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The Bainbridge Weekly Democrat.
published Every Thurzday y
HERE SHA WL THE PRESS THE PEOPLE'S RIGHTS MAINTAIN, UNA WED B TINFL UENCE AND UNBRIBED B T GAIN."
i Two Dollars For Aana>
Volume V.
BAINBRIDGE, GEORGIA. THURSDAY, AUGUST 24, 1876.
Number
4^
Address of Harton O’Neal, Esq,
Chairman County Executive Com
mittee-
Ua., August 2d, 1876,
r„ th, Democratic and Coiuervatim party of
hcralur County,
The Weekly Democrat.
BEN. E. RUSSELL. - Proprietor.
Bainbridge. Georgia. August 24, ’76-
Fz.low Crrizriis: By resolution of your
FiectiiNe Committee it has been made my
■duty ns Chairman of said Committee, to
ott on this occasion. - The time is
V 'i: caching when we must place before
«t > ; 1 c our^ndidiMwfur the Legislators,
L' .r as counfy officer* *. To that end, each
_ (mue r of the Executive Committee, in the
jjv.rnl Districts in the county, will call a
meting of the Democratic and Conservative
.oicrs of said Districts to assemble at their
rf «jiective precincts, and wrfect three dele-
rttes to represent sw*» District in the nomi
nating convention to be held in Bainbridge
„„ Wednesday‘be 6th day of September
next. | v-obld here suggest that fifteen or
weni/'days notice be given before the time
of .iieeting, in order that the voters of the
whole District may be informed of the time
and place of meeting. And the Committee
would also urge upon every voter the im-
mrtance of attending those primary meet-
ngs. and to select true and capable men to
nake nominations for the several high and
mportant offices in your county, for in
these primary assemblies He the power of
the people. We do earnestly request every
.oter to como out and exercise the authority
guaranteed to him in these conventions.
The Executive Committee also desire and
[..quest the several Districts to organize one
ur mote Campaign Clubs, on or before the
ph Saturday in August, and to furnish the
Chairman of this Committee with a full list
;f the officers of the same, and their respec
tive post office addresses.
The Executive Committee directs me as
Chairman to urge upon the people, and
especially the voters of the county, the
great importance of taking our home or
o„unly newspaper, the Bainbkiogk Demo-
ciut. It. is a channel of information to the
pot/ilr on nil county affaire, as well as State
, n d national polities. The Demochat labor
ed zealously and with great effect in our
k-t campaign, and there is no doubt, but our
unprecedented success as a party in. this
county and Congressional District-was in no
small degree effected by the repeated as
saults and blows, skillfully directed, by the
Democrat against our opponents. Several
hundred copies of the Democrat were dis
tributed in 1874, partly at the expense of
the Central Democratic Club of Bainbridge,
and gratis by the Editor. Ben E. Russell,
throughout our county. The Executive
Coni mi I tee'earnestly request that the sever
al Clubs in the county take this matter
specially in charge, and procure as many
smscribers for the Democrat as possible,
and where parties a.e unable to pay for the
paper, ench club should make up a small
fund to furnish it to them, at least duriug
the campaign. By this means the Democrat
will he distributed broadcast throughout the
county, and while this will sustain our
home paper, it will at the same time have a
telling ellect for good in the coming elec-
tons.
I find’by reference to the Tnx Digest for
ISTh for this county, that there are 1145
white polls, 1084 colored polls returned,
jhowing til more white than colored voters,
cj cuirse this docs not represent truly all
the voters in the county, but. it is a pretty
correct-approximation to t he, true numbers.
The census of 1870 show that the white peo
pie in this county were in the majority at
that time about one hundred, and it is
believed by some of our most intelligent citi
zens that more of the colored people have
emigrated from jlic county than of the whites
since that date. This being true, and the
fact that the Republican party in this coun
tv look, 1 may say, almost wholly to the
colored race for their strength-and support^
should we not be encouraged at the outlook?
Yes: at, a fair prospect of success at our elec
tions this Ml. Then let us rally the Demo
cratic and Conservative h osts of our
county around our standard—
the standard of Reform, Economy
and Retrenchment—the standard that has
emblazoned on its folds—equal and exact Jus-
tice to all—Injury to none. To do this let us
not enter the campaign with the extre
mists argument, the fiery abuse of our oppo
nents, nor with the language of the “milk
and cider” politician, but with bold decla
rations of riyAt and justice let us deal with
facts. We have enough of them.
