Newspaper Page Text
HANCOCK TO SHERMAN 1
IVOItDS tVOUT;I\ or TIIE ' HEAT SOLDiEII
STATESM AN.
New Youk, Jtily 31.—The World, to
morrovr, will put lisli the following. This
letter vv;u written in reply to two letters on
the situation received from Gen. Sherman :
Cauondelet, i\ 0.. St. Louis. Decem
ber 28, 187 G .—My Dear General: Your
favor of tho 4t!i instant reached ine in New
York on the sth. the day before 1 left for the
west. I intended to reply to it before leaving,
but cares incident to my departure interfered.
Then, again, since my arrival here I have
been so occupied with personal affairs of a
business nature that I have deferred writing
from day to day until this moment, and now
I find myself in debt to you another letter.
In acknowledgment of your favor of the 17th,
received a few days since, I have concluded
to leave here on the 29th (to morrow evening),
so that I may be expected in New York on
the 31st inst. It has been cold and dreary
since my arrival hero. I have worked “ like
a Turk” (I presume that moans hard work)
in the country in making fences, cutting down
trees, repairing buildings, &c., &c., and ain
at least able to say that St. Louis is the
coldest place in the winter and it is the hottest
in summer of any that I have encountered in
a temperate zone. I have known St. Louis
in December to have genial weather through
out Lite month. This December has been
friged and the river has been frozen more
solid than I hayp ever known it. When I
heard the rumor that I was ordered to the
Pacific coast I thought it probably true ; con
sidering the past discussion on that subject,
the possibiltiea seemed to me to point that
way. Had it been true I should, of course,
have presented no complaint nor made re
sistance of any kind. I would have gone
quickly, if not prepared to go promptly. I
certainly would have been relieved from the
responsibility and anxieties concerning presi
dential matters, which may fall to those near
the throne, or in authority, within the next
four months, as well as from other incidents
or matters which I could not control, and
action concerning which I might not approve.
I was not exactly prepared to go to Hie Pacific,
however, and I, therefore, felt relieved when
I received your note informing me that there
was no truth in the rumors. Then I did not
wish to appear to lie escaping from any re
sponsibilities and the possible dangers which
may cluster around military commanders in
the east, especially in the critical period fast
approaching. “ All’s well that ends well.”
The whole matter of the presidency seems to
me to be simple and to admit of a peaceful
solution. The machinery for such a con
tingency as threatens to present itself has
been all carefully prepared. It only requires
lubrication, owing to disuse. The army
should have nothing to do with the election
or the inauguration of Presidents. The people
elect the President and Congress declares in
joint session who he is. We of the army have
only to obey his mandates, and are protected
in so doning only so far as they may be lawful.
Our commissions express that. I like Jef
ferson’s way of inauguration. It suits our
system. He rode alone on horseback to the
capitol (I fear it was the old capitol), tied his
horse to a rail fence, entered and was duly
sworn ; iie then rode to the executive mansion
and took possession. He inaugurated
himself simply by taking the oath of office.
There, is no other inauguration in our system.
The people or politicians may institute
parades in honor of the event and public
officials may add to the pageant by assembling
troops and banners, but all that only comes
properly after the inauguration, not before.
And it is not a part of it. Our system does
not provide that one President should inaugu
rate another. There might be danger in that,
and it was studiously left out of the charter.
Put you are placed in an exceptionally im
portant position in connection with coming
events. The capitol is my jurisdiction also,
but l am a subordinate and not on the spot,
and if I wore, so, also, would be my superior
in authority, for there is the station of general
in-chicf. On the principle that a regularly
elected President's term of oilicc expires with
the third of March (of which I have not the
slightest doubt) and which the laws bearing
on the subject uniformly recognize, and in
consideration of the possibility t‘:at the law
fully elected President may not appear until
the sth of March a great responsibility may
necessarily fall upon you. You hold over.
You will have power and prestige to support
yon. The Secretary of War, too, probably
holds over, but if no President appears he may
not be able to exercise functions in the name
of the President, tor iris proper nets are those
of a known superior—a lawful President.
You act on your own responsibilty and by
virtue of a commission only restricted t;>' law.
