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VOL. XIV.
THE GEORGIA JEFFERSONIAN
IS PUBLISHED EVEBT THURSDAY MORNING
BY WIIjIjIAM CLINE,
At Two Dollars and Fifty Cents per an
nami or Two Dollars paid in advance.
A t)VER.TISt£iV)tINTS are inserted at O.YiS
DOLLAR per square, (or the first insertion, and
FIFTY CEJVTS per square, for each insertion
thereafter.
A reasonable deduction will he made to those
w ho advertise by the year.
All advertisements not otherwise ordered, will
he continued till fnrliiri.
OF LANDS by Administrators,
Executors or Guardians are required hj law to be
held on the first Tuesday in the month, between
the hours ol ten in the (nreonon and three in the
afternoon, at the Court-House, in the county in
which the land is situated. Nntii'e. of fltege sale,
must lie niven in a public gazette FORTY DAYS
pr*"iou3 to thn day of sale.
SALES OF NEGROES must he made at pub
lic auction on the first Tuesday of the month, be
tween the ostial hours of sale, at the place ol pub
lic sales in the comity where the letters Tesla
iieritar’, of Administration or Guardianship may
have been “ranted; first “iving FORTY DAYS
notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of this
State, and at the court house whe e such salearsc
to t'ft held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property must
ho given in like manner FORTY DAYS previous
to the day of sale.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an estate
must he published FORTY DAYS.
No’iee that application will he made to the Court
Ordinary for i.kavf. to sell land must ho pub
lished lor TWO MONTHS,
Notice lor leave TO SELL NEGROES must he
pnYisVil TWO MONT FIS before any order ab
solute shill h” made thereon hv llm Court.
CITA TIO VS for LetP>rs of A Iministration,
must be published twlKty pat*; for Dismission
from Vdministratiou. monthly six months; for
Dismissi >n fro o Guardianship, forty day?.
Rules for the foreclosure of Mortgage must he
-i di'i-sh •;! MONTHLY FOR FOUR MONTHS, estab
lishing lost papers, lor the full spare of three
m >ntiis; for eoinpeMing titles from Kxeeulors or
a ifiiinis'rat.i-s, wlicie a bond has been given by
the deceased, the full snare ofrubEF. months.
From Mackellar’s‘‘Droop.iiogs from the Heart.”
let’s SIT DOWX AN'tl TALK TOGETHER.
Let’s sit clown and talk together
Os the tilings of olden day,
When we, like lambkins loosed from tether,
Gaily tripp’d along the way.
Time has touch’d us both with lightness,
Leaving furrows here and there,
And tinging with peculiar brightness
Silv’ry threads among our hair.
Let’s sit down and talk together;
Many years away hate passed,
And fair, and foul, has been the weather,
Since we saw each other last.
Many whom we lov’d are living,
In a better wor'd than this;
And some among ris still afe giving
Toil and thought for present bliss.
Let's sit down and talk together;
Thor’ the flowers of youth are dead,
The ferns still grow among the heather,
And for os their fragrance shed.
Life lias thousand blessings in it,
Even for the aged man;
And God has hid in every minute,
Something we may wisely scan.
Let’s sit down and talk together;
Bovs we were—we now are men;
We meet awhile, but know not whither, !
We shall meet to talk again.
Parting time has come: how ffeetfj’
Speed the moments, when their wings
Are fann’d by breathings issuing sweetly
From a tongue that never stings!
Georgia.
We are gratified at the daily evidences
which arc afforded of the high and influ
ential position which our noble common
wealth occupies in the Federation. The
following extract from an address of Al
bert J. Picket, the historian of Alabama,
will be read with interest. By the Way,
why is? not this distinguished citizen called
to fill some political position worthy of his
moral worth and large attainments? We
suggest him, fts Pol Winston’s successor
in the Gubernatorial chair of our sister
State. Let the State honor the man who
honors her But to the extract, Col. Pick
et says: C'dumb us Times.
The most prospering and enterprising
State iu the South is that which lies uptfn
onr eastern border. She has nine hun
dred and ninety-nine miles of Railroad,
over which run, night and day, cafs laden
with freight and filled with passengers.—
Georgia is truly a great titate, and a pat
tern for ours and all other Southern States.
Her limits are so large as to compose
ninety-nine comities, the soil of which is as
diversified as the climate; yet her people
and products are brought together, in the
space of a few hours, by means of the
great internal improvements to which I
have alluded. Evidences of remarkable
prosperity are observable in all directions
in t'.at State. The water-lalls are seldom
left us Nature formed them; but Factories
tfind Flour Mills are propelled by then’
power In Augusta, the Savannah river
lias been conduct and to the most elevated
ground, by a long canal, which is studded,
also, with Mills and Factories. There is,
4.0®,, a general intelligence existing, in
Georgia that we do not find in any other
State° Whatever is illiberal and mean in
*>ther States appei tains not to Georgia
I have reference, of course, to her public
spirh The people look to the interest of
their whole State, and effect improvements
upon a scale of magnitude and importance.
