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EDaUti (Examiner,
It Y
LOCHRANE, DOpHI &. CO.
J. H. STKKLK, / r™,.,, •
j. W. DOWSING. { KWT ' iR
ATLANTA, GEO.’ ”
THURSDAY, AUGUST 20. 1857.
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Direct letters to Editors Atlanta Examiner
Democratic. Nominations.
FOR GOVERNOR,
JOSEPH E. BROWN.
OF CHEROKEE.
FOR CONGRESS.
Second District—M. J. CRAW FORI)
Third " D. J. BAILEY.
Fourth " L. J. GARTRELL.
Fifth “ A. R. WRIGHT.
Sixth' JAS. JACKSON
Seventh *’ LIN. STEPHENS.
Eighth “ A. H. STEPHENS.
STATE LEGISLATIVE.
For Senator.
JARED !. WHITAKER.
For Representative
JOHN G. WESTMORELAND.
See Third page for Late News.
Hon A fi. 8TEPHEMS.
From the Augusta Ooostitutfooafisr we copy
vdsr. a letter of the Hon. A. H. Stephens,
addressed to the people of the atb Congress
lional District. The letter would hare ap
peared on yesterday, bot for the fact that the
•‘CooatitutiooalUt” directed, and regularly
transmitted to us from that office, fell into
bands unknown. This will account for our
being “ behind time" in its publication. Our
readers, too, we doubt not, will excuse us for
publishing this letter in our dnily to the
exclusion of our usual xariety. A more im
portant and interesting comnaiinnation we cau-
eot place be lore them
To the Voters of tbe Elghib Con-
greusloaal District.
It may be unnecessary, perhaps, for tne to
say much by way of apokisy or explanation of
my reasons lor addressing you at this time and
in'this way. The numerous calks that have
been mode upon me by personal and political
frietds. in primary meetings of the people and
otherwise, to allow my name to go before the
District again for reflection to Congress with
sit the formality of a regular nomination, re.
quire a response. This should haTe been made
earlier,*!*] would hare been.'but for mat’art of a
l» rsonal nature that hare prevented, and which
In no way concern the poblic.
To reply, however, to each sepantely, would
take c..nsiderabie time, and devolve upon me a
great ileal of useless labor ; while to select oac
in preference to others might be deemed invid
ious. J, therefore, take this meihed of an
swering all together, and at the same time say
ing briefly, not only to those who have '.hu-
manifested their w'ubes in this particular, but
the other voters of the District generally, that
if it is tbe will and pleasure of the people that
’ I shall 9erve them again in tbe national coun
cils, I have no sufficient reason consistent with
tuy sense of duty to the country and my ob!i
gationa to them to justify tne ©refusing—par
ticularly at this juncture. I feel profoundly
sensible of the signal marks of confidence re
peatedly shown to wards me by tbe people of
this District. The present may not oe an fort
proper occasion to make allu-ion to them and
the past relations between us of Representative
and constituents.
During the whole time I have represented
itie district, the houor to been conferred witli-
ut any party nomination—this is unusual in
our day— and the honor on that account, has
been the more highly appreciated by me It
has caused me. if poedhlr, to feel more sensi
ble the weight of the responsibility re ting on
me, to watch over,, look after, guard and pro-
ect equally, the rights md interest of all*—
How far I succeeded in meeting their expec
tations in tbe diacba'ge of the great trusts
thus confidingly placed m my bands, tin y must
judge for themselves,. Bot it is quite a grat
ification to roe to know that since 1 have been
so chosen, not n single vote or act ot mine, aa
their representatve. was efer subject ot com
plaint at the time, as far as I am aware of b
a single roan of any party in the district, a!
approved, al tbe time it was dune, of every
thing 1 dal as their representative. At least
nothing was heard to the contrary—no cen
sure was made, no disapprobation ever expres
•cd. Party aDd nominal questions of the great'
magnitude and mo*t exciting cha, nettr were
acted on during tbe time. At the Srst session
of that term of set vii e, tbe Kansas bill, which
is still the topic of so mnch discussion vrat
brought forward. I pave it, as you all kt-ow.
