The Georgia Jeffersonian. (Griffin, Ga.) 18??-18??, March 10, 1853, Image 2

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The Georgia Jeffersonian., March 10, 1853, Image 2

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Newspaper Page TextFrtlic Georgia Jt’iTersoninnjSfc r:truction cf tire Second jSe On the western hill-tops t'he sinking sun’s last golden While in its bright reflections bathed, ’.’he stately Temple’s snow-white walls Shone like a mound of gold. As loath to leave the scene the sun wcut down, ’"lie tallest spires still gilding Vith its ethcrial hues, Then with her merry train of twinkling stars, The night-queen ’gan her wonted aider the Jewish Calendar. Jm .'lie night wore on —and all gre||tiU ■ 1 \ old Jerusalem’s holy hill, While without her walls, with TitlH: its head, The Homan army lay encamped. Wot even the cheek of Caesar on their gil , ded standard, The wanton Zephyrs dared to kiss. As feeling a presentiment of some great coining ill, U 1 nature silent stood. Silent, yea silent As the marriage of death, at mid-night’s stilly hour. A sadden cry terrible and wild was heard, Which made the shrinking walls speak back again, And the hills around to echo with the shout, The Temple is on fire—the Temple is on fire ! Then to the sacred place, the moving mass did madly rush, 1 ii dire confusion. At once the flames sprung up And madly onward roll’d. A semultaneous cry arose, from midst The raging Jews—which made the welkin shriek, And the turrets totter on the solid walls— As furiously they grasped their swords, ’.'he Temple to revenge or in its ruin perish. •at smoke, nor shout, nor fire, nor sword, The legions could impede; Cor in their furious haste, they onward charged, Each other trampling down; Cr o’er the crumbling ruins dashing, led raging with their enemy, inch urged the other on—or in the noble edifice His blazing brand he hurled— hen to the work of carnage hurried. . ‘named men at every step met slaughter, A ml quivering spirits, of fair maiden’s slain, Took their everlasting flight, ’ Torn the points of bloodied sabres, To shining courts of Heavenly light. The dead lay ’round the altar heap’d, .ike sacrifices slain; ,'itli streams of blood, the Temple steps did run, Which washed the lifeless down That mangled lay about. And burnish’d with the flame’s wild light The inner Temple shone, all radiant with gold; Winch the flame’s dread work to speed, till urged the legions on. • ; o longer was the sacred place secure; The mastery the flame’s had gain’d, t he blinding smoke, the raging fire, h o retreat, the legions forced—and to its horrid fate, The blazing building leave. Like an endless tide, rolled on before the blast, The surges red leaped o’er the height and depth T ke sheets of lurid flame, h om gaping vEtna belched, r the summit of the roof, he bounding billows burst I om off their heaving breasts, i use fumes of blackened smoke expelling, Then into the firery depth below : fowling like demons, headlong plunged— Then climed again o’er doomed walls, Aul onward sped the work of desola tion— yt&ife * . h iking the tottering, builitmg in quick succession, Their strong foundations leave, A id in the raging flames beneath, i' l swallowed up. A 11 the insatiate scurgc rolled on ‘ hr the devoted Temple— h ruing its roof to a sea of flame, A id to spikes of reddest light ; ’■ gilded pinnacles, .-cling round its lofty towers, ; ul from their very summits, nr glowing crests triumphant reared ssing like hungry serpents, jm the hottest haunts of hell. A leath-like glare the neighboring hills sent back, and on the horrid scene below, Indignant frowned. ’ e Roman soldiers’ frenzied shout /umpiring in their thirst for blood, h * hoarse bowlings of the insurgents, lose shrouds were flakes of liquid flame, h the roaring conflagration mingled, it terror to the hearts of men; ) mountain echoes loud replied, A 1 shrieks of dying from the heights, (” the backward wave, came rolling. I cries, and sersams and dying groans, ong the shaking walls resounded. ■a once again the raging flames leap’d up. id toward the frowning Heaven sprung, > though the pure blue roof of God— V ‘A nauseous smoke could tarnish. ■ m other madding raging cry v- murdered dying thousands, together with A roaring, deafening, thundering crash—• Tioh made the earth to quake, and rent the air in twain; neb made the sea roil back from shore, . e mountains bow their heavy heads, . and to their deafen’d ears ‘i .: heaven’s clap their hands— oiled out on middle air, quivered, and prolonged, 1 all was still once more; ; Temple heights the ground had kissed, 1 all its countless golden wealth, A map of blackened ashes lay. Ai.riU Gamma Tau. Salaries at Washington. —To the il ami Diplomatic Appropriation Bill, % .ich has just passed the Senate, vari > amendments were appended. A >ogst others, the salaries of the Vice t-sident and members of the Cabinet ■ied to .SB,OOO per annum. An Assist t Secretary of State, at $3,000 per t; .mum, was also provided. die latest application of India rubber, A veneering furniture. The suiface j - covered wild a veneering of rubber, of y desired color, possessing a hardness .urface and brilliancy of polish equal ! marble, and presenting a much greater ; /stance to heat or cold than any kind i j .vood veneering, ’1 he lollovvmg are the names of the persons appointed (by a Committee nom inated for the purpose, by the Tcmperane Convention in Atlanta,) on the Central and General