Ravines of great depth are filled up; the
inounta'n spurs are leveled-; mountains
themselves are tunneled* costly bridges
are thrown across rivers—all—all—for
the tracks of Railroads. From the Ten
nessee River to her distant seaboard, Geor
gia opens to her people every facility; the
young, the middle-aged and the old, rapid
fy travel from one portion of the State to
another. No one can visit Georgia with
out becomiug satisfied that she possesses
a great and happy people.
A slight frost occurred iu Augusta on
Sunday morning—on Sunday night a row
occurred in the streets, between a watch
man and two individuals, named Feagan
and Cartledge, during which the watch
man was killed—and a fire took place on
Monday night which consumed a stable.
tSav. Journal, 19 th inst.
When H’addix’s wife kicked him out of
bed, says he—“ See here, now! you’d bet
ter not do that again! If you do, it will
a coclncssf
fflw ©erivnia Jcfftreoitian.
From the Fedcrnl Union.
diivehiorl Election.
Enthusiastic. Demonstration in Baldwin.
On Monday evening of last week, after
It was known tkat Judge Johnson was cer
tainly elected, the citizens of M illcdgeville
and its vicinity expressed their joy at his
election in 3, manner which showed their
high respect for him as a fellow-citizen
The booming of the cannon from the cap
itol hill soon conveyed the glad tidings to
the surrounding country, and abont dark a
large number of onr citizens with a band
of music marched out to the residence of
the Governor elect tit Midway to congrat
ulate liltti on the happy event. The Jridge
received them most cordially, and at their
request liri gave them a speech, which con
tained so much sound doctrine and good
advice, that We have solicited from hirii a
copy for publication. We give below the
substance of the speech and commend its
spirit and the sentiments contained in it,
to the whole Democratic party of Georgia.
Let us all remember the memorable Words
of President Pierce: ‘‘The hour of victory
should be the hour of magnanimity.”—
There are in the State no doubt thousands
of honest Democrats who did not vote for
Judge Johns On. They were deceived by
the slanders and falsehoods of the Whigs.
They were told that the Democratic can
didate for Governor was a disnnionist; —
they believed this slander, and therefore
could not vote for him. All of these men
will soon learn that they have been deceived
by designing men They will discover that
Judge Johnson is a firm, substantial, na
tional Democrat; one that will give a zeal
ous and cordial support to the Administra
tion of Franklin Pierce, the President of
their choice. When these Democrats find
out that they have been deceived by the
enemy, and. that the Governor elect is
neither a disnnionist nor a freesoiler, but a
true Democrat of the Jackson and Polk
school, they will hereafter act with their
Democratic brethren in the State and the
United States: and the Democracy o r
Georgia will be stronger than it ever was
before. The result shows that many of
those Democrats that did not vote for
Judge Johnson, refused to vote for Mr.
Jenkins; this proves that they did not con
sider themselves Whigs, but they were de
mocrats who would not vote for a man
whom they had been told was a diSrfnidn
ist. We now, in the hour of victory, in
voke a spirit of harmony. We hope that
all of our democratic brethfen Os the press
throughout the State, will endeavor to
promote peace and harmony in the Demo
cratic patty. Let us ail believe that every
Democrat in the State has acted from
honest convictions of right. If this spirit
shall prevail, we shall soon see the whole
Democratic Party of Georgia reunited and
invincible. The Whigs are already pre
dicting quarrels and dissens’ons in our
ranks. We must disappoint them in this,
as bad as we did in the election. We have
proved their former predictions false; it
remains for us to show that their present
hopes are groundless. We must now con
vince them that we know how to rise a
victory, as well as how to gain one. But
we will not detain our readers any longer
from Judge Johnson’s excellent speech.
JUDGE JOHNSON’S ADDRESS
TO THE
CITIZENS OF MILLEDGEYiLLE.
Bellow-Citizens:— l aril pleased to see
so many of you to-night. As my friends
arid neighbors, you are here to offer your
congratulations on the result of the late
election for Governor. This manifestation
is the voluntary and spoiltatfeoris offering
of those among whom I live, and who
know me as a neighbor and fellow-citizen.
Accept, gentlemen, my hearty thanks, for
the pleasure you exhibit for my election to
the Executive Chair of our beloved State.
As intelligent freemen, your rejoicing
implies something more than gratification
for my mere personal eleva ion. With
the masses of the people, of whom yoii
are a portion, the success or defeat of any
•me individual is a matter of small moment.