my warm and zealous support. Its success
was bailed, not only in this district, but by ail
parties throughout (leorgia, as a great tri
umph—a triumph not of one section of the
country over another—not of the South over
the North, farther than her rey.iration to e-
quality was concerned—but of the friends of
the Constitution everywhere over those who
for thirty years had been endeavoring to wrest
that instrument from its trpe spirit, to accum
plish selfish and soctiooal purposes against
Southern institu ion*. And though I hare seen
up to this day no attack upon roe individually,
for iny position in connection with that meas
ure, yet I regret to say, it is but foo apparent,
and Las been for sometime past, that a party
n Geoigia.and particularly in tire 8th Dis
trict, i- ri-ing up, whose object is, if not openly
covertly at leas’, to get a popular condemn*-,
lion of it. They now <$*rty insinuate that
it was the work of trickster.i and demagogues
“ ‘ ^excitemeqk
foot reply to
cbarftare esio|
•ccuastion, for
gave itprtfjMM .«Of**rty ah approval at
9n' time it J£see4«* fry bodyehe. If trieX -
stm were’the authors of it, they were the
trickster bettkm.
The pretext now that they then gave their
approval with a reservation pr exception as to
the “alien suffrage" anl "squatter sovereign
ty 1 ’ features as tiny called it, will not do. This
is but an after thought, and wholly untueabk 1
at that. All the ’•aflensuffragv" tbe bill.ever
bad in it was in it when it met the approval
of the Georgia Legistatnre In February, 1854,
ami when they declared that hostility to the
prindpta of the hill should be regarded as
hostility to the South. And as for the'squat
ter sovereignty' feature, thatwa; nothing but
a fancy of the brain from the beginning—
which was conjured Bp some (hue afterwards
—about ttie tuna it was discovered that tbe
only dcfvudc s ef tb ‘ bill at the North, with
lew exceptions, wore lfomocraU. So such
principloTlinwever, w*» ever in the bill. '1’his
was ccdelusively shown daring the canvas*
last year, and is now generally admitted. Iu
fact, the main argument last year was uotso
much to sliiiw that any such principle was re
ally iu !h' bill, as to prove ihat such was the
Northern construction or it. It was strenu
onslv contended that iWr. Buchanan had put
tha’ coostragtion upou it in iiis letter of ac
ceptance. But by his Inaugural even that
ground ot complain (altogether imaginary and
unsaMau'.ial as it was.) was removed. This
is now also openly acknowledged—and a very
important acknowledgement it is— for with it
the last vestige of that pretext for opposition
or objection’vanishes. It is a matter to be
noted aud remembered that the Warreaton
Convention, of the Gth iust., that nominated
my honorable competitor, expressly state and
proclaim :
"We confer, -iiui. our surprise, when his
(Mr. Buchanao'si inaugural address rk.sovnced
socstrur. so\ Kij.vn*—and the edge of our op-
position to his udmiuistratiou was blunted by
the apparent Iwldness and honesty of his sen
timents."
This is an honest and timely confession. It
is a complete answer to most of the arguments
of their orators and newspapers of la-t year.
Buchanan's "squatter sovereignty principles
was then the staple of tbeir speeches and edi
torials—it was the bartheu of their song, "the
Illiail of their woes." It was this phantom
that caused some iu tbeir maddened rage to
-av that the bill, with this construction was
worse for the South than the Wilmot Proviso
itself Most blinding most have been that
rage which could have caused anybody to see
that anything could have been worse for the
SCUth than tiwt positive, ahsahilt and perpetual
prohibition against slavery in a territory, put
oq In 1820, and which the Kansas bill remo
ved! /
But such things we have witnessed and per-
baps stranger ones are yet in store for us. It is
not so much, however, with the past as with
the present, and the future we have to deal. 'I he
past it is true frequently throws light on the
future, and fortius reason, it is not to be neg
lected or forgotten. I need not assure you that
I was for th*’ biU in the beginning and am for
it yet. and shall stand by it to the last.notwitli-
itanding the new “fire in the rear" as well as
the old one "in the front.'
From late indications the next Congress will
have before it deeply interesting, if not unusu-
a ly exciting questions—net lewmotban those
before* tin- last. In the elections for tbe last
Congress the RErnt. of the Kansas bill was a
prominent issue at the North. Upon the as
sembling ot that !>ody a large majority of the
Houre were claimed to fie in favor of its repeal.
But they did not sncced in tbeir object. If.
however, it was an-ttowiee measure, got up by
agitators and tricksters to serve selfish and par
ty ends, ought it rot to Lave been repealed?