Committees, whose duty it is to render effective, if possible, the proceedings of that body. These names ought to have appeared among the gen eral proceedings of the Convention in our last issue, but circumstances prevent ed their insertion. The following is the Central Commit tee • ■bfcV S Williford, ol Bibb, Chairman. of Monroe, Karles West, of Houston, HMi Myers, of Bibb, r Wm King of Chatham, Charles Collins, of Bibb, Peter Solomon, “ The following are the appointments for the general Committee of one from each county : Baldwin. N. C. Barnett, Milledgeville. Bibb . G. \Y. Adams, Macon. IhUls. L. M. Wilson, Seven Islands, Campbell. Edward Dean, Coun/.y Line Carroll. Jj, D. Palmer, Carrollton. Cass. W. Kelly, Cassville. Chatham, W. King, Savannah. Chattooga, J. T. Finley, Chattooga ville. Cherokee. Joseph Grisham, Canton. Cobb. Barrington King, Roswell. Coweta. E. D. Me Kinl ey, Newnan. Clarke. J. H. Lowe, sr., Scull Shoals. DeKalb John T. Wilson, Atlanta. Elbert. Robert Hester, Elberton. Fayette. Dr. John S. Holliday, Fay etteville. Floyd. J. W. M. Berrien, Koine. Forsyth. Geo. N. Lester, Gumming. Greene. Benj. Brantly, Penfield. Gwinnett. J. N. Glenn, Lawreticeville. Hancock. Thos. M. Turner, Sparta. Harris. John J. Little, Whitesville. Henry. L. T. Doyal, McDonough. Houston. John Ragan, Perry. Jasper. Thos. J. Smith, Monticello. Jejj’erson. B. S. Caswell, Louisville. Liberty. W. E. Quarterman, Hines ville. Lumpkin. R. Id. M oore, Dablonega. Meriwether. L. M. Adams, Greenville. Monroe. D. Sanford, Forsyth. Morgan. Robert A. Prior, Madison. Murray. J. A. Johnson, Spring Place. Muscogee. J. A, Urquhart, Columbus. Newton. John J. Floyd, Covington. Oglethorpe. Mial Smith, Pt. Peter. Folk. J. ftl. Wood, Cedarton. Spaulding. Win. Freeman, Griffin. Steicart. C. S. Gaulding, Lumpkin. Sumter. A. A. Robinson, Americus. Talliafcrro. Felix Moore, Crawford. Tulnall Simon C. Smith, Reidsville. Troup. A. B. Fannin, La Grange. Twiggs. M Wilder, Jeffersonville. Walton. D. H. Walker, Monroe. Washington. S. A. H. Jones, San dersville. Whitfield. VV. C. McQaughy, Red Clay. Wilkes. G. G. Norman, Washington. Baker. Lott Warren, Albany. Bryan. H. A. Smith, Savannah. Bulloch. Wm. Williams, Armenia. Burke. J A Shewmake, Alexander. Camden. G\Y Long, St. Mary’s. Columbia. E. E. Jones, Wrightsboro. Crawford. H Steel, Knoxville. Dade Matthew's. Decatur. C J Mulkey, Bainbridge. Dooly. J C Posted, Pindartown. Early. J P Holmes, F. Gaines. Effingham. Wm D Bussey, Springfield. Emanuel. J Flanders, Spier’s Turnout. Franklin. J Horgrove, Carnesville. Gilmer. Jas Simmons, Marble Head. Glynn. A Scranton, Brunswick. Gordon. Win M Peeples, Calhoun. Habersham GD Philips, Clarksville. Hall. 11l M Johnson, Gainesville. Heard, J D Watson, Franklin. fry;ln. George A’ ‘lcox. Jackson. RJ rViiiL.TT, Jefferson. Jones. D E Blunt, Clinton. Laurens. J T Linder, Dublin. Lee. Eason Smith,Starkesville. Lincoln. Benj Brantley, Lincolnton Lowndes. B Z Gaulding, Troupville. Macon Capt John Lamar, Ft Valley. Madison. S Groves, Danielsville. Mclntosh. Alex Mitchell, Darien. Marion. W R Singleton, Pondtown. Montgomery. J Quartennan, Mount Vernon. Pike. P N Maddox, Zebulon. Pulaski. PF D Scarborough, Haw kinsville. Pulnam. Dr Joel Branham, Eatonton. Rabun. P Bronsom, Clayton. Randolph. Col D Kiddoo, Cuthbert. Richmond. Dr VV S Jones, Augusta. Talbot. Henry Leonard, Center PO. Taylor. James May, Butler. Thomas. J T Hays, Thomasville. Union. Goodman Hughes, Blairsville. Upson. Wm A Cobb, Thomaston. Walker. J H Gamble, La Fayette. Warren. R E McGinty, Double-wells. Wayne. Elias Fort, \\ aynesville. Wilkinson. G. B. Burney, Irwinton. Abolition oftho Supreme Court of Geor gia—A new Movement. We find in the last Athens Banner, the following account of a meeting of the citi zens at Jefferson, Georgia: According to public notice a portion of the citizens of Jackson county, met at Jef ferson on Tuesday, the lstinst. to take into consideration the propriety of abolishing tlio Supreme court of this State, when, Oil motion of Gen. D. M. Burns, Richard W. Pentecost was called to the Chair, and on motion of Mr. Hendricks, Robert White was appointed Secretary. The object of the meeting was explained at some length by Gen Burns, and some of the obnoxious features of the court forcibly pointed out. Charles White, Esq. followed in the same strain, and moved the appointment of a committee ol five to report to the meeting. The chair appointed Charles White, Esq. Gen. I). M. Burns, Captain Win. Gath right, Wm.-Smith, and Janies Shields, Esqs. who after retiring a short time, reported the foil Jiving preamble and resolutions: Jt is the last thing that we as Georgians w ould submit to, that our own beloved State should fall below any of her sister States with regard to her Judiciary or any other of her institutions; and being satis fied, as we are, that the judiciary of Geor gia before the organization of the Supreme Court stood at the head of the list of all of her sister States, wo believe that the final trial by special jury is the safest tri bunal by which the rights of men were ever determined, with the power that body lias to administer justice to the parties.