A. Word.
Treasurer—Humphrey Cobh.
Tax Collector—W. W. Rich.
Tax Receiver—W. W. Ginn.
Commissioners—J. H. Wikle, secretary; A.
llnight; W. I. Denham ; A. (J. Trimble; T.
C. Moore.
CITY OFFICERS—CARTERSVILLE.
Mayor—R. B. Trippe.
Board of Aldermen—J. C.Woffford, E. Payne;
L A. Chapman, A. E. Barron; Jno. A. Stover,
M. H.Gilrcath; W. (3. Edwards, R. W. Satter
field.
Clerk—George Cobb.
Treasurer—Benjamin F. Mountcastle.
Marshals--. John A. Gladden, James I>. Wil
kerson.
CHURCH DIRECTORY.
Methodist—Rev. P. M. ltyburn, pastor.
Pleaching every Sunday at 11 o’clock a. m. and
8 o’clock, p. m. Sunday school every Sunday at
9 o’clock a. m. Prayer meeting on Wednesday
night*
a icabyterian--Rcv. Theo. E. Smith, pastor.
Preaching every Sunday at 11 o’clock, a. m.
Sunday school every -Sunday at 9 o’clock.
Prayer meeting on Wednesday night.
Baptist—Rev. R. B. Headen, pastor. Preach
ing every Sunday at 11 o’clock, a. m., and 8 p.
m. Sunday school every Sunday at 9 o’clock,
Prayer meeting on Wednesday night.
Episcopal—A. W. Rees, Rector. Services oc
casionally.
SECRET SOCIETIES.
STAR LODGE, No. 322. I, O. G. T. Meets at
their hall oyer J. W. Jackson’s store, every
Thursday night.
CIIAS. E. HA BIGHT, W. C. T.
W. R. Shockley, Secretary.
A K.NIGHTS OF HONOR*
Bartow Cos. Lodge, No. 148, meets
every Ist and 3rd Monday night
Carry’s Hail, east side of the
*- Tty square, Cartersville, Ga.
W. L. Kirkpatrick, A. C. Smith,
Reporter. Dictator
American legion of honor, carters
yille Council, No. 152, meets every second
and fourth Monday nights in Curry’s hail.
Geo. S Cobb, J, W. Harris, Jr.,
Secretary. Com m under.
POST OFFICE DIRECTORY.
Mails North open 7:30 am 4:52 pm
Mails South open 10:10 a m 9:04 p m
Cherokee R. R. open 6:55 p m
Mails North close 7:OU a m 4:00 p m
Hails South close 9:45 a m B:3U p m
jherokee RR. close 1 :30 a m
Reck Mail, via Fail-mount,
leaves Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays at
5:00 am. Arrives Mondays, Wednesdays and
Fridays at 5:00 p in.
Money Order and Registered Loiter
Office open from 8:45 amtos pm.
General Delivery open from 8 a m to 6
pm, Open on Sunuay from 9am to 10:30 am.
J. R. VYIKLE, P. Al.
WESTERN & ATLANTIC R. R.
ON AND AFTER June 20th, 1880, trains on
this road will run as follows:
northward!
STATIONS, j No. 1. j No. 3, | No. 11. | \^ u -
Atlanta, 2 50pm 5 20am 7 50am 5 10pm
Marietta, 3*5 “ 6 06 “ 8 43 “ 6 09 “
Carte vs Ve 430 “ 723 “ 940 “ 722 “
Kingston, 500 “ 761“i10 18 “ 800 “
Dalton, 628 “ 9 20“ 12 03pm'
Chatta’ga. 825 “ 10 56 “ I 140 “ _•
_ eoU’MIWARIJt *
stations, j No. 23 j .No. 4, Ny. 0,
Chatta’ga. 5 25pm 7 05am 0 45am
Dalton, * 7)5“ 837 -. 1013 “
Kingston, 843 “ 10 16 “ 107 pm 5 30am
Carters v’e 907 “ .10 46 “ 202 “ 604 “
Marietta, 1012“ 1151“ 429 “ 733 “
Atlanta, 1100 “ |l2 40pm 615 “ .850 “
CHEROKEE RAILROAD.