The Secretary of War is tiie mouth piece of a
President. You are not. If neither can
didate has a constitutional majority of the
electoral college, or the Senate and House,
on the occasion of the count, do not unite in
declaring some person legally elected, by the
people, there is a lawful machinery already
provided to meet that contingency and decide
the question peacefully. It has not been
recently used, no occasion presenting itself,
but our forefathers provided it. It has been
exercised and has been recognized and sub-
mitted to as lawful on every hand. That
machinery would probably elect Mr. Tilden
President, and Mr. Wheeler Vice-President.
That would be right enough, for the law
provides that a failure to eieet duly by the
people, the House shall immediately elect a
President and the Senate a Vice-President.
.Some tribunal must decide whether the people
have duly elected a President, i presume,
or course, that it is a joint affirmative action
of the Senate and House, or why are they
present to witness the count if not to sec that
it is fair and just? If a failure to agree
arises between the two bodies, there can be
no lawful affirmative decision that the people
have elected a President and the House must
then proceed to act, not the Senate. The
Senate elects the Vice-Presidents, not Presi
dents. Doubtless, in case of failure by the
House to elect a President by the fourth of
March, the President of the Senate (if there
be one) would be the legitimate person to
exercise the presidential authority for the
time being, or until the appearance of a lawful
President, or for the time laid down in the
constitution. Such courses would be peace
ful, and, i have a firm belief, lawful. I have
no doubt Gov. Hayes would make an excellent
President. I have met him and know ol him.
For a brief period he served under my com
mand, but as the matter stands I can’t see
any likelihood of his being duly declared
elected by the people unless the Senate and
House come to be in accord as to that fact,
and the House would, of course, not other
wise elect him. What the people want is a
peaceful determination of this matter; as
fair a determination as possible and a lawful
or.e. No other determination could stand
the test. The country, if not plunged into a
revolution, would become poorer day by day,
business would languish and our bonds would
come Dune to find a depreciated market. I
was not in favor of the military action in
South Carolina recently, and if Gen. Huger
had telegraphed to me, or asked for advice,
I would have advised him not, under any
circumstances, to allow himself or hU troop3
to determine who were the lawful members
of a Slate Legislature. I could not have
given him better advice than to refer him to
the special message of the President in the
case of Louisiana some time before. But in
South Carolina he had the question settled by
a decision of the Supreme Court of the State
—the highest tribunal which had acted on tlie
question—so that his line of duty seemed
even to be clearer than in the action in the
Louisiana case. If the Federal court had in,
terfered and overruled the decision of the
State court, there might have been a doubt
certainly, but the Federal courtonly interfered
to complicate, not to decide or overrule. Any
how, it is no business of the army to enter
upon such questions, and even if it might be
so in any event, if the civil authority is su
preme, as the constitution declares it to be,
the South Carolina case was one in which the
army had a plain duty. Had Gen. Huger
asked me for advice, and if I had given it, I
should, of course, have notified you of my
action immediately, so that it could have been
promptly overruled if it should have been
deemed advisable by you or any other su
perior in authority. Gen. Huger did not ask
for nip advice, and I inferred from that and
other facts that he did not desire it, or that
being in direct communication with my
military superiors at the seat of government,
who were nearer to him in time and distance
than I was, lie deemed it unnecessary. As
Gen. Huger had the ultimate responsibility
of action, and bad really the greater danger
to confront in the final action in the matter,
I did not venture to embarrass him by sug
gestions. lie was a department commander,
and tiie lawful head of the military adminis
tration within the limits of the department,
but, besides, I knew that he had been called
to Washington for consultation before taking
command, and was probably aware of the
views of the administration as to-the civil
affairs in his command. 1 knew that he was
in direct communication with my superiors
in authority in reference to the delicate sub
jects presented for his consideration, or had
ideas of his own which he believed to be
sufficiently in accord with the views of our
common superiors to enable him to act intelli
gently, according to his judgment and with
out suggestions from those not on the spot
and not as fully acquainted with all the facts
as himself. He desired, too, to be free to act,
as he had eventual greater responsibility,
and so the matter was governed as between
him and myself. As I have been writing
thus freely 7 to you, I may still further unbosom
myself by stating that I have not thought it
lawful or wise to use federal troops in such
matters as have transpired east of the Mis
sissippi within the last few months, save so
far as they may be brought into action un
der an article of the constitution which con
templates meeting armed resistance or in
vasion of a State more powerful than the
State authorities can subdue by ordinary
processes, and then only when requested by
the Legislature, or if it could not be convened
in session, by the Governor, and when the
President of the United States intervenes in
that manner it is a State of war—not peace.