As “eiernal vigilance is the price of liber
ty,”so are unity, harmony and activity the
only guarantees of political success. Let us,
beyond all tilings, have unity and harmony
incur ranks—forget whatever of dissatisfac
tion may have heretofore marred our feel
ings or "relaxed our patriotic efforts, and now
push forward in one common cause for the
good of our country; and as a party, with
that activity That guarantees success, arise
as one MAN, on the day of election, and tri
umphantly bear our candidates into office.
And twsw T ia—conclusion, as the party of
progress in securing reform, retrenchment
and econbmy'in’ the administration of gov-
ernment and the ultimate redemption and
prosperity of the country, we earnestly in
vite all persons of whatever nationality, race,
or former political creed, who are willing to
■conform to the principles of the Democratic
and Conservative party, to nllign themselves
with us in our patriotic efforts to obtain
good government, and we will hnil their
advent with pleasure, and guarantee them
a cordial reception.
Respectfully
Mastos O'Neal
Chairman Democratic Committee Decatur
County.
A GIFT WORTHY OF A ROTHSCHILD FOR
Mr. Jso. D. Harrell is the General
Agent of the Democrat, and is authorized to
receipt for subscriptions and advertising.
A copy of Brown’s llllustrated Shakes-
'earian Almanac, together with a copy of
iis illustrated paper, the Growing " 01 , < .’
^vlricL is devoted to natural history, wlli be
5 ent to any one tree who will set-d us their
'Jvlress on a one cent postal card. Address
I)K. 0. P. BROWN, 21 Grand Street, Jersey
'ity, N. J.
Notice of Homestead-
Eleanor J. Cardy has applied for exemp^
ion of personally, and setting apart and
valuation of homestead, and I will pass upon
he same at 10 o’clock a. m. on the 6th day
'f beptember 1876, at my office, This Au
gust 16. 1876. HIRAM BROCKETT.
Ordinary, D. C.
Tobscco- Cigars!
Best tobaccos, finest cigars, of all grades
o be had at the big store of II. B. Ehr
GOS HENDRICKS LETTER
Indianapolis, July 24, 1876.
To the Hon. Joh% A. McClernand^
Chairman, and othere, of the Com
mittee of the National Democratic
Convention :
Gentlemen— I have the honor to
acknowledge the receipt of your com
munication in which you have formally
notified me of my nomination by the
National Democratic Convention at St.
Louis, as their candidate for the office
of Vice President of the United States.
It is a nomination which I had neither
expected nor desired, and yet I recog
nize and appreciate the high honor
done me by the convention. The choice
of such a body, pronounced with
such unusual unanimity and accompa
nied with so generous an expression of
esteem and confidence, ought to out
weigh all merely personal desires and
preferences of my own. It is with these
feelings, and I trust also from deep
sense of public duty, that I now exoept
the nomination and shall abide the
judgment of my countrymen.
It would have been impossible for
me to accept the nomination if I could
not heartily endorse the platform of the
convention. I am gratified, therefore,
to be able unequivocally to declare that
I agree in the principles, approve the
policies, and sympathize with the pur
poses enunciated in the platform. The
institutions of our country have been
sorely tried by the exigencies of civil
war, and since the peace by selfish and
corrupt management of public affairs,
which has shamed us before civilized
mankind. By unwise and partial legis
lation every industry aud interest ofthe
people have been made to suffer, and in
,he Executive Departments of the Gov
ernment, dishonesty, rapacity and ve
nality have debauched the public
service. Men known to be unworthy
have been promoted, while others have
been degraded for fidelity to official
duty. Public office has boen made the
means of private profit, and the country
has been offended to see a class ot men,
who boast the friendship ot the sworn
protectors of State,amassin 4 fortunes by
defrauding the public treasury and by
corrupting the servants of ,thc people.
In such a crisis of the history of the
country, I rejoice that the Convention
at St, Louis has nobly raised the stand
ard of reform. Nothing can be well
with us or our affairs until the public
conscience, shocked by the enormous
evils and abuses which prevail, shall
have demanded and compelled ail un
sparing reformation of national admin
istration in its bead and in its members.