It is insignificant, when weighed in the
balance with the great principles which
were involved in the canvass. Your visit
speaks your joy for the ascendancy of De
mocracy—its vindication at the ballot-box
—the popular approval and support of the
Administration of Franklin Pierce. The
real question was, whether the people of
Georgia would “ rebuke” our President
array themselves in a sectional, organized
opposition to his policy, or, whether, they
would stand with the great National De
mocracy in its support, until it shall be fully
developed, and have a fair trial before the
country. They have deliberately chosen
the latter position, and placed Georgia in
company with twenty-seveu o the other
States of the Confederacy which favor
the Administration of Franklin Pierce. It
is a proud spectacle, to sec twenty-eight of
the thirty-one States of the Union, all
standing on the Democratic Platform and
maintaining triumphantly the principles ot
Jefferson, Jackson and Polk. I congrat
ulate you, gentlemen, on the bi’illiant fu
ture which it opens up to our happy coun
try. It betoken > the prosperity, and the
perpetuity of the Union.
But, gentlemen, while we rejoice at the
triumph of Democratic principles, let me
beg you to discard from your bosoms, any
feeling of vindictiveness towards our op
ponents. It is unworthy of you as free
men - it is unworthy of you as Democrats.
They are our fellow-citizens, and the mass
of them are as leanest as we are, in their
opinions; while we imMge in the glories of
victory, let us not forget to be magnani
mous to the vanquished.
The contest which has just closed was
one of unusual virulence. It has been
conducted, on both sides, with a fierce de
termination to conquer. The press has
discussed, with unparalleled severity, the
merits and demerits of both the Guberna
torial candidates. But amidst all, it is
gratifying to me to know, that the kindly
I personal relations between me and my re
spected opponent have not suffered the
slightest disturbance. Charles-J. Jenkins
■is an amiable and; able man. We have
traveled together through a large portion
of upper Gieorgia. We have eaten and
slept together. We have met each)other
in political debate: autl I have always
found him courteous aud frank in this bear
GRIFFIN, (GA.) THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 27, 1853.
ing, and it is with unfeigned pleasure that
I state that, in not a solitary instance has
he indulged au unkind personal reflection!.
It was my purpose to reciprocate, at all
times, his elevated and gentlemanly bear
ing; and if I have said or done aught to
wound his feejings, I am not aware of it.
If I have, I take occasion, in this presence,
ami at my own house, to make the amende
honorable As it could have been no dis
grace to have been beaten by him, I es
teem it the highest possible compliment to
Ibe preferred to such a man as Charles J.
Jenkins. The value of the compliment is
increased, if possible, by the smallness of
the majority, which indicates the popular
preference. It would seem to’ indicate that
the people paused to’ deliberate, and hesi
tated to choose between us.
The occasion, gentlemen, is suggestive
of many rejections, touching the points
and modes of attack by which our oppo
nents have industriously sought to defeat
my e'ection. Os many of then!, I Will not
trust myself to speak. They are so false
in fact, and so ungenerous in spirit, that I
will not yield to the temptation to speak
of them as they deserve. But their lead
ing design stands out too prominently re
vealed, not to afrest the attention of the
most careless observer of the progress of
the canvass. That design was to seduce
the Union Democrats to abandon their
cherished principles. It was only in this
way, that they could indulge a shadow of
hope of success. For this purpose, two
prominent ideas were constantly held up
before their minds, and pressed with an
nrgency worthy of a better carise. The
first Was, that the Conservative organiza
tion was indispensible to the maintenance
of the Georgia Platform, and synonvmous
with that of the Constitutional Union
party. Os this 1 shall no't speak. The
trick was too transparent to deceive. The
second was, that I was a Secessionist, and
advocated disrinitfri as a remedy for the
evils tis the “Compromise measures/’ and
that, consequently, my Democratic Union
brethfen Could not, consistently, vote for
me. Their prejudices Were appealed to,
and an unceasing effort Was made to keep
alive’ arid active the asperities of feeling
which were unfortunately engendered be
tween! the two wings of the Democratic
party, by the exciting issues of 1851-52.
To influence the’ mind of my Democratic
brethren against me, it has been constantly
asserted, by the opposition presses and
speakers, that I denounced them in my
Sandersville letter, as a “pack of knaves
arid fools.” It iS Only necessary for any
fair minded and candid man to read the
whole paragraph of the letter, in which
these terms Occur, to be satisfied of the
great injustice of the charge against me.
The paragraph reads sts follows :
“ It is almost universally admitted, that
“ the South has been grievously wronged
“ by the late action of Congress respecting
“ the Territories of the United States
“ There are a few, however, who deny even
“ this proposition. They arc, of course, 1
“ not only in favor of uncomplaining sub
“ but for kissing the hand that
“ smites us. They even profess to sec, in
“ the recent measures of Congress, the in
“ dication of a returning sense of justice,
“ on the part of the North, and the dawri
“ ings of a brighter day for the South.—
” To reason With srich would be like “c'nst
“ ing pearls before swine.” “Let them a
“ lone, they arer joined to their idols”—
“ office and place—and are ready to sac
rifice on their altars, principles, and
“ hoirie. and country. With such, I have
“no sympathy—for them, I can have no
“ respect If their er'for be founded in
“ ignorance, I pity them as fools; if it be
“ the result of designing ambition, t con
“ deran them as knaves.”