— And we believe that the Judges of the circuit courts, with the assistance of the Bar and counsel to present to the minds of the jury all the facts in the eases which can be developed by testimony, are all that are necessary to enable a jury to come to a correct and just decision, - We there- consent that the Supreme Court fur nishes no additional security for the ad ministration of justice, but does furnish a necessity for an increase of tax upon the people, a delay ot justice, arid an addition al expense to parties. We, therefore, re commend the adoption of the following re solutions, to writ: Ist. Resolved, Tliflfc we are in favor of abolishing the Supreme Court, and of al tering the Constitution for that purpose; and so soon as it is ascertained that a ma jority of our fellow-citizens are in favor of the present movement, we pledge ourselves to give a plan by which their wishes can be carried out. 2d. Resolved, That our follow-citi zens in other counties’ bo respectfully re quested to meet together and let us hear what tlmy hove to say oh the subject. 3d. Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and fowarded to the offices °f the Banner and Herald, Athens, for pub lication, and that other papers be request ed to copy. All of which were adopted. R. W. PENTECOST, Cli’mn. Robert Waite, See’ry. We have occasionally, heard dissatis faction expressed with our Supreme Court. We agree with the sentiments of a friend who writes from Columbus, Ga, Feb. 9, 1553. “Our Supreme Court has this day ad journed after a very tedious and laborious’ session. • Many deeisons have been pro nounced ‘ivhich not only effect cases upon their merits, as to points of law-, but will also go far to establish the practice in courts of equity and law. I presume it would be impossible to have a tribunal on this earth, whose dicisions would be satisfatory to every person. The great object is to have judges, who if they do err, shall in integrityandpurppo.se be like Csesars ’ Wife. In respect to our Su preme Bench, their is no reason for sus picion, and if they shall make an errone ous decision occasionally, we have the satisfaction of knowing, that while “to err is human ” yet all witain the jurisdic tion are governed by the same rule. For the last week, the “Moving table experiments” have been all tlie go (if not on the go) among the elite of our city, and citizens of whole blocks have met together nightly, in solemn con clave over shining crises of mahogany, up on which the hands of all present being laid and retained for a proper length of time the tables have cut all sorts of antics ami fantastic capers. It being quite impossible (and we are , very glad'of it) to keep tlie ladies still, ‘and the success of the experiments de- I pending greatly upon a large number of | hands, and the close proximity to each [other of their owners, these gatherings have operated an immense amount of new sociability, and we doubt if any week ever passed off more agreeably in iutei change of thought and feeling, than the w’eek just passed in Savannah. Viewing the matter in this light, w e are rather disposed than otherwise, t<> approve cor dially of the table experiments other than as promoters of sociability however, we know’ of no practical good that can come out of them, anu really it approaches near the confines of the ridiculous, to see whole families, from the grey-headed sire down, gravely sitting for hours around a table, in patient expectancy of seeing it perform a pirouette. The table motions have no connection with Spirit (tappings, bnt we aie inclined to think that a few marvels in the latter line, if well authen ticated, and with Savannah asiheir locale , would soon put the town in a fever, and possibly make some disciples. The table experiments which we have kave been brilliant failures; but many persons i.l \vhuw? integrity a:/ 1 acumen we have evrey confidence, have been more lucky than ourself in seeing sights, and we cannot refuse to be ieve their statements. From these it. seems quite certain that tables can be made to move in a very mysterious aud inexpli cable manner, and have so moved in our own city. The modus operandi is as follows: the party experimenting (usually from ten to twelve in number) all sit around the table lo be moved, each one laying both hands flat upon the surface; this position they retain from a half hour to two hours, according to their patience, and in the course of time the table begins to move as if of its own accord, and con tinues to do so, while the party keep their hands upon it. The hands must never be removed let the table do what it may, or the charm is broken, and can only be teuewed after another long proba tion of patient waiting.— Savannah Journal. Vice President Kino. — We are ena bled to announce, on a perfectly reliable authority, a great improvement in the health of the Hon. William R. King since his sojourn in the island of Cuba. George 11. Jones, Esq. the gentlemen commissioned to notify Colonel King of his election as Vice President of the Uni ted States, parted with him on Monday evening last. He is sojourning on the sugar estate of Jenks, in the vicinity of of Matanzas. So rapidly has he gained in strength that he walks twice during the day to the place at which the process of boiling the cane is carried on, for the pur pose of inhaling the vapor. He mani fests a hopeful spirit, which itself is an auspicious indication of improving health. It is nut simply the vain wish of an a. 1 - miring country that the venerable Stuts man may yet return to the post to which his presence would lend grace and dig nity— the intelligence brought by Mr. Jones, justifies the expectation. To Mr. Jones, we are indebted for in telligence of lire fact that Havana mails intended for the Empire City and Cres cent City were intercepted by the police, opened, and examined, on a suspicion of inflammatory correspondence. Mr. Jones brings despatches to the government from the American, consul, at Havana, proba bly in relation to *4tw matter. Mr. Jones came in the Isabel by way of Charleston. Washington Union. A fellow’ coining out of the tavern one icy morning, rather blue, fell on the door step. Trying to regain his footing, he remarked, “If, as the Bible says, the wicked stand on slippery places, 1 must belong to a different class, for it is more than I can do.” GRIFFIN, MARCH 10, 1353 TSie Snansuratiuu. On the 4th of March instant, Gen. Franxi.in Pierce was inaugurated Pres ident of these thirty-one United States, andunducted into the most dignified sta tion ti?