In such a reformation the removal of a
single officer, even the President, is
comparatively a trifling matter, if the
system which he represents and which
has fostered him, as he has fostered it,
is suffered to remain. The Prisident
alone must not be made the scape-goat
for the enormities of the system which
infests the public service and threatens
the destruction of our institutions. In
-Sotoe respects I hold that the present
Executive has been the victim rather
than the author of that vicious system.
Congressional and party leaders have
been stronger than the President. No
one man could have created it, and the
removal of no one man can amend it.
It is thoroughly corrupt, and must be
swept remorselessly away by the selec
tion of a government composed of ele
ments entire new and pledged to radical
reforms.
The first work of reform must evi
dently be the restoration of the normal
operation of the Constitution of the
United States, with all its amendments.
The necessities of war cannot be plead
ed in a time of peace. The right of
local self-government as guaranteed by
the Constitution of the Union, must he
everywhere restored, and the central
ized, almost personal imperialism, which
has been practiced must be done away
or the principles of the Republic will
be lost.
Out financial system of expedients
must be reformed. Gold and silver are
the real standards of value, and out na
tional currency will not be a perfect
medium of exchange until it shall be
convertible at the pleasure of the hold
er. As I haxe heretofore said, no one
desires a return to specie payments
more esrnertly than I do, but I do not
believe that it will or can be reached in
harmony with the interests of the peo
ple by artificial measures or the c n-
traction of the currency, any more than
I believe that wealth or permanent
prosperity can be cheated by inflation
of the currency, fte laws of finance
cannot be disregarded with impunity.
The financial policy of the Government,
if indeed it deserves the name of poli
cy at all, has been in disregard of these
laws, and therefore has disturbed com-
mei cial and business confidence, as well
as hindered a return to specie pay
ments.
One feature of that policy was the
resumption clause of the act of 1875,
which has embarrassed the country by
the anticipation of a compulsory re
sumption for which no preparation has
been made, and without any assurance
that it would'be practicable. The re
peal of that clause is necessary that the
natural operation of financial laws may
be restored r that the business of the
country may be relieved from its distur
bing and depressing influence, and that
a return to specie payment may be fa
cilitated by the substittution of wiser
and more prudent legislation which
shall mainly rely on a judiciary system
of public economies and official retren
chments, and above all, on the promo
tion of prosperity in all the industries
of all the people.
I do not understand the repeal of the
resumption clause of the act of 1875 to
be a backward step in our return to
specie payment, but the recovery of a
false step; and although the repeal may
for a time be prevented, yet the deter
mination of tho Democratic party on
this subject has been distinctly declar
ed •• T. ere should be no hindrance
put in the way of a return to specie
payments. As such hindrance, says
the platform of the St. Louis Conven
tion, we denounce the resumption clause
of 1875, and demand its repeal,
I thoroughly believe that by public
economy, by official retrenchment, and
by wise finance, enabling us to accumu
late the preious metals, resumption at
an early period is possible, without pro
ducing an artificial scarcity of currency
or disturbing public or commercial
credit, and that these reforms, together
with the Astoratioa of pure goveinn-ent
will restore general confidence, encour
age the useful investment of capital,
furnish employment to labor, and relieve
the country from the paralysis of hard
times.
With the industries of the people
there have been frequent interference.
Our platform truly says that many in'
dustries have been impoverished; our
commerce has been degraded to an in
ferior position on the high seas; our
manufactures have been diminished;
our agriculture has been embarassed,
and the distress of the industrial classes
demands that these things shall be re
formed.
The burdens of the people must also
be lightened by a great ehange in our
system of public expenses. The profli
gate expenditures which increased tax
ation from 85 per capita in 1860 to 818
in 1870, tolls its own st«ry of our need
of fiscal reform.
Our treaties with foreign powers
should also be revised and amended in
so far as they leave citizens of foreign
birth in any p trticular less secure in
any country on earth than they would
be if they had been born upon our own
soil ; and the iniquitous coolie system,
whbh, through the agency of wealthy
companies, imports Chinese bondmen
and establishes a species of slavery and
interferes with the just rewards of labor
on our Pacific coast, should be aban
doned.