On this point the XVarrentoa Convention, if
such be tbe drift and tendency of tbeir policy,
a-e again estopped -at least their party is—
for as late as Ice 2sth of January, of last year
the following resolution was offered In the
House of Representatives by Mr. Meacham of
Vermont:
‘ Retotpeety That in the opinion of this House
the repeal of th-* M-iwonri Compromise of
1820, prohibiting slave y north of latitude 36°
30’, was on example o! useless and factious ag
itation of the slavery question, both in and
out of Congress, and which was unwise, as
will as unjust to a portion of the American
people
1 his resolution D but a short statement of
th< sal stand ol tbe commentary of the Wat*
reuton Convention, and ftbey are right their
representative ought to have voted for it. But
he did not, nor did a single member of the
American party, or nnv party from theSouth,
vote for it except Mr," Etheridge from Ten
nessee. Messrs, Foster and Trippe from this
State, voted against it. so did the two Mar
shalls from Kentucky, Mr. Zoliicoffer from
Tennessee—all the leaders ol the party, aud
every member of it from the South, with the
exception Hated. We.• the* all tricksters,
agitator, und demagogues, or the backers of
such paltry characters'.’This resolution passed
the flou-e. but the majority did not succeed
in tbeir attempt* to carry a repeal of phe re a-
sure by law. Their whole effects then were
directed to another election. In Ibis liiey
were signally defeated again, as well in their
attempts to get control of the Executive a* of
the next I louse. 1 bus opened aud thus coded
tbe la..'. Congress so far as tbe Kansas bill was
concerned. It passed tbe ordeal of three stormy
a*- ions intact and unf luched, ai d came out of
tbe I’reShWuthil 'cofcfr,t sustained and endors
ed by the people ol the United Hiatts and by
'-••■try Southern state save one.
It was after this memorable popular ver
dict, m il- favor last fall—after its principles
seemed to V settled so far as the action of
Congress waa concerned—after everything
pertaining even to a doubtful construction
was put to rest by tbe inaugural of Mr.
Buchanan, and after the main principles rf
the bid wen iully affirmed by the Supreme
Court of the United States, .n tbe Drcd Scot
cj*. that 1 did indulge a strong desire and wish
to retire It was with this measure above all
othen, 1 bad become identified in my public
career With the prospect of its being firmly
established in every department of govern
ment, the time seemed suitable *3 well as
propitious, for me to take that course, which
was so agreeable to my feelings.
But since the indications to which I have
alluded, have furnished grounds to appre
hend that these and kindred questions will
come up before the next Congress, I deem it
due to you to say that 1 feel no disposition to
shrink from the responsibility of meeting
them. Whatever may have been my wishes
for repose, however congenial to my feul-
mgs end health, quiet and rest might be, I
ha»i no inclination, voluntarily to quit the
field ol action, so long a* the fight lasts on
this measore. I shall, if the people so will
it, stand by it to the end, let that be what it
may. As to my course, it elected, 1 have
no new pledge or promise t„ make. The
form In which this question will prevent it,i
questioiqof si;
the control of
self most probably in the next Congress,
will not be on a repeal of the measure ; that
idea is abandoned. It will be upon 1 he point,
whether in principles shall he truly and
faithfully carried into effect. It will be my
object to the utmost extent of my power, to
see to it that this is done ; not only in Kan
sas, but in every other Territory ol 1 ho Uni
ted States. These principles were 9et forth
in the Cincinnati Platform of last yenr, in
the following words:
'‘Fetched, Thai wc recognise the right ot
the people of all the Territories, including
Kansas und Nebraska, acting^ through the
legally and fairly expressed will ota majori
ty of actual residents, and whenever the
number of ilieir inhabitants justifies it, to
form a Constitution with or without domes
tic slavery, and be admitted into the Union
upon terms of perfect equality with other
Stales."
This resolution not only embodied ihe
principle* upon which the Kansas bill was
founded, (thereby fully endorsing them) but
it proclaims them as the permanent anil set
tled future policy of the general government
towards all the Territories so far as the* ac
tion of that party uttering them, can make
It rests upon the basis of removing the
‘ slavery in the Territories from
of the General Government and
leaving il to be settled iu the proper way
and at tho proper time, by the people most
deeply interested m it. It sernres the right
of perfect equality between the citizens of
all the States in tbe Union in the enjoyment
of the public domain as long as the Territo
rial status continues. Since 1S20, an effort
has been made by the anti-slavery men at
the North to use the powers of the General
Government against southern institution.-.
Tlu*. first point of attack was the Territories.