>w occupied by mortal. The as semblage at Washington *s said to have haeri immense, not only of the male getl j der, but also of the beauty and fashion of tlHljUgantry. No man has ever taken his seat in the Presidential Chair with a larger or more unanimous vote from the people—none has taken it with blighter prospects of popularity and approbation before him—always excepting our be loved Washington. Every act of the new Chief Magistrate thus far appears to be marked with prudence and foresight, which we believe to bo the distinguish ing characteris'.ic of the man. We lay before our readers his Inaugu ral Address and. a list of his Cabinet Min isters, which we received yesterday, without having any time for note or comment. INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF THE ! PRESIDENT - OF~ TIIE - U. STATiSs, March 4th, 1853. My Countrymen: —lt is a relief to feel that no heart but my own can know the personal regret and bitter sorrow, over which I have been borne to a position, so suitable for others, rather than desirable for myself The circumstances, under which I have been called, a limited period to preside bver the de#tin ies of the republic, fill me with a profound sense of responsibility, but with nothing like shrinking apprehension. I repair to the post assigned me, not as to one sought, but in obedience to tl e unsoli cited expression of your will, answerable only for a fearless, faithful and diligent ex ercise of my best powers. I ought to be, and am, truly grateful for the rare mani festation of the nation’s confidence; but this, so far from lightening my obligations, only adds to their weight. You have sum moned me in my weakness: yon must sus tain me by your strength. When looking for the fulfilment of reasonable require ments, you will not be unmindful of the great change* which have occurred, even within the last quarter of a century, and the consequent augmentation and complex ity of duties imposed, in the administration both of your home and foreign affairs. Whether the elements of inherent force in the republic have kept pace with its un paralleled progression in territory, popula tion, and wealth, has been the subject of earnest thought and .discussion, on both sides of the ocean. Less than sixty-four years ago, the Father of his Country made ‘Athe” then ‘ reemife-aac/sshm of the impor tant State of North Carolina to the con stitution of the United States,” one of the subjects of his .'iK'ciai congratulation. At that moment,.fei ‘.‘ever, when the agitation : consequent upon the revolutionary struggle had hardly subsided, when wc were just emerging ffbm the weakness arid embar rassments of the confederation, there was au evident consciousness of vigor equal to the great mission so wisely and bravely fulfilled by our fathers. It was not a -pre sumptuous assurance, but a calm faith, springing from a clear view of the sources of power, in a government constituted like ours. It is no paradox to say that, al though comparatively weak, the new-born nation was intrinsically wrong. Incoasid vU'ik ia population ::.A apparent resour ces, it was upheld by a broad f-'/d intelli gent comprehension of rights, and an all pervading purpose to maintain them, stronger than armaments. It came from the furnace of the revolution, tempered to the necessities of the times. The thoughts of the men of that day were as practical as their sentiments were patriotic. They wasted no portion of their energies upon idle and delusive speculations, but with a firm and fearless step advanced beyond the government landmarks, which had hitherto circumscribed the limits of human freedom, and planted their standard where it has stool, against dangers, which have threat ened from abroad, and internal agitation, which has at times fearfully menaced at home. They approved themselves equal to the solution of the great problem, to understand which their minds had been il lumincd by the dawning lights of the revo lution. The object sought was not a tiling dreamed of: it was the thing realized. — They had exhibited not only the power to achieve, but what all history affirms to be so much more unusual, the capacity to maintain. The oppressed throughout the world, from that day to the present, have turned their eyes hitherward, not to find those lights extinguished, or to fear lest they should wane, but to be constantly cheered by their steady and increasing ra diance. In this, our country lias in my judgment thus far fulfilled its highest duty to suffer ing humanity. It lias spoken, and will continue to speak, not only by its words, but by its acts, the language of sympathy, encouragement, and hope, to those, who earnestly listen to tones, which pronounce for the largest rational liberty. But, after all, the most animating encouragement aud potent appeal for freedom will be its own history, its trials and its triumphs,— Pre-eminently, the power of our advocacy reposes in our example; but no example, be it remembered) -van be powerful for last ing good, whatrwrf apparent advantages may be gained, which is not based upon eternal principles of right and justice.