Now to whom are these terms “ knaves
and /00/s” applied? To the whole body
of men who were in favor of acquiesence
in the Compromise measures ? Surely not.
Bnt to those ‘ ‘who were in favor of uncom
plaining submission.” Who were they?
You remember that, when Gov. Towns
gaffed the Convention, in obedience to the
Legislative requirement, there Were those’
who said, it was the duty of the Conven
tion to pass a resolution censuring him for
so <loing, and adjourn These were in my
mind’s eye, when I penned that paragraph,
and it was in reference to them that the
terms “knaves and /00/s” were used. They
were not designed to apply to the great
body of Union men. For, in the very
next paragraph, I expressed my respect
for their opinions, feeling then as now,
that there was a broad margin for an hon
est difference of sentiment, not only as to’
the measures themselves, but also, as to
the best line of policy for the State to
adopt in her Convention.
•With equal confidence, do I appeal to
the whole spirit and tenor of that let
ter, for a triumphant refutation of the
charge, tint I advocated secession as a
remedy for the wrongs which I thought
the South sustained by the passage of the
“compromise measures.” I thought then,
as I think now, that secession is totally
inadequate as a means of redress. The
measures consisted in passed acts of Legis
lation, several of which are irrepealable
i Secession, if resorted to, would not have
driven California back to the territorial
State; it wonld not have annulled the ter
: ritorial governments of Utah and New
Mexico; it would not have reversed the
settlement of boundary between Texas
and New Mexico; it would not have abol
ished the law prohibiting the slave trade
in the District of Columbia; and with the
Fugitive slave law, I was satisfied. In a
word, secession would not have restored
the rights of the South, as involved in any
single feature of the “Compromise Mea
sures.” Hence, in my Sandersville letter I
said:
“ Indeed l fear that past wrongs are for
“ the most part irremediable.
A * * s* *
“ It seems to me, therefore, that onr
“ Convention should look to future securi
“ ty rather than to redbess for past wrongs.
“ indeed I am frank to say 1 , that I would
“ not dissolve this Union, by secession or
“ otherwise, for what has already been
“ done, &c.”
A'nd'in the conceding part of the let
ter, I‘ used this further emphatic language:
“ And let us invite the latter (the
“ slaveholding States) to send delegates to
a southern Congress to meet iAMilltdge-
“ Viiie, rin the 4th of July, 1851, not to j
“ dissolve the Union, but to devise means !
“ for th!eir enforcement, (i. e. measures of,
“ future security,) with the tiew to preserve
“ the rights of trie* in the Union.”
How utterly unfounded and unjust,
therfoTc, is the charge rigoinst me for be
ing ri Secessionist and (llsunionist. And
yet,- although this letter was published be
fore the Georgia Convention met, in the
newspapers of the day, in the face of the
airijfle testimony which it furnishes to the
contrary, the imputation has been affgried
and reiterated in a thousand forms, to de
ter Union Uemocrats from honoring me
with their suffrages'.
I shall not notice the miserable “Buz
zard” story ; That has been explained
by gentlemen, “good and true.” I shall
nOt notice the assertion, that I expressed
of the Union party “a thorough contempt
for the whole pack.” This is a miscon
struction and perversion no less palpable
and unjust. Nor shall I pause to break
a lance with those who have sought to ar
ray the prejudices of the religious com
munity against me, by misrepresenting my
theological views. I believe it is still the
privilege of every man to worship God, ac
cording to the dictates of his own con
science; and he who wonld make any given
standard of orthodoxy, the test of eligibil-
ity to office, lacks nothing bat the power
to erect the stake, prepare the rack, and
ordain the thumbscrew, sos ail who do not
bow submissively to its dogmas. Let all
these, with the “log cabin” and “chicken
cart” stories be passed by, with that si
lence which is expressive of the contempt
they deserve An intelligent constituency
have proved themselves incapable of being
seduced from their devotion to principle,
by such despicable appeals to their preju
dices.
Still they hafe riot failed to produce
their effect. The result of the election
shows, that hudfeds were induced to with
hold from me their suffrages, by reason of
these false charges and misrepresentations;
Notwithstanding the rapid increase of our
population, fewer votes were polled, by
several thousand, than in the Gubernato
rial canvass of 1851. And While this may
be explained by the fact, of this having
been a far less excited contest than that,
yet a comparison of the vote cast in seve
ral strong Democratic counties, with that
cast in the election of 1849, between
Towns and Hill, shows, that the diminish
ed vote in those counties resulted from the
failure of Democrats to vote either for
Mr. Jenkins or myself. They exhibit,
that while Mr. Jenkius received only a
slight, increased vote over that of Ilill, I
received a much smaller vote than Towns.