Tlteir policy was to hedge in, hem up, bind
round and by restrictions to prevent the
South from any further growth and expan
sion. That this might ultimately weaken,
cripple,and perhaps destroy the institution in
the States was the main object. On the
part of the South, it was justly insisted that
her right of expansion was equal to that of
the North. This fight, after a struggle for
years, was first secured in 1850, alter the de
feat of the XVilmot Proviso, or the Congres
sional restrictive policy. The Kansas bill
did but follow up, and carry out the policy
of 1850—while the resolution just quoted,
adopts and looks to the establishment of
this as the future policy of the Government.
In my judgment, the principles upon which
this policy rests, are worth the Union itself.
Its objects were and arc not to make Kan
sas, or any other Territory either a slave or
a free State by the action of Federal authori
ty, out to let tbe people in each, when they
come to form their State Constitution, make
it for themselves “in their own way,” sub
ject to no limitation or restriction, except
the Constitution otthe United States. It was
to prevent the General Government from hav
ing anything to do with or exercising any
influence over the formation of the Constitu
tion of the new States, either for or against
slavery. If carried out in good faith, it se
cures to the South unlimited right of ex
pansion 10 the utmost extent of her capacity.
More than this, she has no reason to ask.
And with this, she has nothing to fear now
or hereafter, either from “ British philan
thropists" or “ American abolitionists,” or
the “moral sentiment of Christendom.”—
Secure in her own State institutions, without
the power of molestation on the part of the
Federal authorities ; with the full enjoyment
of the right to grow as the country grows,
to enlarge as that enlarges, and to carry her
slave population wherever climate, soil, and
production- invite them in our immense
public domain, she lias nothing to fear from
any quarter. 1 am not one of those who in
dulge in forebodings of evils to the South
in any contingency, either in the Union or
out of it. She holds in her hands, not only
her destiny and thbt of the Union, hut the
destiny of much greater interests than all
these combined. One of her great staples
alone now forms the basis of th^eommerce,
enterprise, arid wealth of the world. Not
only, the northern States, hat most of the na
tion* of Europe are fast becoming depen
dent upon her. The idea that the question
of African slavery is one of vital interest,
only to those who own the slaves, and to the
extent of the money invested in them, is one
of those chimeras which might be expected
to emanate from tbe brains of tiiose who
think it a divine mission to war against di
vine decrees.
The amount of capital invested in slaves
is but’a drop in the bucket compared with
the mnch vaster amount.put in motion and
sustaine d by the products of their labor.
There is not a flourishing village or hamlet
at the North—to say nothing of their towns
and cities—that does not owe its prosperity
to Southern cotton. England, with her
millions of.people and billions upon billions
of pounds sterling, could not survive six
months without it. This they begin to feel
and lament. We emphatically hold the le
ver that wield the destiny of modern civili
zation in its widest scope and comprehen
sion ; and all we have to do is to realize the
consciousness of our power, ami be resolved
to maintain it.
I11 this connection, it tnay not be amiss or
out of place, to notice an article in one of
our own journals of a re cent date. The Co
lumbus Fne/uirer, in il- issue of the 12th
May last, says :
“From the commencement of the govern
ment until the present period, the South
comparatively, has been growing ‘small by
degrees and beautifully less’ in wealth, popu
lation, in literature, and in .ill the elements
which add power and trreatness to a State.
If any one should be incredulous of the fact,
let him examine the different census reports
which have been made, ami the truth w ill
reveal itself iu all its fearful proportions.”
This ought to he a most mortifying re
flection to every southern man, it upon re
ference to the authorities cited, the facts
were found to sustain the statement. But
the censuses furnish no material for such a
depreciation of our section. It is true the
North has a larger population than the
South,and this she had at the beginning.At
the first census, in 17DO, the population of
the present non-slave holding States was
(1,900,970) nearly two millions, while the
wjiite population of the South was only 1,-
271,468, nut much over one. It is also true
when we look not only to this great dispro
portion between the numbers of the white
population of the North and the South, but
also to the still more comparatively small
number of slaves at the South, the prospect
for future settlement of new States to be
admitted into the Union out of the public ter*
rttory, would seem to be greatly in favor of
the North. These very census reports,
however, render this prospect much less di.i-
cotrysfing to us, for with a white population
of only- a little over twelve hundred thou
sand in the South, against a like population
of near two millions in the North, and w ith
a slave population of only about eight hun
dred thousand when the government yva*
formed, tire South lias certainly lost noth
ing m coaipafiion with the North, in he;
spirit, energy and enterprise, in rolling the
tide of civilization onwards, by tha settle
ment and colonization of new States. Since
then, under her attspieies, and under her in
stitutions, there hare been settled, colonized
and admitted into the Union the following
States: Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama,
Florida, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri,
Mississippi, and—nine in all—and all slave
States, while the free States which have
been admitted and which properly speaking,
have keen settled and colonized in the same
time arc only seven in number. They are
Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Indiana, Illi
nois, Iowa, and California. Vermont and
Maine can hardly properly be taken into this
account, tor the tormerwas part of the New
Hampshire plantations and was settled as
that State, indeed—at the revolution, site
claimed a separate, existence—while Maine
was cut oil Massachusetts. But if these
two also be put in the cuuntT’ it will make
but uftte—the ‘same number of free States
admitted as of slave Slates since the govern
ment was formed.