The army is laboring under disadvantages,
and has been used unlawfully at times, in the
judgment of the people (in mine certainly),
and we have lost a great dealof kindly feeling
which the community at large once felt for
us. It is time to stop and unload. Officers
in command of troops often find it difficult to
act wisely and safely when their superiors in
authority have different views of law from
theirs, and when legislation has sanctioned
the action seemingly in conflict with the
fundamental law, and they generally defer to
the known judgment of their superior officers
of the army. They are so regarded in such
a great crises, and are held to such respon
sibility, especially those at or near the head
of it, that it is necessary on such momentous
occasions, to dare to determine for themselves
what is lawful and what is not lawful, under
our system. If the military 7 authorities should
be invoked—as might possibly be the case
in such exceptional times—when there cx
isted such divergent views as to the correct
result the army will suffer from its past action
if it has acted wrongfully'. Our regular army
has little hold upon the affection of the people
of to-day, and its superior officers should
certainly 7 , as far as lies in their power, legally,
and with righteous intent aid to defend the
right, which, to us, is the law and the itistitu-
lion which they represent. It is a well meaning
institution and it would be well, if it sholild
have an opportunity, to be recognized as a
bulwark in support of the rights of the people
and of the law. I am, truly, yours,
[Signed.]
WINFIELD S. HANCOCK.
To Gen. W. T. Sherman, Commanding
United States Army, Washington, D. C.
Even potato bugs have been found to be
profitable. A Maryland farmer, whose potato
field was being devastated by these pests, and
who wa3 opposed to the use of Paris green,
sot up a large wash boiler in his field, and,
employing a number of men to collect the
bugs from the vines, threw them into the
boiling water. A piece of leather happened
to fall into the boiler. After it had boiled
with the bugs for half an hour, the farmer
discovered that it had changed its color to a
rich dark crimson. Other materials were
placed in the liquid with the same result.
The farmer came to the conclusion that he
had discovered a first-class dyeing mixture.
A reputable chemist examined the potato bug
liquid and confirmed the opinion of the farmer.
A company was immediately formed for
making dyeing mixtures from potato bugs,
ana the farmer expects to make more money
out of the bugs than he possibly could have
made out of a first class crop cf potatoes.
He Told llim All About It.—A small
boy was hoeing corn in a sterile field by the
roadside, near Bethel, Indiana, when a passer
by stopped and said;
“ ’Pears to me your corn is rather small.’’
“ Certainly’,” said the boy. “It is dwarf
corn.”
“ But it looks yaller.”
“Certainly. We planted the yaller kind.”
“ But it looks as if you wouldn’t get more
than half a crop.”
“Of course not,” said the boy. “We
planted here on shares.”
One man asked another why his beard was
so brown and his hair so white. “Because,”
he replied, “one is twenty years younger
than the other.”
Engiish’s Letter of Acceptance.
Indianapolis, July 7 30. —Hon. Win. 11.
English transmitted the following letter of
acceptance of the nomination ojf enndidate
for Vice-President to the Committee of Noti
fication to-day :
To Hon. John W. Stevenson , President of
Convention, Ron. John P. Stockton , Chair
man, and other members of Committee of
Notification:
Gentlemen—l have the honor to reply to
your letter of the 13th in9t., informing me
that I was unanimously' nominated for Vice-
President of the United States by 7 the late
Democratic National Convention, which as
sembled at Cincinnatti. As foreshadowed
in the verbal remarks made by me at the
time of the delivery 7 of your letter, I have now
to say that I accept the high trust with the
realizing sense of its responsibility and am
profoundly grateful for the honor coufered.
I accept the nomination upon the platform
of principles adopted by the convention
which I cordially approve, and I accept it
quite as much because of my faith in the
wisdom and patriotism of the great, states
man and soldier nominated on the same
ticket for the Presidency of the United States.