— Oar fathers decided for themselves, both upon the hour to declare and the hour to strike. They were their own judges of the circumstances, under which it became them to pledge to each other “their lives, their fortunes, and their snored honor,” for the acquisition of the priceless inheritance, transmitted to us. The energy with which that great conflict was opened, and, under the guidance of a manifest and beneficent Providence, the mieomplaiiiing endurance with which it was prosecuted to its con summation, were only surpassed by the wis dom aud patriotic spirit of concession which characterized all the counsels of the early fathers. One of the most impressive evidences of that wisdom is to bo found in the fact that the actual working of our system lias dis pelled a degree of solicitude, which, at the outset, disturbed bold hearts and far-reach ing intellects. The apprehension of dan gers from extended territory, multiplied states, accumulated wealth, and augment ed population, has proved to be unfounded. The stars upon your banner have become nearly threefold their original number, your densely populated possessions skirt the shores of the two great oceans, and yet this vast increase of people and terri tory has not only shown itself compatible with the harmonious acts of the States and Federal government in their respec tive constitutional spheres, but has afford ed an additional guarantee of the strength and integrity of both. With an experience thus suggestive and cheering; the policy of my administration will notbc controlled by any timid forebo dings of evil from expansion, Indeed, it is, not to be disguised that our attitude as a nation, and our position on the globe, ren der the acquisition of certain possessions, not within our jurisdiction, eminently im portant for our protection, if not, in the future, essential for the preservation of the rights of commerce and the peace of the world. Should they be obtained, it will be through no grasping spirit, but with a view to obvious national interest and secu rity, and in a manner entirely consistent with the strictest observance of national faith. We have nothing in our history or position to invite aggression, we have every thing to beckon us to the cultivation of re lations of peace and amity with all na tions. Purposes, therefore, at once just and pacific, will be significantly marked in the conduct of our foreign affairs. I in tend that my administration shall leave no blot upon our fair record, and trust I may safely give the assurance that no act with in the legitimate scope of my constitution el control will be tolerated, on the part of any portion of our citizens, which cannot challenge a ready justification before the tribunal of the civilized world. An ad ministration would be unworthy of confi dence at home, or respect abroad, should it cease to be influenced by the conviction that no apparent advantage can be pur chased at a price so dear as that of nation al wrong or dishonor. It is not your privilege, as a nation, to speak of a dis tant past. The striking incidents of yonr history, replete with instruction, and fur nishing abundant grounds for hopeful con fidence, are comprised in a period compar atively brief. But if your past is limited, your future is boundless. Its obligations throng the unexplored pathway of ad vancement, and will be limitless as dura tion. Hence a sound and comprehensive policy should embrace, not less the distant future that the urgent present. The great objects of our pursuit, as a people, arc best to be attained by peace, and are entirely consistent with the trail- ; qnility and interests of the rest of mankind. With the neighboring nations upon our ! continent, we should cultivate kindly and : fraternal relations. We can desire noth ing in regard to them so much, as to see them consolidate their strength and pursue the paths of prosperity and happiness. If, in the course of their growth, we should open new channels of trade, and create additional facilities for friendly intercourse, the benefits realized will be equal and mu tual. Os the complicated European sys tems of national polity we have heretofore been independent. From their wars, their tumults and anxieties, we have been, hap pily, almost entirely exempt. Whilst these afe confined to the nations which gave them existence, and within their legitimate jurisdiction, they cannot affect us, except as they appeal to our sympathies in the ■ cause of human freedom and universal ad vancement. But the vast interests of com merce are common to all mankind, and the advantages of trade and international intercourse must always present a noble field for the moral influence of a great peo ple. | With these views firmly and honestly carried out, we have a right to expect, and shall under all circumstances require prompt reciprocity. The rights which be long to us as a nation, are not alone to be regarded, out those which pertain to every citizen in his individual capacity, at l home and abroad, must be sacredly