In other words, it is evident that hun
dreds of Union Democrats, impressed by
the false charges preferred against me,
felt that they could not vote for me. It
is not strange that they should thus feel:
for if these charges were t ue, they could
not be expected to feel otherwise. The
opposition press represented me in a light
which made me more of a monster than a
man; and a monster too, with special an
tipathies to Uniorn Democrats. It requires
more’ fim’e to refute, than to concoct a
slander—more time to remove than to a
waken prejudices. Hence, I have no
word of complaint to urge against my U
nion Democratic brethren for withholding
their suffrages. They were honest in their
doubts and misgivings; and I confidently
trust to time for my complete vindication
lirict their sense of justice’ and magnanimity,
when that great arbiter shall have shown
them, how much they have been deceived j
and imposed upon by reckless politicians j
and a still more reckless press.
There is another fact in this connection I
gentlemen, which is not only gratifying
but hopeful. It is this: Although these
Union Democrats did not vote for your
candidate, yet it is evident they did not
vote for Mr. Jenkm’s. If they had, lie
would have been elected by a large major- i
ity. This proves that, in withholding 1
from me their votes, they did not intend (
to abandon their Democratic principles
They are Democrats still, and they will
yet rally upoli our ancient platform, when
time shall have swept away the dust and
the sm’oke of the contest, which have dar
kened, temporarily, the path of duty, so
that they could not see their way clearly
‘before them'. Let us then, indulge to
wards there? no unkindness. They are our
political brethren still; and let us show
our own fraternal feelings, by’ conciliatory,
generohs and just action. Such a policy,
universally adopted and steadily pursued
by our people and the Legislature, soon
to assemble', .will c'chsolidate the whole
Democl&cy of Georgia, and place it upon
a position as impregnable as Gibralter.
f should feel guilty of ingratitude, were
Ito pretermit, on this occasion, an ac
knowledgment of the heavy debt we owe
to our Southern Rights and Union Whig
brethren, for the effectual aid whcli they
have given us, in the late canvass. Feel
ing that our policy is the soundest, that
the National Democracy offers the safest
security for the rights of the South, and
that Gen. Pierce will prove true to the
Constitution and the Union, they have
not hesitated to'cast their lots with us.—
Their patriotism is stronger than party
ties, and rising superior to prejudices, they,
are not ashamed’ of our name. We bid
them Welcotne with grateful hearts, into
the unterrified ranks of Dfemtoiraey!
I rejoice, gentlemen, re-union of
the Democratic party. I rejoice in its re-,
cent triumphs. May the spirit of discord
no more invade it. May the schisms and
asperities of the past be all-forgotten, and
the ocean of popular feeling, having been
calmed; may its surface, like a polished
mirror, ever reflect the silvery beams of
perpetual peace.
T*hc'State Road.
From a statement of the earnings of
the State Road, published in the Atlanta
Intelligencer, we observe that there has
been a regular increase in its business for
the three years ending first September
last. The increase business of the
month over that of the corresponding
month of last year is, $11,629 27. Du
ring theyeAr ending 30th Sept. 1851, the
total incom’e amounted to $235,028 44,
while the income for the last year has in
creased -tin l the ‘sum 5 of $478,876' 06.- —
TO THE
i TEACHERS OF GEORGIA,
At a meeting of FVachers held ai Grif
fin, August 10th, a society was organ
ized under tbe name of “The Teacher’s
Association onrie State of Georgia;” and
we wpre directed to address our co-labor
ers as to the objects and hopes of our
union
These are fully set-forth in the 2d Ar
ticle of the Constitution and maybe Clas
sified as follows-;
First—lt is designed to seek out and
recommend the best mode of instruction;
and the means to be employed are: Ist.
The examination and recommendation of
the best Text llooks; 21. The delivery
of lectures upon subjects connected with
instruction; 3d. The free discussion of
questions connected with the Teacher’s
duties and office.
Second—'The Association designs loing
all in its power to diffuse education among
the people of Georgia, by urging the es
tablishment of Common schools, ami bv
all other means which may promote this
great object, and finally, one of its prime
objects is to roduce and cherish a friend
ly intercurse anno g Teachers. It in
vites eVery teacher in the State to Co-op
erate with its founders in the pursuit of
these ends, upon the easy terms of sub
scribing to the Constitution anJ paying
Two Dollars annually into tbe Treasu
ry
The objects above slated will commend
‘hemselves to the favor of not only every
right-minded Teacher, but also to every
citizen—a friend to true progress, and
they are severally worthy of a full discus
sion, if our limits allowed it.
