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t VOLFMK IX. I
{ Rombi 33. f
How a States Rights Democrat
got over his prejudice against
tiie Negro Race.
Gen. Butler in his speech on the Civil
Rights Bill, in the House of Representa
tives declared on the 7th inst. this ac
counts for his change of opinion as to the
capacity and reliability: of the negro race:
I got over my prejudice from the exhibi
tion of like high qualities in the negro, but
in a different manner from that in which,
I have no doubt, ‘many a prejudice was re
moved against the negro in the House yes
terday. In Louisiana, ia- 18-72, when our
arms were meeting with disasters before
Richmond, I was in command of the city
of New Orleans with a very few troops,
and those daily diminishing by the diseases
incident to the climate, with a larger num
ber of confederate soldiers pai’oled ih the
city than I had troops, I called upon my
Government for re-enforcements, and they
could not give me any, and I therefore call
ed upon the colored men to enlist in de
fense of their country. I brought together
the officers of two colored regiments that
had been raised by the confederates for the
defense of the city against us—but which
disbanded when we came there because
they would not fight against us, and staid
at home when their white comrades ran
away—and I said: “How soon can you
enlist me one thousand men?” “In ten
days, General,” they answered; and when
the thousand men were brought together
in a largo hall, I saw such a body of re
cruits as I never saw before. »Vhy, sir,
every one of them had on a clean shirt, a
tiling not often got in a body of a thousand
recruits. [Laughter.] I put colored offi
cers in command of them, and I orgrnized
them. But we all had our prejudice against
them, I was told they Would not fight. I
raised another regiment, and by the time
1 got them organized, before I could test
their fighting qualities in the field, the
exigencies of the service required that I
should be relieved from tho command of
that department.
I came into command again in Virginia
in 18GB I thvke organized twenty-five re
giments with some that were sent to me
and disciplined them. Still nil my brother
officers of the Regular Army said my col
ored soldiers would not fight, and I felt it
was necessary that they should fight to
show that tTieu* lace wm oopduia at aiu.
duties of citizens ; for one of the highest
duties of citizens is to defend their own
liberties and their country’s ling and hon
or. On the 29th of September, 1864, I
was ordered by the Commanding General
of the armies to cross the James River at
two points and attack the enemy’s line of
works: one in the- center of their line, Fort
Harrison, the other a strong work guard
ing their left flank at New Market
Heights; and these are men on this floor
who will remember that day, I doubt not,
as Ldo myself. 1 gave the center of the
line to the white troops, the Eighteenth
Corps, under General Old, and they attack
ed one very strong work and carried it
gallantly. I went myself with the coldred
troops to attack the enemy at New Market
1 Feights, which was the key to the enemy’s
flank on the north side of James River.
That work was a redoubt builCon the top
of a hill of some considerable elevation;
then running down into a marsh; in that
marsh was a brook; then rising again to a
plain which gently rolled away toward the
river. On that plain, when the flash of
dawn was breaking, I placed a column of
three thousand colored troops, in close
column by division, right in front, with
guns at “right shoulder shift.”
I said: “That Work must be taken by
the weight of your column; no shot must’
be filed;" and to prevent their firing Iliad
the caps taken from the nipples of their
guns. Then 1 said, “your cry, when you
charge, will be, remember Fort Pillow;"
and as the sun rose up in the heavens the
order was given, “Forward/’ and they
marched forward, steadily as if on parade —
went down the hill, across the marsh, and
as they got into the brook they came with
in range of the enemys fire, which vigorous
ly opened upon them. They broke a little
as they forded the brook, and the column
wavered. O. it was a moment of intensest
anxiety, but they formed again us they
reached the firm ground, marching steadily
on with closed ranks under the enemy’s
fire, until the head of the column reached
the first line of abatttis, some one hundred
and fifty yards from the enemy’s work.