main tained. So long as lie can discern every star in its place upon the ensign, without wealth to purchase for him preferment, or title to secure for him a place, it will be his privilege and must be his acknowledged 1 right, to stand unabashed even iirthe pre sence of princes with a proud conscious ness that he is himself one of a nation of sovereigns, and that he cannot in legiti mate pursuit, wander so far from home that the agent whom he shall leave be hind in the place which I now occupy, will not see that no rude hand of power or ty rannical pasnion is laid upon him with im punity. lie must realize that upon every sea and on every soil, where our enterprise may rightfully seek tlic protection of our flag, American citizenship is an inviolable panoply for the security of American rights. And in this connexion it can hardly be necessary to reaffirm a principle which should now be regarded as fundamental. The rights, security, and repose of this confederacy reject the idea of interference or colonization on this side of the ocean by any foreign power beyond present jurisdic tion as utterly inadmissible. Tito opportunities of observation, furnished by tny brief experience as a soldier, conlirnual in my own mind iho opinion, entertained and acted upon by others teon* the formation of the Government, that the maintenance of large standing armies in our country Would be no! only dangerous, but un necessary. They also illustrated the importune, I might say the absolute necessity, of the military science and practical skill furnished, in such an eminent degree, by the institution, which lias made your army wh it it is, under te discipline and instruction of officers not more distinguished lor their sohd attain men's, gallantry and devotion’ to the putilio service, than tar unobtrusive bearing and high moral tone. The army, ns org-miz :<l, must be the nucleus, around which, in every time of need, flic strength of your miiiiury power, (ho sure bulwark of your defence —a national fjstl'tia may he readily formed into a well-disciplined nnd efficient organization. And the skiil and self-devotion of tho navy assure you that you may lake the performance of the past as a pledge for the future, and may confidently expect that the (lag which has waved its untarnished folds over every sea will sill! float in tindiinimshcd honor. — But *he>e, like many other subject#, will be appropriately brought, at a future time, to the at tention of 11 10 co-ordmato branches of the Go vernment, to which 1 shall always look with pro found respect, and with trustful confidence that they will accord to me tho aid and supp irt which , I shall so much need, and which their experience nnd wisdom will readily suggest. In the administration of domestic affairs, you expect a devoted integrity in the public service, .fhd nn observance of rigid economy in all ilepait rncuts, so marked ns never to be questioned. It Hus reasonable expectation bo not realized, I frankly confess that one of your leading hopes is ! doomed to disappointment, and that my efforts in a very important particular must result in a Imrnil la'tinw failure, Officers can be properly regarded only in l lie light of aids for the accomplishment of these object-; and as occupancy cam cooler no prerogative, nor importunaledqsire for preferment^ any claim,'the public intcirst imperatively d>- mands that they bn conferred with sole reference to Ihe ditties lobe performed. Good citizens may well claim tbo protection of good laws and the benign influence of good government, but a claim for office is wht the people of a republic should never reengn ze. No reasonable man of any par ty will expect the administration to be so regard less of its responsibility, ami of the obvious ele ment? of success, as to retain persons,known to be under the influence of political hostility and partisan prejudice, in positions, which will require, not only s \ -re labor, but cordial co operation— Having no implied engagements to ratify, no re wards tobeslow, no resentments to remember and no persona! wishes to consult, in selections for offiei il station, I shall fulfil this difficult, and deli cate trust, admitting no motive as worthy either of my character or position, which does not contem plate an efficient discharge of duly and best inte rests of my country. I acknowledge my oblig.- (ions to the masses of infcountrymen, and to them alone. Higher objects than personal aggrandize ment gave direction and energy to their exertions in flic late canvass and they shall not be disap pointed. They require at my bands diligence, in tegrity and capacity, whenever ilicrcare duties to bb performed. Without these qualities in their public servants, more stringent laws, for thepie venlion or punishment of fraud, negligence and peculation, will be vain, With them, they will be j unnecessary. Bnl these arc not the only points to which you look for vigilant watchfulness. The danger of a corfeen!ration ot all power in the general govern ment of a confederacy so vast as ours, are too ob vious to be disregarded. You have a right, there fore, <o expect your agents, in every department, to regard strictly the limits imposed upon them, by the constitution of the Uliited Sla'cs. The great scheme of our constitutional liberty ’e?ls noon a proper distribution of power between the States and federal authorities; and experience lias shown, that the harmony and happiness of our people must depend upon a just