In the reform of the civil service I
most heartily endorse that section of
the platform which declares that the
civil service ought not to be subject to
change at every election, and tnat it
ought not to be made the brief reward
of party zeal, but ought to be awarded
for proved competency and held for fi
delity in public employ.
I hope never again to see the cruel
and remorseless proscription for politi
cal opinions which has disgraced the
administration for the last eight years
Bad as the civil service now is, all
know shat it has some men of tried in
tegrity and proved ability, and such
men should be retained in office ; but
no man should he Vetoined on any con-
sideration who has prostituted his office
to purposes of partisan intimidation or
compulsion, or has furnisheil money to
corrupt elections. This is flone and
has been done in almost evfry county
of th$ land. It is a blight upon the
morals of the country and uWghtJto be
ruformed. ’ L
Of sectarian controversieafin inspect
to common schools I have only Site to
sav, that in my judgment the man or
party that would involve our schools in
a poiiticol or sectarian controversy is an
enemy to schools. Common schools are
safe under control of no party or sect.
They must be neither sectarian nor
partisan, and there must he neither di
vision or misappropriation of funds for
their support.
Likewise I regard the man who
would arouse or foster sectional animosi
ties and antagonism among his country
men as a dangerous enemy to his conn-
tr). All the people must be made to
feel and know that once more there is
established a purpose and policy under
which all citizens of every condition,
race and color, will be secure in the
enjoyment of whatever rights the Con
stitution and laws declare or recognize,
and that in controversies that may arise,
the Government is not partisan, hut,
within its constitutional authority the
just and powerful Guardian of the
Rights and safety of all. The strife
between the sections and between the
races will cease as soon as the pewer for
evil is taken away from the party that
makes political game out of scenes of
violence and bloodshed, and constitu
tional authority is placed in the hands
of men whose political welfare requires
that peace and good order shall be pre
served everywhere.
It will be seen, gentlemen, that I am
in entire accorjJ with the platform of
the convention by which been
nominated as a candidate for the effiee
of Vice-President of the United States
Permit me, in conclusion, to express
my satisfaction at being associated with
a candidate for President who is first
among his equals as a representative of
the spirit and of the achievements of
reform in his official career as Executive
ot the grand State of New York. He
has, in a comparatively short period,re
formed the public service and reduced
the public burdens so as to have earned
at once the gratitude of his State and
the admiration of the country. The
people know him to be thoroughly in
earnest. He has shown himself to be
possessed of the powers and qualities
which fit him in an eminent degree for
the great work of reform which his
country now needs, and if he shall be
chosen by the people to the high office
of President of the United States, I
believe that the day of his inauguration
will be the beginning of a new era of
peace, purity and prosperity in all de
partments of our Government.
I am, gentlemen, yout ob’t serv’t
Thomas A. Hendricks.
ROBESON’S CASE-
His Immediate Impeachment and
Trial Probable-
Washington, July 27.—The ques-
of referring the proposed impeachment
of Secretory Robeson to the Judiciary
Committee fora decision upon/h<y. ap
plication of the facts as ascertained by
t he Naval Committee to the rigor of the
law, is a special order in the House to
morrow, though it may be crowded
aside by the Platt-Goode contest'd elec
tion case or the Silver bill. Whenever
the question does come np, there is
every prospect of a spirited fight on the
Republican side, whose tactics now
seem to be to force a vote if 1 possible
without a reference. They maintain
that the precedent in the Belknap case
should be followed, that if the House
meaus to impeach Rabeson they should
do so, and then refer the case to the
Judiciary Committee to frame the
articles of impeachment By this course
they would gain delay, and boast that
it can be then shown that Robeson can
not be convicted of any impeaehable
offense. It is not improbable, when
the question comes up for debate, that
the Democrats will take the Republican
side at its word, and promptly impeach
Robeson, refer the impeachment, notify
the Senate, and go ahead within a few
weeks with the trial.
Take The Democrat. Only |2.00.
*
THE CONSPIRACY AGAINSTTTHE
SOUTH.
[From the Nashville American.]