It is growing into a settled opinion
with tbe well-informed, that teaching is
properly a profession, and that every fair
scholar is no more necessarily a good
teacher than he is a good lawyer or phy
sician. But while teaches and tyros are
scarcely, if at all, fecognirfed in’ the latter
professions, and a long course of study in
the art of pleading and of healing is
prescribed to the candidates for their
honors and emoluments, the youth fresh
from a school perhaps of inferior grade,
Ur the young inexperienced collegian,
without previous training in the art of in
struction, is admitted to the responsible
duty of directing the moral an and intellec
tual destines of our thing generations.—
The verv nature of the leachet’s duties
indicate the necessity ofsuch instruction,
while the facilities therefor are wholly
wanting in the Southern States. There
are shonls of Medicine and Law, and
yet it cannot he believed, that he, who
is set to develope and train the innocent
and untutored intellectual faculties, and
lo stamp an eternal firiprfe’ss tiipori the
mortal na'fore of the plastic young, needs
less direct oreparation for his peculiar
work, thitrr he tfoS‘3 who is called to baf
fle physical infirmities, or to guard pecu
niary interests. And yet our destitution
of normal schools and institutes for
the training of teachers,-and hitheito of
teacher’s associations has left this large
aud useful class of professional men to
the adoption of such chance methods of
instruction as the example of their form
er masters, or their own caprice, o’r indi
vidual genius might supply; perhaps in
too many cases to no efficient methods
at all.
If in any case the teachings of a wise
experience are needed, surely there is de
mand for theft) in a work where the sub
! tleties of the mental and perversity of
the moral nature ought to Ire exploded,
understood and directed rtf controlled so
as to develops the tiaf ve powers of the
mind in the highest perfection in wisdom
and usefulness Our association propo
ses, as far as can effect it, to supply
the defieiences- of a regular professional
training, and to bring together ou'r indi
vidual experience as a common stock,
from which all may draw useful and impor
tant lessons. Vvri* hope thus to magnify
our calling by eliciting every possible im
provement in etHch system of instruction.,
to subserve more efficiently the interests
of our race in accomplishing ou'r great
mission.
It h not necessary to discuss at length
the measures proposed to effect these ob
jects.- ft may he sufficient to sav, that
while they are obviously the most simple,
and therefore, most likely to suggest
themselves in the incipiency of our en
terprise, a large experience will doubt
less lead to the adoption of such other
measures as shall render it entirely suc
cessful.
The second object above mentioned is
to do all in our power to jdiffuse educa
tion among the people of Georgia, by urg
ing the establishment of common schools
&c. A nation of freemen should be a na
tion ot scholars, that each man may read
and mink and act for himself, unaffected
by the pernicious teachings of unscrupu
lous demagogues. This is our only se
curity for a wise maintenance of our lib
erties. Progress in’ olh'er departments,
in arts, in manufactures, commerce and
the means of inter-communication is of
questionable,benefil to a ! people', if they
are to’he'left from generation to genera
tion without moral anil intellectual cul
ture. Hereditary stupidity will become
a characteristic of the people and fit them
all the better sos being tools to those
whose superior knowledge of shtew'd
ness qualifies them for taking advantage
of the mulliplie 1 resources of the age, to
achieve their selfish ends. The worst
despotism - is that which the control of
vast sources of p-uver gives to the edu
cated few over the uncultivated'“many,”
ainrunless education - arid Virtue go hand
in hand with physical progress, it may
become a minister of the most flagrant
corruption and of thb’direst mihei Let
us, then, no longer glory in out- vast im
provements so long as perhaps four-fifihs
of our youth of pfoper age are not at
school, while 50,000 of our white popu
lation, of whom’ more ifian 16,000 are
voters w’ho cannot read and w'rite.—
These latter have each a power at the
polls equal to that of the most enlighten
ed voter, and it is befitting, to say the
least of it, that they should know how
to write a ballot or to read one alter it is
, printed for them. We shall never be the
Soulhern Empire State until the facili
ties of at least common school education
be afforded to everv freeborn citizen. We
owe this to each other, and to ourselves,
for our individual good depends upon the
common wcai; the State owes it to her
sons—ifbe sons owe it f> their State U 1
see that non# are by necessity so igno
rant that they are not able to learn at
least from the newspaper and the Bible
all they need to make them intelligent
and virtuous freemen.
I hat this is a necessity generally felt,
is not to be denied. No more is if, that
there are vast practical difficulties in ti e
way of accomplishing it We believe
that these, and not indifference, is the
reason of so lit'le baing done'in this great
cause. None have yet been fond with
enough to find the way out of this
labyrinth; none porhnps have been suffi
ciently well-informed as *o the precise
nature of the work to be dotfe. Who
shall he the pioneers in this great enter
prise—shall level the hills and fill up the
valleys, and lead the way into the fields
of general culture? The Teacher, mani
festly is indicated by the character of his
work as the proper leader here. His
profession makes him acquainted with the
intellectual wants of the people; his ex
perience, more than that of others, mav
best indicate the remedy; his devotion to
his peculiar task fosters that sympathy
for the young which prompts to effort,
and is the surest pledge to success.