ON AND AFTER Monday,September 6,1880,
trains on this road will run daily, except
Sunday, as follows:
WESTWARD.
STATIONS. NO. 1. NO. 3.
Leave Cartersville, 9:50 am 2:30 pm
Arrive ac Stilesboro 10:30 a m 3:10 p m
“ Taylorsville... 11:50 a m 3:30 pm
• Itock mart 11:45 am 4:35 pm
“ Cedar town .... 1:15 pm 6:00 p m
EASTWARD.
ST ATIONS. NO. 2. NO. 4.
Leave Cedartown 3:25 pin 6:30 a m
Arrive at Rockmart 4:28 pin 8:25 a m
“ Taylorsville... 5:22 pin 9:50 a m
*• Stilesboro 5:47 p m 11:35 a m
“ Cartersville.... 6:30 pm 12:20 pm
ROMS RAILROAD COMPANY.
On and after Monday, Nov. IT, trains on this
Road will run as follows:
MORNING TRAIN —EVERY DAY.
Leaves Rome 6.30 a m
Arrives at Rome 10.00 a m
EVENING TRAIN—SUNDAYS EXCEI'TED.
Leaves Rome 5:00 am
Arrives at Rome ■ 8:00 p m
Roth trains will make connection at Kings
ton with trains on the W. and A. Railroad, to
and from Atlanta and points South.
Eben Uillyer, Pres.
Jas. A. Smith, G. P. Agt.
TANARUS, W. MILNER. J. w. HARRIS, JR.
a ii %itit is,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
Office on West Main street, above Erwin.
~X7w.’fiteT"
ITTORHEY IT LAW,,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.,
Office: —With Col. A. Johnson, West side
public square. When not at office, can be found
at office of Carters rill e Expu. 8, Opera House.
NT. JAKE HOT K 1.,
(CARTERS VILLI, E Oil,) __
The undresigned has recently
taken charge ol' this elegant new hotel. It
has been newly furnished and is first-class in
all respects,
SAMPLE ROOM FOR COMMERCIAL TBAVELEIiS.
1' avorable terms to traveling tfieatrical cO*-
cotnpanics. L. C. 11088. Proprietor,
NATTokaL lIOTK J.,
DALTON, GA.
J. Q. A. LE'Wiis, Proprietor.
mUE ONLY' FIRST CLASS HOTEL IN TIIE
X City. Large, well ventilatw*! rooais,splen
did sample rooms for commercial travelers,
polite waiters and excellent pure water.
Rates moderate, sepltßf
FOR THE SENATE.
General Lawton Called Upon to State
His Relation to the Political Is
sues Before the Country
—His Charges Against
Governor Brown Fully
Refuted.
Atlanta, September 28, 1880.
To TITE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA :
1 notice by the newspapers that
General A. 11. Lawton, of Savannah,
is engaged in an active canvass of the
state as a candidate against me for
election to the United States senate
when our legislature convenes.
It was natural to expect that a
candidate for United States senator,
addressing the people in the different
counties and sections of the state in
his own behalf, would map out
some line of policy intended to be
pursued by him if he should be
elected. If General Lawton has pur
sued this course 1 have failed to see
any account ot it in the newspapers.
Where does he stand on the currency
question? Is he in favor of gold
and silver as legal tender to the
bondholders arid to the people; or
is he in favor of a paper currency ;
and with what guarantees? How
will he vote on a modification of the
tariff? What is his position on the
improvement of the rivers and har
bors of our state ? Will he, if elect
ed to go to the United States senate,
make a few Bourbon speeches in ref
erence to the position and doctrines
of the south in the past, or will he
assume a progressive position and la
bor in a practical way to secure for
the state of Georgia, while her peo
ple bear their proportion of the bur
dens of the government, a just dis
tribution among them of its benefits?
Will he seek to build up the waste
places, to open new channels of com
munication by the removal of ob
structions where they now exist in
our vast forests, so as to encourage
the transportation of our timber, our
turpentine and other productions to
the markets of the world? Will he
labor to improve the inland channels
of navigation within our borders?
Will he aid in the passage of a bill
to pension tbe soldiers of the Mexi
can and Indian wars? And can he
exercise that sort of fact, common
sense and talent necessary to make
his efforts a success in behalf of our
people? Will ho aid in the great
cause of popular education? Hoe?
he believe, since the colored people
are made citizens with all the rights
of c lizenship, that it is the duty of
the white people to aid in making
them the best citizens in our power?