discrimination be tween the separate rights arid responsibilities of the States, and your common rights and obliga tions under the general government. And here, in my opinion, are the considerations, which should form the true basis of future concord in re gard to the questions which have most seriously disturbed public tranquility. If the federal go vernment will confine itself to the exercise of pow ers cleryly granted by the constitution, it can hardly happen that its action upon any question should endanger the institutions of the Stales, or interfere with their right to manage matters strict ly domestic, according to the will of their own people. In expressing briefly my views upon an important subject, whieh has reeenlly agitated the nation to almost a fearful de gree, I am moved by no other impulse than a most earnest desire for the perpet uation of that Union which has made us what e are, showering upon us blessings and confering a power and influence, which our fathers could hardly have an ticipated, even with their most sangu'ne hopes directed to afar off future. The sentiments I now announce were not un known before the expression of the voi e which called me heie. My own posi tion upon this subject was clear and un equivocal, upon the record of my words and my acls, and it is only recured to at this time because silence might perhaps be rniscons'rued. With the Union my best and dearest earthly hopes- are en twined. Without it, what are we indi vidually or collectively? What becomes of the noblest field ever opened for the advancement of our race, in religion, in j government, in the arts, and in all that dignifies and adorns mankind? From that 1 radiant constellation, which both illu mines our own way and points out to struggling nations their course, let hut a single star he lost, and if there he not utter darkness, the lustre of the whole ;is dimmed. Do my countrymen need assurance that such a catastrophe is not j to overtake them while i possess the power to stay it? It is with me an earnest and vital belief, that as the Union has been the source, under Providence, of out pros perity to this time, so it is the surest pedge of a continuance of the blessings we have enjoyed, and which we are sa credly hound to transmit undiminished to our children. The field of cairn and free discussion in our country is open, > and will always- he so, but never has been and never can be traversed for good in a spirit of sectionalism and uncharitable ness. The founders of the republic dealt with things as they were presented to them, in a spirit of self sicrifieing patrio tism, and, as time has proved, with a com prehensive wisdom which it will always be safe for us to consult- Every measure 1 tending to strengthen the fraternal feel ings of all live members of our Union, has had my heartfelt approbation. To every theory of society or government, 1 whether the offspring of feverish ambi tion or of morbid enthusiasm, calculated to disolve the bonds of law aid affection which unite us, I shall interpose a ready and stern resistance 1 believe that in voluntary servitude, as it exists in dif ferent States of this confederacy, is re cognised by the Constitution, i believe that it stands like any other admitted right, and that the States, where it exists, are entitled to efficient remedies to en force the constitutional provisions. I hold that the laws of IS3O, commonly called the “compromise measures” are strictly constitutional, and to he unhesitatingly carried into effect. I believe that the constituted authorities of this Republic are hound to regard the rights of the South in this respect, as they would view any other legal and constitutional right, and that the laws to enforce them should be respected and obeyed, not with a reluctance encouraged by abstract opin ions as to their propriety in a different state of society, but cheerfully, and ac cording to the decisions of the tribunal to which their exposition belongs. Such have been and are my convictions, and upon tha.n I shall act. I fervently hope that question is at rest, and that no sec tional, or ambitious, or fanatical excite ment may again threaten the durability of our institutions, or obscure the light of our prosperity. But l et not the foundation of our hope rest upon man’s wisdom. It will not be sufficient that sectional prejudices find no place in the public deliberations. It will not be sufficient that the rash counsels of human passion are rejected. It must be fait that there is no national security hut in the natiou’s humble, acknowledged de pendence upon God and His overruling Providence . We have been carried in safety through a perilous crisis. Wise counsels, like those which gave us the constitution, prevailed to uphold it. Let the period be remembered as an admonition, and not as an encouragement, in- any section of the Union, to make experiments where experiments are fraught with such fearful .haztrd. Let it he impressed upon our hearts that beautiful as our fabric is, no earthly power or wisdom could ever re unite its broken fragments. Standing as Ido almost within view of the green slopes of Monticello, and, as it were within reach of the.tomh of Washington’ with ail the cherished memories of the past gathering around me, like so many eloquent voices of exhortation from Hea ven, I can express no heller hope for my country, than that the kind Providence! which smiled upon our fathers may ei *bt e their children to