Let us then take hold of the subject,
let us bring together our experience, our
zeal, our knowledge, and combine in a
common effort to give’ a school to every
neighborhood, and to’ open its doors to
every minor, and it will be done. We
may not, nay, we do not yet see the best
method of doing this, but we do distinctly
see the work to be done, acd we know
that it can be done, (for it has been else
where accomplished,) and our will shall
find for us the vfray. Our combined ac
tion will arouse the public mind, awaken
the dormant faculties of Legislators, and
set in motion forces that shall sweep be
sotted ignorance out of our fair land from
mountain to seaboard.
The space already occupied forbids a
discussion of the third object specified.
Suffice it to say, that our first meetin o,
opened to those of us present such new
and lasting sources of pleasure, that we
believe that none of the members will
willingly be absent upon any like occasion.
In conclusion, we would respectfully
invite and urge every Teacher in the State
to be present at the next semi-annual
meeting of the Association, which is to
be held at Milledgeville on Wednesday,
30.11 November, at 7 o’clock,- P. M. *
We further beg leave to suggest that
even a few days’ absence from school
duties, fo'r sudd a purpose, cannot meet
with the disapprobation of even the most
exacting patrons, since every addition to
the efficiency of the Teacher, is a direct
benefit to the people, and the advantage
will doubly repay the lost time.
We would refer those who may wish
to learn more of our Association and its
objects, to the Common School Jour.ial,
published in Columbus, Ga., at $1 per
year, by Rev. T. F. Scott, and recom
mend that every educator in the State
subscribe to this Journal.
With s-ntimeuts of paternal regard for
our fellow-teachers, in behalf of°the As
sociation anti for ourselves,- we commend
these matters to their consideration.
E. H. MYERS, I o
JOHN DARBY, | §
C P. 13. MARTIN, V 3
J. E. WILLETT, =
L. LA TAS TE, j ?
The Committee beg that those papers
in the State friendly to the cause, publish
the address that it may reach nil the
Teachers.
The Sister of Charity.
The Mobile correspondent of the Mont
gomery Advertiser, alluding to the mel
ancholy death of several Sisters of Chari
ty and their untiring, self-sacrificing la
bors during the prevailing epidemic, has
the following beautiful and touching pas
sage
“What beautiful lessons of Christianity
are presented to us in the life and death
of one of these good sisters. Her hu
mility, when, sacrificing the pride and
vanity of the lie'll, she cut olf her hair, a
woman’s most becoming ornament, and
clothes herself in a coarse and most un
becoming dress and subjects her will to
the enlire control of a superior. Her
self-denial, when she voluntarily with
holds herself from all those indulgences
and all those ties which are looked upon
by the worldly as the source of enjoy
ment and hafppin’ess, and devotes her life
to the service of o'.tteitf.
“Her fortitude, when she is ever ready
to face that moo3ler before whom the
strong man trembles, even when he pre
sents himself to her in his most painful
and loathsome form. Her battle-field has
no colors flying, nor drums beating, nor
trumpets sounding, nor wild hurrahs to
urge her oa. It is in the hospital, a,tnid
the beds cov’ered with the sick and the
dying, filled with an atmosphere impreg
nated with the sickening fumes of dis
ease, where little breaks the stillness but
the cries of pain, the groans of suffering
or the hard and intrepid breathings of ex
piring humanity. Her charity, as broad
as *he earth, and so comprehensive.as to
embrace every sutfering child of Adam;
a charity that acknowledges no territorial
limits, and knows no distinction of class,
or race or creed. Like a ministering au
g<d she glides among the sick, whispering
hope and encouragement to one, moisten
ing the parched lips and bathing the fe
vered forehead of another, easing the
restless head and smoothing (he pillow of
a third.
“Every victim of disease before her,
seems to remind her of the agonies and
sufferings of her crucified Redeemer, and
for his sake, forgetting that fear of death
and loathing of disease, which are the
common instincts of our uature, she con
tinues her labor of love without fear.—
And in death, well does she illustrate the
morals of her life. The same humility,
self-denial, fortitude, patience and resig
nation which she practised id life, abide
with her tot the last Caring nothing for
the pleasures and enjoyments of this life,
she leaves it wi hout regret. Having laid
up her treasures in heaven, her heart has
long been there, therefore she is ready to
apjiear before that God, whom in life she
has loved and served so well ”
1 ‘dasrr -
Prom the IVI-AiL Tribune.
A Ilomily.