No peril has yet menaced American
freedom, American civilization and re
publican government so grave as the poli
cy indicated in Grant’s message to the
Senate. It is but the unfolding of a plot
long ago concocted. Little in all things,
brutal in his nature, when his passions or
his prejudices arc excited, the President
is the very tool needed at this time. His
inextinguishable hatred of the South,
growing solely out of a personal hostility
to which a great mind would rise superi
or, fits him for the work.
The conspirators have never failed to
indicate their determination to carry the
South. They have always counted with
confidence upon the tool they placed in
office and whom they have continually
manipulated. That they would find a
pretext in some outbreak of lawlessness
was to be expected. When a pretext was
wanting they have always made one. Act
ing upon the the principle that the blood
of the negro is the seed of Radicalism,
they have never failed to have that blood
supplied. If strife were wanting, they
have stirred up strife. There is no com
munity exempt from lawlessness. Espe
cially are the Republican State Govern
ments of the South, based on ignorance
and administered by imbecility, not want
ing in the element^ of strife. Democratic
governments have been able to repress
disorder and restore peace and security.
Republican governments will continue to
furnish a pretext when one is needed,
simply because they are powerless to con
trol the disorderly elements of society,
and rather seek permanency in strife than
endeavor to control.
The President’s message to the Senate
and his letter to the Governor of South
Carolina indicate the programme very
clearly. The bollot is referred to, al
though it was in no vJhy involved in the
Hamburg outrage. Here is tho true point."
the ballot is to be had at all hazzards and
at whatever cost.
Grant assumes to speak of outrages in
Mississippi of which he knows nothing.
Ames was impeached and compelled to
resign because of criminal imbecility and
outrageous practices. He was accused of
fomenting disturbances for the vile pur
pose of politicny^Tect, and yet the Presi
dent assumes that the white people of
MissLssippi are the only aggressors, and
expresses bis conviction that the Senate
committee’s report on Mississippi will ful
ly sustain all he has said. Of course it
will. He knows full well it will. It is a
part of the plau that it shall sustain every
move he makes.
This iniquitous plot against the South
is veiled under a hypocritical reference to
Christian duties and the “Great Ruler of
the Universe.” The common resort of
the conspirator against light and truth
and justice is to prat most loudly of rights
involved, and to don the cloak of holy
purpose and religious duty. The honest
patriot relies on God and the justice of
his cause, and is silent; the assassin of
liberty rolls his eyes heavenward and ap
peals with loud acclaim to the just God to
witness the purity of his intent.
The following extract from the Presi
dent’s letter to Governor Chamberlain in
dicates the spirit and animus of the intire
plot :
“I am in receipt of your letter of July
22, and all the enclosures enumerated
therein, giving an account of the late bar
barous massacre of innocent men at the
town of Hamburg, S. C. The views
which you express as to the duty you owe
to your oath of office and to the citizens
to secure to all their civil rights, includ
ing the right to vote according to the dic
tates of their own consciences ; andfurth
er, the duty of the executive of the nation
to give all needful aid when properly call
ed on to do so, to enable you to insure
this inalienable right, I fully concur
in,”
There has been no election in Bouth
Carolina. There will be no election for
some time to come. Neither party has
as yet made any nominations. Hence
there was no political dispute at Ham-
Lu.-g. There has been no pretence that
politics were in any way involved. And
yet the President goes out of the way to
mention the ballot. It is given to those
who plot and work in secret for the over
throw of liberty, sometimes to reveal,
without thought, that which is on their
minds and thus to expose their own plot
ting. The President evidently had his
eye on the election. That is the only de
sirable thing. The negro is valuable be
cause he votes and votes well. Hence the
whole point so inaptly disclosed is the
ballot, although it has nothing to do with
the case in point one way or another. It
shows the animus of the whole scheme to
be to control the fall elections.
The Southern States have nothing to
oppose to the President’s brutal force save
the proper and commendable political or
ganization and hard work which belong
to free institutions and characterize a free
people alive to the preservation of their
liberties. They will go forward closely
arrayed in the’discharge of their duties
and in an orderly, quiet manner. If the
government applies force or terror, they
will not quail with fear, and they will not
resist. They will not be frightened, nor
led to shrink from the discharge of their
political duties. It rests rather with the
States of the North to say whether they
will permit this organized effort to carry
elections by force and terrorism, to strike
down our freedom and theirs with it. We
believe the day is past when such things
can be done with impunity. We are con
fident the ballot in the North will over
turn this unrighteous rale of the bayonet
in tbs South.