Does he believe as slavery was abol
ished by the action of the whole un
ion to aid in the education of the
colored people of the south? And
will he do all in his power if elected
to the senate to have the proceeds of
the public lands set apart as a per
manent fund for the education of the
people, to be distributed among Ih
states in proportion to the illiteracy
of the people of the different states ?
Will lie aid to the full extent ot his
power and in such manner as to
make his efforts of practical utility,
in passing through congress sucli leg
islation as is necessary to promote
the great cause of popular education?
On all of these questions my posi-
tions has been communicated to the
public. But in reference to them
and to others that might be of im
portance to the people of our state,
ttie general has been, if correctly re
ported studiously sileut. lie has
committed himself to no line of pol
icy. He has given our people no
promise of relief as the result of his
labors if he should be seut to lepre
sent our state in the highest branch
of our national councils.
But what is the platform laid
down by General Lawton upon
which he has made his cauvass of
the state as a candidate for senator?
All 1 have seen is that Alfred H.
Colquitt is a weak man, incompetent
to the discharge of the duties of gov
ernor of this state ; and that I am a
man of ability, but lacking in char
acter, and au arch traitor. I do not
know whether General Lawton’s
speeches have been correctly repor
ted, but the reports have gone to the
world and I have seen no correction
of them from him. I must therefore
take it for granted that he approves
of the report giveu to the public. In
his speech at Macon, if correctly re
ported, he mentions me as that arch
traitor aud in his speech at Augusta,
in in ferring to me, he is reported to
have said, “I hold that in political
life, ability is necessary.: but charac
ter is one hundred times above, and
must always be considered injg>ed)e :
stowal of an office.” In’other words,
ho admits my anility and assails my
CARTERSVILLE, GA., THURSDAY", OCTOBER 7, 1880.
character. That is a question that it
may be considered indelicate for me
! to discuss with General Lawton. But
as the assault is made in this shape,
by a man aspiring to the high office
of United States senator, I may be
pardoned for saying, tnat if meeting
every obligation, and the prompt
compliance with every promise,
dealing justly and fairly with every
human being, and the prompt pay
merit of every indebtedness when
due; exercising charity to ihe needy
and the prompt relief of the suffering
when in my power; discharging
faithfully every public trust commit
ted to me, and the exercise of vigi
lance for the promotion of the public
good ; posessing the nervo and in
dependence to tel! the people who
had honored me the truth when the
truth was unpopular; and the mor
al courage to labor for their good
when my motives were misunder
stood and my conduct misrepresen
ted ; practicing a morality which de
fies successful attack ; and the faith
ful discharge of every duty, public
and private, to the best ot my ability
constitute character, then, and I say
it in no boastful spirit, I shrink not
from a comparison with my oppo
nent who makes himself my assail
ant nor with any one else who as
sumes the role of my calumniator.
And I say to General Lawton, de
fame not an opponent who stands in
the way of your ambition, by deal
ing in generalities; make charges
and specifications which you are pre
pared to sustain; or have the man
liness to retract and make repara
tion as far as you may for the wrong
you have attempted to perpetrate.
In the language of my opponent,
who like the Pharisee of old, would
seem to thank his God that he i3 not
like other men, I am not only a man
of ability and of “talent” “wonder
ful talent,” but lam an “arch trai
tor.” Traitor to what? When did
I betray a cause, a friend, or a trust
of any kind? When did I mislead a
friend or practice deception upon
any one? Here again my accuser is
careful to make no specifications.
True, he refers to 18G8, in general
terms, as is usual with tho-e of my
assailants who unable to see the end
from the beginning, and destitute of
the moral firmness required to step
into the breach and strive to correct
erroneous popular sentiment, chose
to float with the current and while
pandering to the angry passions of
the misguided multitude sought to
increase the applause ot their delu 1
ed associates by denouncing as trai
tois those who had the sagacity to
discern and the honesty to tell them
the truth.
But how did I betray the people
of Georgia in ISG7-8 ? I told them
that the war party in a great revo
lution like that we had just passed
through, when the war was success
ful, would control the government
for a long term of years. Has it
been true? Was I right?