His eminent services to his country 7, his fi
delity to the Cotkstituibn, union and laws,
His clear perception of correct principles of
government as taught by Jefferson, his scru
pulous care to keep the military in strict
subordination to the civil authorities, his
high regard for civil liberty, personal rights
and rights of property, bis acknowledged
ability in civil as well as military affairs, and
his pure and blameless life, all point to him
as a man worthy of the confidence of the peo
pie. Not only 7 a brave soldier, a great com
mander, a wise statesman and a pure patriot.,
but a prudent, pains-taking, practical man of
unquestioned honesty, trusted often with
important public duties, faithful to every
trust, and in a full meridian of ripe and vig
orous manhood, he is, in my judgment, emi
nently 7 fitted for the highest position on earth
—the Presidency of the United States. Not
only is lie the right man for the place, but
the time has come when the best inter
ests of the country require that the party
which has monopolized the Executive De
partment of the General Government for the
last twenty y 7 ears should be retired. The
continuance of that party in power four years
ionger would not be beneficial to the public
or in accordance with the spirit of our Re
publican institutions. Laws entail have not
been favored in our system of Government.
Perpetuation of property 7 or place in one
family or set of men has never been encour
aged in this country, and great and good
men who framed our Republican Govern
ment and its traditions wisely limited the ten
ure of office of long leases of power. Twenty
years of continuous power is long enough
and has already led to‘irregularities and cor
ruptions, which arc not likely to be properly
exposed under the same party that perpe
trated them. Besides it should not be for
gotten that the four last years of power held
by that party were procured by discreditable
means, and held in defiance of the wishes of
a majority of the people. It was a grevious
wrong to every voter and our system of self
government, which, sh >uld never be forgot
ten or forgiven. Many of the men now in
office were put there because of their cor
rupt partizan services in thus defeating the
fairly and legally expressed will of the ma
jority, and the hypocrisy of the professions
of that party in favor of civil service reform
was shown by placing such men in office and
turning whole broods of Federal officehold
ers loose to influence elections. Money of
the people, taken out of the public treasury
by t.itese men for services often poorly per
formed or not performed at all, is being used
in vast sums with the knowledge and pre
sumed sanction of the administration to con
trol elections, and even members of the Cab
inet are strolling about the country making
partizan speeches instead of being in their
departments at Washington discharging pub
lic duties, for which they are paid by the peo
ple. But with all their cleverness and abili
ty the discriminating public will, no doubt,
read between their speecliea that their para
mount hope and aim is to keep themselves
or their satellites four years longer in office.
That perpetuating power of Chronic Federal
officeholders four years longer will not bene
fit Hie millions of men and women who hold
no office, but earn their daily bread by hon
est industry, is what the same discerning
public will no doubt fully understand, as
they will also that it is because of their own
industry and economy and God’s bountiful
harvest, that tlio country is comparatively
prosperous, and not because of anything
done by these Federal officeholders. The
country is cot ;paratively prosperous, not
because of them, but in spite of them. This
contest is, in fact, between the people en
deavoring to regain the political power, which
rightfully belongs to them, and to restore the
pure, simple, economical constitutional gov
ernment of our fathers on the one side, and
a hundred thousand Federal officeholders and
their backers, pampered with place and power
and determined to retain them at all hazards,
on the other. Hence, the constant assump
tion of new and dangerous powers by the
General Government, under the rule of the
Republican party. The effort to build up
what they call a strong government; the in
terference with home rule and with the ad
ministration of justice in the Courts of the
several States ; the interference with elec
tions through a medium of paid partisan
Federal officeholders, interested in keeping
their party in power, and earning more for
that than for fairness in elections—in fact,
constant encroachments which have been
made by that party upon the clearly reserv
ed rights of the people and States will, if not
checked, subvert the liberties of the people
and the government of the limitable powers
created by our fathers, and end iu a great
consolidated central government, strong in
deed for evil, andrthe overthrow of Republi
can institutions. Wise men who formed our
Constitution knew the evils of a strong gov
ernment and the long continuance of politi
cal power in the same hands. They'- knew
there was a tendency' in thi3 direction in ail
governments and consequent danger to Re
publican institutions from that cause, and
took pains to guard against it. The machine
of a strong centralized General Government
can be used to perpetuate the same set of
men in power from term to term until it
ceases to be‘a Republic, or is such only in
name, and a tendency of the party now in
power i.i that direction, as shown in various
ways, besides the willingness recently mani
fested by a large number of the party to elect
a President for an unlimited number of terms,
is quite apparent, and must satisfy thinking
people that the time has come when it will be
safest and best for that party' to be retired.