ONE HUNDRED AND FOURTEEN
YEARS OLD.
George Fruits, aged 114 years, died at
his home, near Crawfordsville, Ind , an
the 6th inst. Of his early life, the deceas
ed had but a faint recollection. His
parents moved from Baltimore and settled
near Philadelphia, a short time previous
to the Revolutionary war. He first learn
ed the German language, and could not
speak a word of English until he was evjr
twelve years of agej He did some service
under Captain Kirkwood in the latter part
of the RavoTutlonary wa!; buF was not'
regularly ealisted. About the year 1787,
he, with others, went to Virginia and
Eastern Kentucky, where they joined a
company of Kentucky riflemen, under
Capt. Kennedy. They had many skir
mishes with the Indians; were in Ken
tucky long enough to become intimately
acquainted with Daniel Boone. In the
year 1790 he went to the Eastern part of
Ohio, and there assisted in building block
houses for the protection of the frontiers.
The same year he enlisted in Gen. Har-
mar’s army, in the wat with the Miami
Indians. In Harmar’s army he was in
many skirmishes, but he was not not in
any regular battle. When Gen. St. Ciair
succeeded Gen. Harmar, in 1790, Mr.
Fruits and others were detailed to build
forts in different places in Ohio. While
in St. Clair’s army on detail, a part of the
time he acted as a scout or Indian spy.
He was not in the battle when St. Clair
was defeated on the Miami river. After
St. Clair’s defeat he was driven to Fort
Washington, which he had previously
helped to build, where now is situated the
city of Cincinnati. He remained in Ohio
and lived a scouting, frontier life until the
fall of 1792, when lie returned to Pennsyl
vania, an -4 , voted for George Washington
the second time for President. He was
then about thirty years of age. In the
year 1794 he was in General Wayne’s
army, and was in the battle of Maumee,
when the Indians were defeated ar.d
driven from their possessions. In that
battle he received a wound from an Indian
rifle. The bullet remained in one of his
legs to the day of his death. He livod a
rambling, unsettled life until about the
year 1800, when he settled near Hamilton,
Butler county, Ohio, where he married
Catharine Stonebraker, October 4th, 1800.
They lived together in Butler county, on
a farm, until he enlisted in the war of
1812. He was in Gen. Harrison's army,
and in the battle of Ft. Meigs, when Har
rison and Clay whipped the British and
Indians uuder Gen. Proctor. He was in
the battle of the Thames; was an Indian
spy in advance of Harrison’s army. After
the war was over he returned to his fami
ly, and lived in Ohio until the spring of
1819 when he moved to Indiana, and
settled, where is now situated Knights-
town, iu the Eastern part of that State,
but shortly|afterward he moved to Mont
gomery county and settled on a quarter
section of land. When Mr. Fruits was in
his prime he was full six feet three inches
in height, and weighed 230 pounds. He
was straight, athletic, and possessed
almost superhuman strength. He lived a
temperate life; his food had ever been
plain and wholesome; he was never sick
in his life. His eyesight was good, but
he heard with great difficulty. From his
forehead to a considerable distance hack
he had been bald for over forty years, but
within the last two years that space had
been covered with a fine growth of new
hair. A new set of teeth were also mak
ing their appearance through the gums,
like those of a child after it had shed its
first teeth. His education was very limit
ed. Although he has been married over
seventy years, his wife still survives him.
She' was eighty nine years old the 6th day
of last May. They have had thirteen chil
dren born to them—nine boys and four
girls—eleven of whom are still living.—
N. Y. Times.
Two very interesting letters—not the
less interesting because short—are
given in The Sun this morning. One
of them is from Charles Francis Adams
of Massachusetts. In it he announces
his intention to Tote for Mr. Tilden, on
the ground that, as between Tilden and
Hayes, the former is “far the most fit
ted to meet the emergency in our poli
tics.”
The other letter is from onr well
known German-American citizens, Gen.