Iu point of wealth, the South has nothing
to feur by a comparison with the North. Up
on ail fair principles of estimation and com
parison, the advantages are on her side. And
as lar os our own State is concerned the cen
sus shows that no portion of the United States
excells her in all the clem nts of power, great
ness .and progress,
If then, with such great disproportion in
population against them in the beginning, und
with such a small number of blacks, the South
has held her own so well and lost nothing even
uuder a partial restriction against her from
1820 to 1854, what need she to fear now
with the uulimiteil right of expansion and
diffusion, according to her means, inclination,
anil character ol her population ? The main
tenance of this principle is of vast and vital
importance to her. And the great object
with her nten und statesmen should be, to sec
that it is faithfully carried out in Kansas, let
the result under its operation be what it may.
1 have said that this will be an important
question probably befotc the next Congress.
This arises from the doctrines and position
of Governor Walker in his inaugural and late
speeches in that Territory. There can be no
question, it seems to me, that he lias violated
the plaiu letter and meaning of the Kansas
bill, as well as the resolution quoted from the
Oinciunatti Platform, upou which the present
Administration was elevated to power The
oncdeclarcs it to be the true meaning and intent
of the act, to leave it to lie people to settle
their own institutions in their own wav for
them.
His argument against the possibility of sla
very ever going there, waa intended to influ
ence the public mind against its introduction.
He threw all the weight of his high official
position against it. 11' what be says lie true,
it was no less unjust than unnecessary to say
it. But a grosser violation of principle he
committed in urging that the Constitution of
tbe new State should be made iu a particular
way to snit him, ami in declaring that if it was
not. site would not and ought not to be admitted
in,the Union.Uniler the Kansas bill the people
there have the right to make their own Con
stitution 'iatheir own way," "acting” (in
the language of the resolution before quoted,)
“through the legally and fairly expressed will
of a majority of the actual residents."
Now, the Convention which has been elec
ted to fonn a Constitution there, has been cho
sen under “the legally and fairly expressed
will of a majority of the actual residents ” as
far as it eould be ascertained by law. This
no one can gainsay. If any refused to vote it
was tbeT own choice not to do if.
'I'lie convention thus elected, have plenary
power in conformity to law, to form a Con
stitution. It is tlteir right to submit it for
ratification or not, as they tnay chose. The
question of the propriety of submitting it or
not is one for themselves to determine. This,
it is their peculiar province to decide. If
Gov. Walker had barely suggested, recom
mended or advised tts submission, I should
not complain of that part ofhis address. But
he’goes on to sav that if they do not do it
the new State will not be, and ought not to
be admitted. This is virtually saying that
the people “acting under the legally and
fairly expressed will of the majority,’’shall
not form their Constitution in “their own
way" hut in his way, or that which Congress
shall see fit to dictate. This is opening up
the whole question in a new shape. It goes
further. It brings up the old Missouri ques
tion—that is the right of power of Congress
to impose conditions am! restrictions upon
the new States in the formation of their Con
stitutions—when by the plain letter of the
Constitution of the United States, Congress
can only lo»k into the Constitution of the
new State applying and see that it is repub
lican in form. If it come from the legally
constituted authorities, Congresshas no right
or power to inquire into or take jurisdiction
over the question as to how it was made—
no more in the ease of Kansas than in the
case of Georgia or Rhode Island. And if
Kansas should be rejected on that ground,
then an enquiry might he instituted as to
how all the other State Constitutions have
been made. The question is one that in
volves our whole Federative system. The
main point, it seems to me, is always over
looked by those who see no error in Gov.