I told our people that the party of
the majority had the power to en
force tbe reconstruction acts and the
thirteenth and fourteenth constitu
tional amendments; and that how
ever hard the terms dictated by out
conquerors might be, we would be
compelled to accept them; that
there was no escape from it. Was I
right? Have we accepted the re
construction acts and the thirteenth
and fourteenth constitutional amend
ments? Do we not even vie with
the republicans now in our loyalty
to these measures and in our prom
ises not to interfere with them? Was
Ia traitor when I told the people the
truth and predicted that which has
come to pass ?
In 1867 I told the people of Geor
gia that if we refused to accept the
terms then dictated and to adopt the
fourteenth constitutional amend
ment, still farther terms would be
dictated, and we would be compell
ed to accept them. Was I right?
We lejected tbe fourteenth amend
meat, and congress then dictated the
fifteenth amendment, and we were
obliged to adopt both beforo we
were admitted back' to representa
tion in congress. We did adopt
them both. Who, then, was right.
I or my opponent who acted on the
other'side? He, and those with
whom he then acted, cried peace
without compliance, and there was
no peace. They misled the people
with the delusive hope that we could
disregard the constitutional amend
ments and return to the union with
out their adoption. Results have
shown that they were false prophets.
yy*s L a traitor to Georgia, or to the
south, because t foresaw the results
and warned our people of the conse-
quences? I leave the intelligent vo
ters of Georgia to decide.
But I did not act with the demo
cratic party in 1868. No I did no".
I never in .any instance failed tjo
vote and act with the democratic
party when it stood on the platform
it occupied prior to the war; and I
have never ill any instance failed to
vote and act with the democratic
party when it stood on the plat
form it now occupies. In IBGB it
stood on neither platform. At that
time its platform was revolutionary
and meant resistenct to the reeon
stuetion acts. It nominated Gener
al Blair for vice-president because he
had written and published a letter
declaring the reconstruction acts un
constitutional, null and void; and
had taken the position that
the president ought so to
declare them and to refuse to exe
cute them. I considered this, under
the circumstances, an insane plat
form, and as I foresaw very clearly
that the reconstruction acts mu9t un
doubtedly be enforced, and that any
attempt to resist them w’ould end in
revolution and in another civil war
in which we would be obliged again
to fall, I took position In favor of ac
cepting the reconstruction acts and
adopting the constitutional amend
ments, and I supported the candi
date who stood on that platform.
Upon this issue I supported Govern
or Bullock in opposition to General
Gordon, who ran as the candidate
opposed to the reconstruction meas-
ures.
But it is charged that I accepted
office under Bullock’s administration .
That is true; I accepted the position
of chief justice of the supreme court
of my state under that administra
tion and the Hon. Hiram Warner
accepted the position of associate jus
tice. We sat side by side on that
bench, both held commission from
from Bullock until I retired from
the bench and left Judge Warner
there holding Bullock’s commission
while Bullock was yet governor.
My opponent lauds Judge Warner
as one who has served the state for
fourscore years, has no taint upon
his ermine and no blot upon his es
cutcheon. If Warner could accept
and hold office under Bullock’s ad
ministration without the slightest
stain, why should I be branded as a
traitor for having accepted a position
by his side and held it under the
same administration?
But my accusers say I voted for
Grant in 1868. That is true. At
the time I voted for General Grant
he had never in his life cast any but
a democratic vote. He was a mili
tary chieftain, and the very fact that
he had received the sword of Gener
al L j e at the surrender gave him, in
the estimation of the people of the
United States, a right to the presi
dency. Opposition to him, as I then
predicted, and as results have shown,
was obliged to be fruitless. Toe re
publican party, as the war party,
were the conquerors. We were tlie
conquered. And, if the whole peo
ple of the south, and, indeed, of the
whole union, had acted as I did and
taken up Grant and voted for him
without making an issue with him,
and had at once accepted the recon
struction acts and adopted constitu
tional amendments, the southern
states would have been re-admitted
to representation in congress without
delay, and we should have gone
through none of the period of carpet
bag rule, which-has been so trying
to our people. Having surrendered
our arms, we were no longer able to
make an effective resistance and by
a prompt acquiescence ih the terms
dictat’d by the conqueror, we
would have at once resumed our po
sition in the union ..with representa
tion in congress.