Franz Sigel. • In it, he announces his
intention to give his support and influ
ence to Mr. Tilden, and proclaims his
allegiance to the principles and policy
laid down in the Democratic platform,
and in the letters of the Democratic
candidates.
Mr. Adams takes pains to say that
he belongs to the class of independent
voters and Gen. Sigel also takes occa
sion to say that he shall Dot surrender
his political independence in elections
of lesser importance.
The German-A mericau reformers
who support Tilden will once again,
therefore, be able to “fight mit Sigel,”
and the statesmen in the same ranks
will feel strengthened by the leader
ship of the son of one of oar Presidents
who was the son of another of them.—
N. Y. Sun.
BELKNAP’S ACQUITTAL—THE
SENATE ON TRIAL
[Hartford CourmnL]
Belknap ia acquitted, leas than two-
thirds of the Senate voting against hint.
In fact the Senate has evaded a vote of
“guilty” against Belknap, by dodging
behind the question of jurisdiction. We
say dodging, because the Senate as a
body hae already voted on the jurisdic
tion, and decides that it hat power te
try the offense, and that queation ie ne-
ally not before it. AU that was asked
of the eonrt of impeachment now was a
simple vote on the evidence produced;
is Belknap innocent or gvilt/ ? We
assume that theex-Secretory haa friends
in the Senate, who wish to clear him of
punishment, whether he is guilty or
not; and their hope was that there
were Senators enough who had scruples
about the jurisdiction to make a vote of
acquittal. In any case Belknap’s rep
utation it gone; everybody balieves him
guilty of the off-nse charged, though
there may be dili’eraaces of opinion as
to whether he has done anything wrong
in receiving monoy as tho price of an
appointment.
That there is a difference of opinion
on this moral question we infer from
the argument of Belknap's lawyers,
Black and Carpenter ; and we also in
fer that the loose notions of integrity
belonging to Carpenter, as developed in
his argument, commend themselves to
some of the Senators That is to say,
Belknap may be guilty, he doubtless is,
of the act charged, but that is, after all,
no crime, it is a common practice, and
he ought not to be punished for it. The
Senators with whom this prevails will,
of oourse, seek to relieve Belknap of
condemnation, and the question of ju
risdiction was a very good one to dodge
behind. They may say (they would
stultify themselves in view of the evi
dence if they did not say it) that the
charge is proved, and at the same time
they may gratify their inclination not to
punish an offense of this kind by plead
ing want of jurisdiction.
Therefore we say that the character
of the United States Senate is on trial.
Belknap’s offense is clear. Is the ma
jority of the Senate composed of tnea
like Belknap, who regard his action as
venial ?
TILDEN AND HENDRICKS CLUBS
Th" following form is suggested to be
used in the organization of club*
throughout tho country:
Article 1. The name of this organi
zation shall be, “The Tilden and Hend
rick* Club.”
Art. 2. The officers of the club shall
be a President and Vice President,
Secretary and a working Committee of
members who shall serve for inch a
length of time as may be fixed by reso
lution—and any vacancies in these of
fices shall be filled by an election at the
first meeting after the same is announc
ed.
Art. 3. The President shall have
power to call extra meetings of the
club, and one third of the total mem
bership of the club shall constitute a
quorum for the transaction of hnsiness.
'Art. 4. A regular meeting of the
club shall be held every
Art. 6. Any male citizen of the vi
cinity may become a member of the
club by signing the club by signing the
Constitution, and pledging himself to
sustain and support to the best of his
ability all nominations made by the
Democratic party, either in State or
county elections.
Art. 6. It shall be the duty of the
working Committee to prepare a com
plete record of the names and residences
of all voters within their beat.
Art. 7. That the members of this
clnb pledge themselves to each other
and the Democratic party to abide by
and itutoin the nominees of the party
for all offices whether national, state or
county and will discountenance every
effort on the part of individuals to dis
tract our counsels and divide the vote
upon independent candidates, whom we
will regard hereafter as giving aid and
comfort to our political opponents.
Art. 8- The secretory of the Club
shall forthwith report to the Chairman
of the Democratic Executive Committee
for the county the names and post office
address of each officer of the Clab.
Hurrah for Tilden ! Hurrah for Col
quitt! Hurrah ler Bush ! Hurrah for boo-