Then the ax-men ran to the front to cut
away the heavy obstructions of defense,
while one thousand men of the enemy, with
their artillery concentrated, from the re
doubt poured a heavy fire upon the head
of the column hardly wider than the Clerk’s
desk. The ax-men went down undi}r that
murderous fire; other strong hands grasp
the axes in their stead, and the abattis
cut -TWa) Again, at double-quick, the
column goes forward within to fifty yards
of the fort, to moot there another line of
abattis. The column halts, And there a
very fire of hell is pouring upon them. The
abhatis resists and holds, the head of the
columns seemed literally to melt away un
der the raiu of shot and shell, the flags of
the leading regiments go down, but a brave
black hand seizes the colors; they are np
again and wave their starry light over the
torm of battle; again the ax-men fall, but
BAINBRIDGE, GEORGIA, FEBRUARY 11,1874.
strong hands and willing hearts seize the
heavy sharpened trees and drag them away,
and the column forward, and with a shout
which now rings in my ear, they went over
that redoubt like a flash, and the enemy
never stopped running for four miles. [Ap
plause on the floor and in the galleries.]
It became my painful duty, sir, to follow
in the track of that charging column, and
there, in a space hot wider than the Clerk’s
desk and threediunnred yards long, lay the
dead bodies of five hundred and forty three
of my colored soldiers,, slain in defense of
their couhtry, and Whdhad laiddowrf their
lives to uphold its flag and its honor as a
willing sacrifice ; and as I rode along among
them, guiding my horse this way and that
way lest lie should profane with his hoofs
what seemed to me the sacred dead,'and
as I looked on their bronzed faces upturn
ed in the shining sun to heaven as if in
mute appeal against the wrongs that coun
try for which they had given their lives,
and whose flag of stripes on which no star
of glory had ever shone for them—feeling I
had wronged them in the past and believ
ing what was the future of my country to
them—among my dead comrades there I
swore to myself a solemn oath, “may my
right hand forget its cunning and my ton
gue cleave to the roof of my mouth if I
ever fail to defend the rights of these men
who have given their blood for me and my
country this day and for their race forever.”
and, God helping mo, I will keep that oath.
[Great applause on the floor and in the
galleries.]
Fiom that hour all prejudice Was gone,
and an old-time States-right democrat a
lover of the negro race; and as long a3
their rights are not equal to the rights of
other men under this Government I am
with them against all comers, and when
their rights are assured, as other ought to
have, a united country North and ’South,
white and black, under one glorious flag,
for which we and our fathers have fought
with an equal and not to be distinguished
valor. [Applause.]
Now. Mr. Speaker these men have fought
for their country ; one of their Representa
tives has spoken, as few can speak on this
floor, for his race ; they have shown them
selves our equals in battle ; as citizens they
are kind, quiet, temperate, laborious; they
have shown that they know how to exer
vn.lif. rviF—'fy- mluoll. .WG U&V&
given to them, for they always vote right;
they vote the republican ticket, and all the
powers of death and hell cannot persuade
them to do otherwise. [Laughter.] They
show-that they knew more than their mas
ters did, for they always knew how to he
loyal. They have industry, they have tem
perance, they have all the good qualities of
citizens, they have bravery, they have cul
ture, they have power, they have cl«Kjueace.
And who shall say that they shall not have
what the Constitution gives’ them —equal
rights ? [Applause.]
Resumption of Special Payments.
r f!ie Economists Francais of the 26th
of December, 1873, publishes the following
article on the question “How to Resume
Specie Payments in the United States:”
“The citizens of the United States are, at
length, seriously engaged on the question
of a return to specie payments. The
Chaml»er of Commerce at New-York strenu
ously urges it, and calls attention to the
difficulties that have been caused by the in
definite prolongation of a system of paper
money. There is, then, both the disposi
tion and the effort to suppress it, but, un
fortunately, there is at the same time an
opinion of so;new right in Congress which
would go not only to prolong the system,
but even to extend it, In that opinion we
are glad to see that Gen. Grant does not
participate. Perhaps, like all military men.