But in resisting the encroachment of Gener
al Government upon the reserved rights of
the people and States I wi3h to be distinctly
understood as favoring a proper exercise by
the General Government of all powers right
ful!}- dclonging to it and under theConstitu.
tiou. Pjneroaehments upon the constitution- i
al rights of the General Government or in- j
terference with the proper exercises of its |
powers must be carefully avoided. The un- j
ion of States under the Constitution must be !
maintained, and it is well known that this
has always been the position of both candi
nates on the Democratic Presidential ticket.
It is acquiesced in everywhere now and fin
ally and forever settled as one of the results
of the war. It is certainly beyond all ques
tion that the legitimate results of the war of
the Union will not be overthrown or impair
ed, should the Democratic ticket be elected.
In the event proper protection will be given
in ever legitimate way to every citizen, na
tive or adopted, in every section of the Re
public in the enjoyment of all the rights
guaranteed by the Constitution and its amend
ments. A sound currency of honest money
value and purchasing power, Corresponding
substantially with the standard recognized
by the commercial world, and consisting of
gold, silver and paper, convertible into coin,
will be maintained. Labor and manufac
taring, commercial and business interests of
the country will be favored and encouraged
in every legitimate way. The toiling mill
ions of our own people will bo protected
from destructive competition of the Chinese,
and to that end their immigration to our
shores will be properly restricted. Public
credit will bo scrupulously maintained and
strengtoened by rigid economy in public ex
penditures and liberties of the people, and
the property of the people will be protected
by a government of law and order, adminis
tered strictly in the interest of all people, and
not of corporations and privileged classes.
Ido not doubt the discriminating justice of
the people and their capability for intelligent
self-government, and, therefore, do not doubt
the success of the Democratic ticket, its
success would bur}', beyond resurrection, sec
tional jealousies and hatreds which have so
long been the stock in trade of pestiferous
demagogues, and in no other way can this
be so effectually accomplished. It would
restore harmony and good feeling between
all sections and make us, in fact, as well as
in name, one people. The only rivalry then
would be in race, for the development of
material prosperity, elevation of labor, ed
largement of human rights, promotion of ed
ucation, morality, religion, liberty, order and
all that would tend to make us the foremost
nation of the earth in the grand march of hu
man progress. I am with great respect,
truly yours. Wm. II . English.
A Man of Ability.
BUT IIE WASN’T APPRECIATED BY THE RE
STAURANT MAN.
John Forrester was very correctly named,
for, until a few days ago, ho. had spent his
life in the woods. Several days ago he threw
aside his maul, came to the city, and now
handles the somewhat lighter rock hammer.
The story of John’s downfall shall be briefly
related. Shortly after arriving in the city,
ho was attracted by a sign bearing the in
scription, *• Meals at All Hours.” Entering
the place, and meeting the proprietor, he
said :
“ You keep a tavern here, don’t you ?”
“ No —I keep a restaurant.”
“I don’t know much about your new names
—but you feed folks here, don’t you ?”
‘•Yea, sir.”
“ Well, I want to board here three days, or
1 reckon until I get a job of some kind. I
sec your sign says ‘ Meals at All Ilnurs.’
You don’t mean that, do you ?”
“ Certainly I mean it. I’ll board you three
days for three dollars.”
*• And give me my meals at all hours ?”
“ Yes, sir.” z
“ Here, take the three dollars, I never set
myself up as a regular eater, but I’ll buck
agin you for the next three days. I think
that I can stand her about that long. It’s
eleven o'clock. Give me something to eat.”
A meal was brought out, and quickly dis
patched ; and remarking that lie would be
back on time, Mr. Forrester left. At twelve
o’clock he came back and ate again.
“ You needn’t stare at me,” he said to one
of the waiters.
“ You are a regular boarder, are you ?”
“ The regularost one you’ve got. I don’t
intend to miss a meal. I’ve got a chance
now to git even for bein’ hungry many a
time.” .