Walker's address. Tlteir minds are direct
ed simply to the propriety of submitting the
Constitution for ratification. On that point
1 have nothing to say, because it properly
and directly concerns nobody but the people
of Kansas. It is therightof the Convention,
their chosen organ, to do it or not to do it,
as they please. But suppose theychosenot
to do it? who clothed Gov. Walker or any
body else with authority to say, either that
she would not of ought not to he admitted
into the Union ? Certainly, his written in
structions which we have seen, warrants
him in holding no such language. This may
or may not become an important question iu
the next Congress, according as the Conven
tion then may or may not determine to con
form to Walker’s views. If they do thus
conform, the question will most probably be
ended. But, if they do not—if they adopt
a pro-slavery constitution without submit
ting it, and present themselves for admission
unde; it just. as several other .Suites have
done, then the question will come up with
all its tnU rcst and magnitude. It will he
one of much wider, liroailerand deeperrange,
than any one heretofore connected with Kan
sas matters, it strikes at the foundation of
our Government. It involves everything re
cognized as State Rights and State Sover
eignty. It is of higher import than anything
connected with the position of any man,
party, or Administration.
If the present Administration takes sides
with Gov. Walker on it, he and they will
share the same fate. I cannot, however, per
mit tnyselfto believe for a moment that they
will in that contingency, take such grounds.
The doctrine is too outrageous and monstrous
to allow any suqh inference. So far as Mr.
Buchanan is concerned—to say nothing of
the individ ual members ofhis cabinet—there
is nothing in his past history to warrant any
fticb concltuign ; nothing in his adminiitra-
tion limn far affords any grounds even to
suspect it, except the fact that he has not re
moved him. Apart trout this Walker busi-
nem," no administration has ever, in my day,
eo folly met tny cordial approval. But in
my judgment Walker ought to hare been re-
moved. I am not, however, in the habit of
condemning without a hearing. Mr. Buch
anan may nave reasons for his conrse we
know nothing of. In the meantime he must
and will be held responsible for the conse
quences attending his retention, whatever
they tnay be. These he cannot escape from.
But as matters now stand- what ought to
be done ? I mean what ought to be done by
those who really and in good faith, intend
to stand by the principles that brought the
present administration into power? The
clamor by our opponents is loud for the re
buke and condemnation of the President, on
account of the Walker policy in Kansas.—
And who arc those whose indignation at
these outrages upon southern rights has been
so suddenly awakened 1 Men who consid
er the passage of the hill that secured these
rights, whicn have thus been outraged, us
nothing but the work of tricksters, got up for
excitement and agitation—men who twelve
months ago could sec nothing in it hut ‘squat
ter sovereignty,’ more odious and hurtful to
the South than the Wilmot Proviso itself,
but who now say, that but for Walker, Kan
sas would certainly have conte in as a slave
State—men who now find it convenient to
express much feigned wrath at the. wrongs
that have been done us ; who could not suji-
press their delight when they first heard of
these wrongs ! One of the leading organs
ofhis party in Georgia, the Macon Journal
A Messenger, headed an article announcing
Gov. Walker’s address, with “Something
rejoice at.” Verily out of the abundance of
the heart the mouth sometimes speaketh.
Sumner or Sowaril could not have been more
exultant when that address first met their
eyes. But to you, voters of the 6th district,
I put the question, are these the men you
should join to place their nominees in power
for the purpose of rebuking the Administra
tion, or even Walker * Surely this would
he a rebuking him with a vengeance.
It may be true, as stated, that hut for his
course in Kansas she would eeatainly have
come into the Union as a slave State. But
to whom are we indebted for that policy
which was leading so certainly to that result!
Not to those who are now so indignant,
though lately so full of *801110111100 to rejoice
at,’ but to those true and gallant Constitution
abiding men at the north whom it was the
pleasure, not twelve months ago, of these
latter day ‘indignationists’ to assail and de
nounce with a rancor not surpassed by any
thing uttered by Halt* or Giddings. This is
no time to follow any such leaders. If Wal
ker, or others we trusted, have or shall prove
untrue to us upon this great qinstion, wc
should at least he true to ourselves. If a re
buke is to be given, it ought to he given by
those who feel the wrongs committed, and
who have the tit and proper spirit to give it.