without taking much account of the ma
chinery of credit, has an intutive predilec
tion fur metalic money. Like the first Na
poleon in years gone by, or like the Prus
sian Government at the present time, he
doubtless perceives the advantages of gold
or silver in its permitting the holder to
procure at any given moment whatever lie'
may want free of all the risks connected
with paper money, of which the purchasing
power is apt to decline just when there is
the most occasion to empo’y it. Attend
ant on inconvertible paper there is always
a danger of business matters being brought
to a dead lock, for how is it possible to say
what should be the amount of circulation,
when it is in the nature of money that its
quantity should vary of itself with the vary
ing exigencies of trade ? A defined limit
will be at one time insufficient and at
another in excess. By the now existing
system, as President Grant remarked, the
paper circulation of the United States is
the same in amount all the year round, so
that when the public is able to make use
of it in the intervals between the great
movements of produce which occur at crop
time, it is found to accumulate in the banks
at New-York. There it soon gets placed
out at loan on all sorts of securities of a
kind which effectually deprive it of its
movable character. Paper money, when
it happens to be in excess, ought only to
be employed in loans at short term and
within the circle of commercial credit; if
there is a scarcity of borrowers on that
footing, then too often, rather than reap
no profit, resourse is had to investments of
HS CONSTITUTION AS AIC3HDIS—TH3 UNION AS BESTGBjOD.
the protracted class even irr spite of the
danger. By a process like this., let tho
circulation be ever am large, employment
will not be wanting for it, and it will be
absorbed: As the paper increases in redun
dance prices rise as a matter of course till
the.-period arrives for a disastrous liquida
tion. There is no such thing as elasticity
with a circulation of paper—-tills ean only
be obtained through |the precious metals,
which freely expand toward those places
where they can be employed aid - paid for.
The whole secret. of.t ha iy of meta-
Tic money consists in this, ihat-n3 range,
whether in one direction or the other, is
determined by a simple and intelligible law;
it is exported as it becomes abundant, and
it is imported as it becomes ‘ scarce. To
increase or diminish a circulation of paper
according to the expansion or contraction
of business is a very different thing; a vision
which everybody who-.seeks to realize must
seek in vain. Not that there is, any want
of plans in this direction, for from day to
day one discoverer or /another is prepared
to offer to us some new nostrum, however
we may prefer to take specie payments as
the only true basis, rather than run the
chance of artificial combinations bn what
pretense soever. Such it is most agreeable
to see is the tenor ot the most reicent
advice tendered to Congress ’ey Mr. Rich
ardson, the .Secretary of the United States
Treasury. There is, indeed,, a portion of
the American press, which would make us
regard the invention of greenbacks as one
of the blessings of the civil war in render
ing the nation independent of the foreign
exchanges ; still when wo find that the Ex
ecutive power knows how to express! a
sounder doctrine, and shows itself ready to
put it into practice, one cannot help feeling
the hope, if not the confidence, that those
journalists will receive their contraction
in the voice of public opinion. It is to be
regretted that the last panic went to mis
lead people as to the measures proper to
be employed with the view of obtaining
what they wish for. The temporary fall in
tho price of gold jjewited more attention
than it deserved, as the eri.iis had simul
taneously diminished the national resources
by affecting most prejudicially the Treasury
recipes. Before the crisis it svaathe Trea
sury which was'holding the targfl| reserves
of gold tiviMng out of paymmfts at the Gns
tom-n-msas •A- Now a m •
ments hardly suffice for the’Current expen
diture, and for the first tune ot late years
there is talk of a deficit of public income.
Herein lies one of the grand impediments
to the resumption. Tno Secretary oi tae
Treasury, who pevc'B'ex this iast enougn,
now casts about in a different direction,
ojM, 'referring to cor tain sums which from
time to time are paid as dividends on the
Government bonds forming tho guarantee
capital of the national banks, he submits'
to Congress why might not those banks bo
compelled to 1 okl the amount of such divi
dends in gold, but neither would this put
the Government a step the forwarder, since
the Treasury, pinched as it is already, would
only be drawing in and giving out at the
same time without at all improving its posi
tion. Gen. Grant has expresssed his con
fidence in still another expedient, which is
that the country should at least contrive to
retain the gold which itself prouduccsl, as
no doubt it may, but it must pay for it.
What is most to be desired is that mem
bers of Congress will gradually get a glimpse
of a truth not to be controverted, that there
is but one mode of resuming specie pay
ments —it is first to establish a surplus of
public income over expenditure, and then
to withdraw from circulation, as is now be
ing done in France, the paper money of
which the issue was authorized in times of
difficulty.”
Y/hy tlie Centennial fef*ould be
National.