At one o’clock John came back and re
marked, as he hung up his hat, ‘‘l’m on time.
It’s one o'clock. Ketch me suthin’ to eat.”
The waiter went away mattering, and brought
in rather a slim meal.
“ Look a here,” said John, “ don’t try to
go back on your contract. I reckon vou did
rather underrate iny ability, but I’m a man.”
At two o’clock John came back and took
a seat. The proprietor came in and asked
him what he wanted.
“ 1 want my dinner, supper or_breakfast,
just what you are a mind to cull it.”
“ You have already eaten here throe times
to-day ?”
“ I know that.”
“ Why do you come again ?”
“ Because it’s two o’clock.”
“ It is not supper time.”
“ No, but it’s two o’clock time.”
“ I don’t understand } r ou, sir. What do
3 T ou mean ?”
“ Your understanding may have been in
jured by my surprising ability. I came here
with the understanding that I was to have
my ineaH at all hours.”
The contract has been adhered to; you
have come irregularly.”
“ No, sir ; I’ve cone here regular. It was
the agreement that I was to have a meal every
hour, and I am going to stand up to it if it
paek3 my stomach as tight as a green water
melon. You are trying to impose on mo be
cause I’m from the country. I have made ar
rangements with a boy to wake me up every
hour to-night, and I’m coming here to eat.
That’s my business now', and I’ll act fair with
you. and eat every time. Give me an oyster
stew, a can of coffee, and some ball sassage.”
The proprietor handed the man three dol
lars, and requested him to leave. A fight
ensued, and John was led away by the police.
When he completes his rock pile engagement
he will sue the restaurant for damages.
G. W. WALKER’S
CARRIAGE SHOPS,
Main Street, Gainesville, Georgia,
MANUFACTURER OF
Phaetons, Buggies and Farm Wagons
I respectfully invite the people of Jackson county, and tho public generally, to call an!
my work before purchasing elsewhere. As I AM STILL IN T?IE CARRIaof
with GOOD STOCK, GOOD WORKMEN, and CLOSE ATTENTION TO BUSINESS 1
pared to offer them anything in my line at 1 ' pn.
RocK Bottom iPig^ires!
So send on your orders and work. Orders by mail promptly attended to.
Repairing Bone in All of Its Branches l
Respectfully,
Feb. 6th, 1880. G. W. WALKER.
Fancy Dry Goods,
of all descriptions, PRINTS, MUSLINS, GINGHAMS, DOMESTICS, Ac., and a full ii no ,
DRESS GOODS of every variety; NOTIONS, HATS, CAPS, BOOTS, SHOES, Ac My a L r 7
incut of J urt ‘
JFLeetdy-nVlcad© Clothl-ng
is complete, embracing all the latest styles and all grades, and in full suits, for men. I have al
ia stock every variety of w
Fami iy Groceries, Hardware,
CUTLERY, GLASS WARE, CROCKERY, Ac., Ac. In a word, I have everything good to eat or
wear or do almost anything else with, all of which I propose to sell as cheap as first-class goods can
be bought anywhere.
Thankful far former patronage, I hope all my old customers and many' new ones will call on me
before purchasing elsewhere.
F. M. BAILEY
N. B.—No trouble to show goods. Call, even if you don’t buy.
pfofosimuii & ioubiucss dunk
iSa. rs. CAast,
U NICHOLSON, GA.,
Tenders his professional services to the surround
ing country. Rheumatism, Neuralgia anu the dis
eases of women a specialty.
Feb.l3th, ISBO. ly
vyodEY ( . aiowAiuN
t Attorney a.ad Counselor at Law,
JEFFERSON, GA.
Will attend faithfully to all business entrusted
to his care. Office—Col. Thurmond’s old office,
near Randolph’s corner. feb2l, 79
\\T Ifi. SIIUPMDiS,
> '< * Attorney at Lav/,
Harmony Grove, Jackson Go., Ga.
Faithful attention given to collections and all
other business. Clients’ money never spent, but
promptly forwarded. January oth, 1878.
Dl2. W. S. ALEXANDER,
Surgeon Dentist,
Harmony Grove, Jackson Cos., Ga.,
Will be at Jefferson on the first Monday and
Tuesday in each month, and will continue
his stay from time to time as circumstances may
justify. Terms LOW, FOR CASH, and work
done in a superior manner.