preserve the blessing they have inherited. ‘ n Cabinet of Gen. Pierce. The following nominations of Cabinet Officers have been sent by the President b d° ® cnate ’ an<l c °nfirmed by that W. L. Makcy, Secretary of State, James Guthrie, Secretary of r| Y: -■ It. McClelland, Secretary of Interior Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War, J. C. Dobbin, Secretary of Navy James Campbell, Post Master General Caleb Cushing, Attorney General. Meriwether Presentments. We call the attention of our readers to the Presentments of the Grand Jury of Meriwether county, which will be found in a succeeding column,, particularly that portion which refers to- the liquor triffic. We are of the opinion that the Grand Jury have struck the right doctrine o i this subject, to which no one can take exception, to-wit : to leave it to the vo ters of each military district to say whether liquor shall , e retailed within • that district or not. This is making a neighborhood questio. of it, which c. m hardly be influenced by political, religious or other foreign influence. We trust the question will he kept aloof from any of these “entangling alliances.” We wish to see it disposed of upon its naked mer its. it has, strictly speaking, nothing to do with politics or religion, although af fecting both to an eminent degree in its practical effects, and should not be con-’ nected with them. Hewlett. This amusing temperance lecturer passed through G tiffin last week, and delivered a lecture on Friday evening las!. We trust the gentleman is doing good service for the cause of temperance. \V& should very much regret, by any remarks that we may make, in the smallest degree to paralyze any of his effort#, so long as they conduce to the amelioration or pro motion of the cause in which he is en gaged. But we fear Mr. Hewlett is get ting into rather deep water on the ques tion, as it now stands before the people of Georgia, to his opening arguments on Friday night, he ran into some wild absurdities, which he certainly would not have gone into had he been a little more conversant with- the genius of our politi cal and social institutions. We merelv wish to refer to one, with the hope, that if this note should meet hr# sight he will review and correct his position. Ha was speaking of the general principle of protection, and argued, somewhat a-t length, that the American people had no protection against the liquor traffic—that while the Indian and’ the negro were measurably protected, the whiteman had no protection. Ihe absurdity consisted in this, that while the w-l-il-e man, by his superior position, is bound, either by treaty or relation of master and servant,, to protect the Indian and„.negro; vet as regards himself, being his own master, making his own laws, choosing his own* rulers, he cannot protect himself or let it alone as he sees proper. If the white man is not sufficiently and properly protected whose fault is it, and who has he to blame? Surely the fault is his own, and he lias no one to blame but himself.— , Away then with the absurdity that the white nm is not protectsd against the liquor traffic. If that is so, it is because he does not want protection. If he de sires it, lie lias nothing to do hut to apply it- Tliis remedy is in his own hands. There is not a military district in the State that could not protect itself. If the people would 1 rise in their might as one man, and declare that the traffic should be abolished in that district, how long would it be befit e they would have a special act to carry their resolutions into effect? How long would it be before public opinion would put down the traf fic? There is protection in abundance, as soon as the people will speak out and say they require protection. C ierry Pectoral. —We have depart ed from our usual rule in regard to the advertising of Medicines, in admitting the notice of the Cherry Pectoral into our columns. It is not a patent medicine, hut one, the contents of which are well known to the medical profession, nnu which has proved highly beneficial in the case of a number of our acquaintances, who wore seriously afflicted with pul monary complaints. Some of our most skilful and eminent physicians recommend it to their patients in their regular prac tice, and we feel that we are conferring a favor upon the public by making known its virtues. —Louisville Ch. Advocate, Destructive Fire ia New Oilenua. Upwards cf twenty thousand bales of cotton burnt. Loss of a million of pro perly. Our exchanges from the Crescent City inform us that on Wensday evening last, about five o’clock, the cotton inside the gate way of the Alabama Cotton Press caught five, all of which consisting of fifteen or eighteen thousand bales, be sids five thousand bales outside the en closure, were entirley destroyed. The Press was also burnt—which is a serious loss to the owner as there was no insur ance on it. The whole property destroy ed is estimated to be worth a million of dal lairs. The cotton was mostly insured ‘iu foreign offices and in two or ihrea ofn fices- hi New Orleans. Schism has at last appeared among that hitherto united sect, the Mormons. The N. sf, Courier says that a party calling itself the “New Church” has sprung up and separa'ed from the original Mormon Society. The “New Chuich” has appointed seven rulers, answering to ihe branches of the Golden Candlesticks, and the authority descends from one to the other, so that ii can nqcer ceas§ while one is left.