We suspect that if a wise man were
set to select what he considered the most
important virtue in society, he would
efioose that which is called economy—a
very modest virtue, if it he admitted as ai
virtue at all by some people oay, a great
many people—for it is come to be imag
ined extensively’ that economy and mfeari
ness are convertible terms
Not so, however, to one who sees any
considerable number of inches bevond his
fioise. Submit the matter to this tes':
Gather up all the persons who stand well
in a community—take Mobile—and see
who are now the most comfortable, the
most respected, the most influential.—
Then, in another, parallel, column, put
down all those who are otherwise.
Go a little farther, and find of the for
mer, who began life dn nothing like visi
ble capital, had not a sou—got married
and bought the household bed and thd
consequent cradle on credit.
Then take the other column and see, of
those whose names are Within it, How
many began life on better terms with For
tune—started, as it were, in the life-heat
of fifty miles, o'r thereabouts—soma ten
dt twenty, may gain, forty miles in the
start—and see, where, after the race has
hedri run, how many have fallen away
far behind.
Examine, then, into the cause, and see
if this may not be written down —that
each lagard lacked thrift a .id industry—
the two inseparable—and to this lack,
and no other lack perceptible, is the.
cause to He traced.
Go, then, farther— still on this
track—and count how mmy clever vun /
men, fit for any pursuit, capable of filling
any post in life, have sunk down—been
I o'st here forevermore to themselves, and
friends, anJ the commonwealth, from a
total lack of this economy and thrift.
The result will be surprising, and it
the observer do not respect econo Tty and
feel indignant when some thoughtless
person shall call it meanness, we will a
bandon all hope in this life of attaining
to the character of a ivizard.
We may say that economy is the best
virtue a young man can start in this life
with. The luscious peach grows from’
the soil and the unseen elements in the
atmosphere* the rose bldoms on a dung
heap; and thus economy, though but
generally little prized, arid quite unhand
some, is the source of all the best virtues
which spring up in the social field. In
itself it may be homely, as the soil is, but
its products are as beautiful as the rose
and luscious as the peach. I/et then this
principle become a house-bold god—to
be worshipped with as much reverence as
things terrestrial deserve".
We < eed much now, and shall presently
perhaps, heed more, of this Sort of admo
nition— for the world is prosperous, and
in the bright present we make pictures of
the future which will allure us from self
denial into those “primrose pa'hs” where
self-indulgence is so seductive and ruinous.
To the young mechanic, or the young
clerk, or the young lawyer, we say this,
lei this word ECONOMY be written at
the head of thy bed, where, as thou te
tirest at night weary, thou m&vst see it;
and where, in the morning - , whn thou
risest refreshed, it may stand out a moni
tion and a text for the day’s doings.—
Young man give heed to this, it among
thy dreams of the future be pla'ce, an
comfort and respect—if thou hast a hor
ror of dependence, discomfort, and shifts
which ruins souls, and the death which
is painful both to men and angels.
With this grave—perhaps in some sort,
somnolent preface, we copy the following
from the Boston Transcript:
“The rriost fashionable cravats are sold
at five dollars. The fall style of velvet
vests range’ froUn $lO to $22 each. Most
of the desirable patterns of the best qual
ity have been already taken at prices
above S2O.
“In the m'atte’r of vest buttons, there
is great extravagance. VVe heat of sales
of single sets at upwards of a hundred
dollars, and the jewellers on Washington
street have elegant styles at prices rang
ing from $lO to S2O a button, or from
S3O to $l2O a set of six. At the latter
price a superb set,- with diamond centres,
can he obtained.
“The fmest shirts in Faneuil Hall cost
sl2 each, and a small fortune is required
for a “fashionable suit” of gentlemen’s
clothes,”
See how these gilded baits are held out
—shalcen, as Circe shakes her ambrosial
curls, in the young man’s face. Shun
this temptation. Let not the example of
Mr. Young Sopht, who is starting with
a few thousand dollars, be to thee, who
hast nothing but thy hard-earned wages,
a snare in this matter of twelve dollar
shirts, or twenty dollar vests. Work in
linsey-woolsey, it it be necessary to save
thee from pecuniary crampings; or iff
plain, sound cloth, if thou canst afford it
—hut shun, as if it were a pestilence
that example of the youthful Sopht. By
this, thou mayst patiently attain to one
horse respectability, nay, even tq thkt
consummation of all earthly good, four
horse respectability, and when, by econo
my, ihou hast reached that Haven, per
haps to Mr. Sopht—then reduced to the
class loafer and become plain Sost —thou
mayst be an aid and a comfort when he
is shiftless and trouserless, and has not
where-withal to purchase that daily es
sential, bread. The sheers of the tribe
Sopht despise, and it will be well with
thee. Thsr household-—thy wife and tittle
ones—may call the blessed, when the out
going generation of the Sophts will not
find in any man respect enough to pro
voke a kick—a thing that even a dog is
sometimes worthy of.
Godjlovas m w better tb&n man loves
t himself.
Let discretion temper your desires?
No. 43.