J uly 10th, 1870.
TJOWA SSS& THOMPSON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
G a inks yi lle, Georgia .
Prompt and faithful attention given to all Busi
ness placed in his hands.
JUS. McCARTY, yi. !>.,
• Jefferson, Ga.,
Offers his professional services to the people of
Jefferson and surrounding country, and hopes b} r
diligence and attention and his best skill to merit
and receive a share of the public patronage. Will
practice physic in all its branches. Two years ex
perience under a long experienced and sucessfull
practitioner.
&2?“ Office next door to Forest* News office.
MANHOOD: HOW LOST, HOW RESTO~R£D~I
JYy, Just published, anew edi
of Jr Culver well’s
Celebrated 1-lssay on the
radical cure (without medicine) of Spermator
rhoea or Seminal Woakness. Involuntary Semi
nal Losses, Impotenoy, Mental and Physical In
capacity, Impediments to Marriage, etc.; also,
Consumption, Epilepsy and Fits, induced by
self-indulgence or sexual extravagance, Ac.
The celebrated author, in this admirable Essay,
clearly demonstrates, from a thirty years’ success
full practice, that the alarming consequences of
self-abuse ma} r be radically cured without the
dangerous use of internal medicine or the applica
tion of the knife ; pointing out a mode of cure at
once simple, certain, and effectual, by means of
which every sufferer, no matter what his condition
may be, may cure himself cheaply, privately, and
radically.
Lecture should be in the hands of
every youth and every man in the land.
Sent under seal, in a plain envelope, to any ad
dress, postpaid, on receipt of six cents or two
postage stamps.
Address the Publishers,
TEH CULVEKWELL MEDICAL CO.,
41 Ann St., New York ; P. O. Box, 45SG.
ENCOURAGE HOME MANUFACTURES.
Maysville Shoe Factory.
We manufacture all kinds of shoes ; mens’
Brogan’s and Boots, ladies’ High and Low (Quar
tered Shoes, childrens’ Shoes, HARNESS and
BRIDLES. We are prepared to make all kinds
of fine work. We work the best material in the
most popular styles, and
Warrant our Work Equal to
any Goods on the Market .
We have experienced workmen employed, for
both coarse and fine work. As we defy competi
tion in quality, prices and service, we hope to
harve the pleasure of supplying you with Boots and
Shoes. BROWN & RILEY.
Maysville, Ga.
also keep constantly on hand a select
stock of Groceries and Provisions, Bacon, Lard,
Sugar, Coffee, Syrup and Dry Goods, Ac., Ac.
gflSTITTgiv
fa ctLEer.*TED i.%
IrrTEH
Defensive Medication
Is a precaution which should never be neglectod
when danger is present, and therefore a course of
the Bitters aftlus season is particularly desirable,
especially for the feeble and sickly. Asa remedy
for biliousness, dyspepsia, nervousness, and
bowel complaints, there is nothing comparable
to this wholesome restorative.
For sale by all Druggists and dealers generally-
CLIN A HI) HOUSE,
(NEAR POST OFFICE,)
CLAYTON STREET ATHENS, GA.
Rocm all Carpeted.
GOOD SAMPLE ROOMS FOR COMMERCIAL
MEN.
A. I). CLIN Alt!), Proprietor.
S. S. YEAKWOOD
PEIDMONT SALOON.
OPPOSITE PEIDMONT HOTEL.
GAINESVILLE. Or A-
Dealer in Fine Liprs, Wines, Beer, Ciiffli
Tobacco.
READING AND BILLIARD ROOM AT
TACHED, TABLES FIRST GLASS.
A. L .HULL,
BROKKBi
ATHENS, - - GEORGIA
WILL buy and sell on Commission Securities
of all kinds. Office : at the Bank o* ,
University. Refers to Y. L. G. Harris, Fcrdinau
Phinizy Stevens Thomas.
W. Fleming. \ J. W. Ik bkE '
/ Macon, Ga.
FLEMING & BURKE.
BOOKSELLERS STATI3NERES,
AtSiens &r&>*
Will take pleasure in obtaining anything
their lino.
LIGHT JOB WOBS.
Executed promptly, at this o