This above all other times, is the one when
every" dictate of patriotism "requires all the
real and true friends of the Kansas bill;
North anil South, to stand together and see
that it is faithfully executed—and deal with
all those who oppose as they deserve to be
dealt by. The whole South in the next
Congress will approach nearer to unanimity,
in its party character, than ever before—she
will present almost a united front—so nearly
so, as to warrant the division of the House
for all practical purposes into but two par
ties, the Democratic and the Black Repub
lican. The American party north is utterly
defunct—they have not a member elected to
the next Congress that 1 am aware of. At
the South thus far, they have elected but
five, 1 believe; two tit Kentucky, two in
Tennessee, and one in Missouri five in all.
Should Georgia send her entire delegation ot
that party, they could do nothing, however
willing they might be, without the eo-opera- j
tion of the National Democracy. Front the |
north, fifty one democrats have beeu elected,
pledged to the principles of the Kansas hill
as set forth in the resolution of the Cincin
nati Convention 1 have quoted. The para
mount object, therefore, m securing the re
buke of Walker as well as the maintenance
of our principles in any and every contin
gency should he to select for Congress men
true to the principles themselves, and who
will cordially unite with and co-operate with
all those North and South, who have the same
great end in view. This is no time for those
devoted to these principles, to abandon their
organization, either State or National. It
is a time when they should stand in firmer
and more solid column. Il is the time when
all true men who look to principles as an
object higher than party, shuuld strike for
the country, anil strike in that way in which
their power can be most efficiently felt.
These views, my fellow citizens, of the
8th district, 1 submit to you. They aw given
with that frankness with which I have al
ways spoken to you. If there is anything
in them which falls harshly upon the ear of
iany one, he will please jiardon it. It is not
my intention to he offensive to any one.—
They are tny own sentiments upon some of
the public topics of the day, which you wore
entitled to know, upon the announcement of
my name as a candidate for your suffrages.
Consider them, and weigh them us the im
portance of the subjects demands. If you
sec fit to elect me, the utmost of my ability
as in times past shall he devoted to your
service. 1 shall assume the trust without
any personal objects or aims to accomplish.
I have 110 ambition but to servo my country,
and to see it advancing throughout its whole
length and breadth in all that will add to
its peace, development, happiness, prosper
ity and greatness. So far as I am person
ally concerned, I can say with truth, I would
not give a day of rest at my cherished home
for a whole life spent at Washington. If
you think that my competitor, ’he nominee
ol the Warrenton convention, will serve you
better, abler, ©ore efficiently or more faithfully,
you have but to say so. And if he shall suc
ceed iu doing it, J assure you tto one will lx*
more gratified at it than myself.
Ai.exa.ndeh II. Stephkv-.
Crawfordvillc, Ua., Aug. 14, 1857.
WOOD'S HAIR RESTORATIVE—
This womlerlul preperatiou is having au ex
tensive sale iu all part* of the Union. It is
one o? thf ffov puticnrmedlfines which are now
sold over the country that are really what their
Inventors claim for them. Whenever it has
had a fair trial, the result has been precisely as
Wood predicts. It has never failed to turn
the white hair hack to the natural color, where
tho directions have been strictly followed end
iu numerous eases it has restored the hair upon
heads that had lteen bald for years. It Is not
pretended that it will make the hair grow in
every care, but where it fails there is certainly
no remedy. The restoration of the hair has
been effected in bo many instances where the
ease seemed utterly hopeless, that it iscertain-
ly worth while for all who have loet their hair
to try the experiment of using a bottle or two
olAVowl’s Restorative.—[dJo/ine }Varkmcn.
Sold by all respectable Druggists.
August 8,1857 d*w2w
OBITUARY.
Diul, 00 Saturday evening tho 15th inat.,
ADELAIDE LOUISA, aged twenty-one
months and two days, daughter of William P.
aud Maria L. McDaniel, of this city,
Gently they laid her down to rest,
Nor doubted that by Ilcav’n was blest,
Tho spirit of their lovely babe
Tho' grieve they may that she is gone ;
Tho' weep they may for the lost ono ;
In Jesus’ arms she’s laid
fill the ‘last trump' shall summon forth
Parent and child o’er all the Earth.
Special Noticee.
.SPECIAL NOTICE. *
The members of the ATLANTA VOLUN
TEER COMPANY, are requested to meet
at Hayden's Hall, to-night, at half past seven
o'clock.
A lull attcudauee is desired.
Wcslern Freight*.