At the end of four years, it is not
improbable that General Grant, a
life long democrat, would have ac
cepted his second nomination from
the democratic party, and not from
the republican. But if he had not,
there was ample time during that
period for the allignmentof parties
upon the great practical national i9-
su s which divide the people in
times of peace. If this course had
been adopted, the “bloody shirt”
would no longer have waved, and
there is no room for reasonable doubt
that the democracy would, years
ago, have gone into power and taken
control of the destinies of the gov
ernment.
But let us trace the history a little
further. In 1868, when I voted for
Grant, the then so called democratic
party, which.stood neither upon the
old democratic platform nor upon
the present democratic platform, re-
fused ,to vote ior hint, and made the
issqe squarely against the reeonstruc
tion measufi Sand the constitution
ality of the amendments. Finding
that they had made a great mistake,
in IS72—ju-t lour years too late—
they retraced their steps and adopted
a platform, acquiescing in the recon
struction acts and the constitutional
amendments to the fullest extent ;
and they nominated as their candi
date, not General Grant, a life-long
democrat, nor any other democrat,
but Horace Greeiy, a life-long ene-
my of the democracy, whq. had done
more to build up the abolition party
in the north—to create abolition sen
timent, and to bring about the di
vision which ended in the disrup
tion of the union and the abolition
of slavery, than any man npon the
American continent. Yes, they
nominated Horace Greeiy, who nev
er cast a democratic vote in his life,
and they placed him upon a plat
form ; accepting tiie reconstruction
acts and the constitutional amend
ments ; and my opponent, I pre
sume, voted for him. If he did not,
the democratic party voted for him,
and voted for him upon a platform
identical in principle with the one I
stood on in 1868. If then I was a
traitor to the cause of the south when
I voted for Grant, a life-long demo
crat, in 1868, were not the whole
south traitors when they voted for
Greeiy upon the reconstruction plat
form in 1872? Did I betray the
democracy and abandon the princi
ples of the party ? No. The so-call
ed democracy of 1868 abandoned the
platform of principles upon which
it had previously stood, and went off
upon an issue which was not main
tainable and upon which success was
an impossibility. In 1872, seeing the
awkward dilemna in which they
were placed, and the hopelessness of
their cause on their platform, they
abandoned it, and came and planned
themselves upon the reconstruction
platform which I had occupied in
1868 and nominated Greeiy as their
standard-bearer. I did not abandon
the position I had previously taken,
because the democracy came to me.
But I hade them welcome, and, ob
jeetionable as was their candidate, I
supported him, because he was the
democratic nominee upon the recon
struetion platform which I bad occu
pied four years before. Was this
treason to Georgia?—to the south?—
or to my party ?
But let us draw the contrast a little
furt her. In 1868 the substance of the
democratic platform, including Gen
eral Blair’s letter as a part of it, was
that the reconstruction acts and pro
posed constitutional amendments
were unconstitutional, null and void.
In 1872, the democratic platform
accepts the reconstruction acts, ard
the pariy pledges itself not to dis
tjrbthtm. In 1876, when Tilden
wis nominated the democratic con
vention of the union resolved that
they were devoted to the constitu
tion with tie amendments. And in
1880, General Hancock, as the stand
ard bearer of the democracy, in his
letter of acceptance, says: “The
thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth
amendments to the constitution of
the United States, embodying the
results of the war for the union, are
inviolable. If called to the presiden
cy, I shall deem it my duty to resist,
with all my power, any attempt to
impair or evade tlie fall force and ef
fect of the constitution, which, in
every article, section and amend
ment, is the supreme law Uw of the
land.” My opponent was in the
convention that nominated Hancock
and voted for him and to-day advo
cates his eUcrion upon this very let
ter of acceptance. Who, then, has
proven traitor ? I, who accepted
What General Hancock says embod
ies the results of the war, in 1868,
and who stand there to-day ?—or my
opponent who then weut with the
party which stood upon a platform
denying these results of the war, and
pronouncing them “unconstitutional,
null and void,” but who has now
abandoned that platform and c >rae
over to the one I occupied in 1838?