FROM ST. 1,01'IS, LOUISVILLE, GIN’
cinnnti, Slid other Wi .totn Cities to Atlanta
via Memphis, Tun umbis, and Nashville, at
THROUGH KATES? over tho Memphis,
Nashville, ami Wostorn & Atlantic Railroad.
E.B. WALKER.
Muster of Transportation, W. A A. R.R.
August 12, 1867 dim
Samuel Swan & Co.,
ATLANTA,.. . .GEORGIA.
BASDELMEIS.
siud DenUrt in (iuld, Silver, Bank Note* and
Domestic Exchange.
Demand Exchange on New York, New Or
leans. aSt. I.oujs, Savannah, Charleston, and all
point* in the United States. Uncurrent Bank
Notes and Specie bought and sold. Collection*
made everywhere anti proceed* remitted by
Sight Draft on Now York nr New Orleans, on
day of payment,
8AMF«f. SWAN OIO. P. IDDY.
At'onta, July lf>, 1867 diwd
\I.KX. CAMPBELL.
JAS. V. fillKPPKRD.
WASHINGTON HOUSE,
C’lioHiiut st. above Seventh at.
PHILADELPHIA.
I S central, in the immediate vicinity of the
nioal important Public Inatitutiona. the beat
and most fa.hionablc place, of bu.inrss,and the
attractive Public Square, of the City In the
imfsirtant requnite, of light and vertilation, tw o
principal object, aimed at in the recent enlarge,
tnent iml thorough improvement of thi. Hnu.e,
it i. not exceeded, perbapa, by any e.tahliah-
ment in America. To stranger., therefore, its
position is peculiarly desirable The subscri
ber returns thanks to his friends an,I the public
for the libersl patronage they have extended lo
him, and assure, them that he will emleavurto
tne,it a continuance of their favors.
A F. GLASS,
Aug 10, 1857 d2w
CAMPBELL & CO*,
| Receiving Forwarding and General
COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
(17 to 72 Front and 70 to 75 Commerce Street.
MOHILE, AI.A.
Aut I*, 57 wly
4 ilminlitratin'* Male.—By virtue
r\ of an order issued by the Court of Ordina
ry of Forsyth County, Ga., on the fir»t Monday
in August instant, will be sold at Gumming, in
said county, on the first Tuesday in October
next, within the legal hours of sale,
One slave—to-wit: ont Negro Woman,a-
bout 60 years o( age ; one Lot of Land, No 870,
in the Hth District and 1st Bcction, Forsyth
county, containing 40 acres, more or lea., im
proved. Sold as the property of Henry Ed
wards, late of said county, deceased, and sold for
the benefit of the heirs of said deceased.
Terms made known on the day of sale.
WILLIAM FINCHER,
nug lit—w ide Administrator
8. B. Oatman,
DBALtaS tit
Italian, Kgyptian and American
STATUARY
And Fast Tennessee Marble
0NUMENT8, Tombs, Urns, and Vases,
"arble Mantels and Furnishing Marble.
All orders promptly filled.
Atlanta, Ge. feb 24 dly
jnjiLE Jijvn FKjrtaijLM:
To the Citizens of Atlanta.
THANKFUL to my friend■ o
Atlanta [or their liberal patronage
tor the past session, I would respect
fully solicit an increased patronage
lor the next session, which will com
mence tn Monday, July 20th, 1857. Our
Kooutsai - large and airy, protected by a piazza
fifty (eel long, from tho sun. Every attention
possible will be paid to tho manners and mors
a Is of every pupil committed to my care; and a
thorough and practical education imparted.—
A rigi I hut parental discipline will be enforced.
No one need apply for admission for their
children into thin school who do not wiah thoir
children governed.
U. ROGERS Principal.
li. U. A JAB. E. ROGERS Assistants.
MK«. E. «J. U. & MIH8 L.M. ROO.
E KB, Assistants Female Department
Terms per Session of Twenty Wttks.
Reading aud Spelling $8 00
Arithmetic, Geography. History and Gram
mar 10 00
Philosophy, Chemistry, Algebra, Geome
try, Latin and Greek. 16 00
nr iderital Expenses. 26
pB'd'o ition payable quarterly.
Atlanta , July 10, 1867 d8m
W. J. KIDIIIIX. i. M. KOBXRT8, J. D. THUtl.l.
RIDGILL, ROBERTS & TERRELL,
AND
OMISSION MERCHANTS.
No 13 CARONDELST STREET,
NEW ORLEANS.
dtf
Bop