Who has proven untrue to his plat
form of 1868? I or my opponent?
Have I gone to his platform of 1868,
or has lie come to mine?
Artful politicians may mislead the
people for a time, and by pandering
to their prejudices and giving them
bad advice because, it is popular,
cause them to err. But the great
mass of the peonle are hones’, and
while they may sometimes be misled,
yet when you give them time they
wili come to correct conclusions, and
they will honor those who have been
faithful to them and told them the
S. A. CUNNINGHAM.
truthTn the hoar of adversity, while
they will turn a deaf ear to the
ravings of those who misled and de
ceived them with false promises and
hopes in the time of their
greatest p-ril.
General Lawton seems to think
tly* way to baild himself is to
attempt to pull down his opponent.
Detraction, therefore, becomes one of
the principle weapons of his war
fare, He refers to my speech in the
senate, and while he admits what he
is pleased to term my ability and
“wonderful talent,” he finds nothing
in the speech to commend. He says
he was in Washington at the time
and heard the speeches, and it is only
necessary to stick a pin in my balloon
for it to collapse forever. I confess
my surprise at this statement of my
opponent. My speech on the Savan
uah harbor bill was commenced on
the first day ot June and completed
on the second. My speech upon the
pension bill was delivered on the 12th
of June. The general is reported say
ing he heard the speeches. He must
have remained nearly two weeks in
Washington to have heard them all;
or he mu9t have been there and heard
the first, and then retired and re„
turned in time to hear the second. It
was my misfortune not to seeGeneial
Lawton in the gallery when the
speeches were delivered; nor did I
see him in the capital while I was
there; and if he was even in Wash
ington city during the time of my
stay I did not have the pleasure to
meet him. I trust, however, in the
future he may frequently have the
the honor to be in the senate gallery
to hear me speak. When not a can
didate I think he would have a bet
ter opinion of my speeches.
As already stated the pension speech
was delivered on the 12th of June.
On the 14th of June he sent me a dis
patch from Atlanta urging my sup
port of a measure in which I under
stand a relative of his in Baltimore
was greatly interested; and asking
me to enlist Senator Bayard, Jones,
Hampton, Random and other friends
in the senate, in favor of his meas
ure. If the general was there two
days before, and heard my speech
in the senate, it is a little remarkable
he did not then visit me, and lay
before me the wishes of his relative
and of the friends whom ho repre
sented. And if I have as little posb*
tion in the senate as he would make
you believe, why did he ask me to
enli9t such senators a3 those above
named in behalf of his favorite
measure?
Referring to the appropriation for
Savannah, he says “the bill had
passed before Brown took his seat.”
This is not true; the bill passed after
I took my seat, for I voted upon its
passage.
Again he says of my pension
speech, “the northern papers laugh
and say Brown killed the bill.”
What northern paper laughed at it
and said I killed it? Here again he
deals in generalities, and doe3 not
deign to give facts or to be specific.
It has been the observation of writers
on the law of evidence, that he who
comes into court to misrepresent, is
apt to be very general in his state
ments. If any northern papers has
said that I killed the pension bill, it
spoke as my opponent seems to speak,
in utter ignorance of the facts, or
with a purpose to misrepresent The
bill was taken up at the Instance of
Senator William?, of Kentcky, who
had it in charge, and was discussed
during one afternoon and went over.
The next morning the business of the
morning hour took precedence, and
on account of the near approach of
the adjournment of the senate, the
bill was not again taken up for dis
cussion. There are a number of
other senators who expect to be heard
on it when it is reached in its order
on the calendar. It stands there to
day, as some thousands of other bills
stand, many of which have been
partially discussed, but are yet undis
posed of, to be passed upon in its or
der at the session commencing in
December next. No vote has been
taken upon the bill. Only part of
the senators who desire to speak
have been heard on this unfinished
business.
But I do not care further to notice
General Lawton’s misrepr* senta
tions, quibblings and special plead
ings upon this point. Many of the
intelligent voters of Georgia have
had an opportunity to read my
speeches and I leave them to judge
as to their ability, and whether they
were practical and such as the people
of Georgia desired their represent
atives to make. Did I place the har
bor of Savannah properly before the
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