Numerous as have been the industril
fairs held in the United States, there, are
some important lines of industry that have
never yet been represented, and never will
be until the whole nation shall unite at the
Centennial. The cotton gin and the su
gar mill are as unknown to our industrial
fairs as though such things did not exist,
We read of diamond drills and rock cut
ters. but no one ever secs them on exhi
bitoin at a fair. Nor lias the coal-cutting
machine been shown. The vast gold and
silver mining industry is not recognized at
all: for none of the machinery is ever ex
hibited, and a quartz mill would be a curi
osity here to the general public. In the
rocky wilds of Now Mexico are Indian na
tions whose rule labor produces the most
exquisite fabrics, just 85 some of the bar
barous nation? <?f Asia produce shawls and
carpets that command the markets of the
world. Navajo blankets are so beautiful
that army officers pay high prices for them
as presents to be sent home.
We cite these intances merely to show
that the extent and variety of our products
are as yet birr, imperfectly known even to
the majority of our otm people.' Nor is'
there anv chance of their becoming better i
known, except through the medium of aj
national anil international exposition. If j
we can succeed in inducing the autbqri- j
ties of each State and Territory to take j
the matter in hand, they will be able to ■
collect and send hither products of which
we have no knowledge, and which no oue
but themselves can reach. For though
the leading products are mostly known,
there are many that have only a local use
and frame. This of itself is sufficient rea
son why the Exposition should be national,
and should enlist the most earnest efforts
of every State and Territory. Even re
mote Alaska can make a good display of
furs, and seal oil and coal; and Arizona, in
addition to her gold and silver can produce
a fair collection of garnets, rubies and
other gems.
Our European visitors would of course
expect large displays from New York,
Boston, Baltimore; Philadelphia, Pittsburg,
Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis. But it
would surprise them somewhat to find such
displays from Kansas City, Leavenworth
St. Paul, Duluth, Denver, Salt Lake City,
Atlanta, Chattanooga, Ac. And yet if
the preliminaries of the Centennial can be
properly organized and the national author
ity, which lias already adopted it, will sus
tain it as becomes a great nation, that is
what will be seen. Without these adjuncts,
we fear it will be impossible. For the
south and west will accept the government
as responsible for the national character of
the undertaking, while’they will not accept
the city of Philadelphia or the State of
Pennsylvania. All the demonstrations
made in those sections in favor of the Cen
tennial demonstrations made in those sec
tions in favor of the Centennial have been
based upon the belief that the enterprise
must be entirely national and international.
Not one of those States would have re
sponded to local effort.
The object of this extended organization
is to put it in the power of every State
and Territory to make the.very best dis
play on this occasion. Os one thing they
may rest assured, the foreign contributions
will exceed any over seen in America, and
therefore, it is most ’ desirable that, upon
our own ground and at our own chosen time,
’we should do our best. This will*be first redl
international display upon the American
continent, and every nation in this western
world, and all the adjacent islands, will be
fully represented. Can we not then,
for this once meet together harmoniously
in a truly national spirit, casting aside all
sectional animosities and the bickerings
and ill feelings of States and cities, and re
solve to do this thing well and thoroughly
•Ttrt KrsWdTW -a«i—’ -VMX< «
ous memories it is intended to celebrate !
There is but one majic wand that can
evoke the resources of such a nation as
this, and Philadelphia does not possess it,
nor does any ether city or State. It is in
the sole control of tho national govern
ment. that mighty power that marshalled a
million men in the field, and warded off
the hostility of England and France, and
set metes and bounds to the brutal des
potism of the Spaniards in Cuba. The
prestige of the national government ex
tends wherever civilization holds sway or
commerce can penetrate. If it does its
duty in the premises not a single State or
Territory in the Union will hesitate a mo
ment to participate to the fullest extent.
Not a single foreign State with which we
have diplomatic relations will fail to con
tribute. The House of Representatives,
animated by a proper spirit, has given us a
splendid vote in favor Os making the dis
play a national effort. This should be fob
lowed up by the Senate and at once acted
upoii by the President and State Depart
ment.
For such a nation as ours, with such
boundless resources and prestige, to ask
or expect a single city like Philadelphia to
assume the the whole burden of so great
an enterprise, and one that should be and
is intended to be national and internation
al, is so narrow-minded that we trill not
permit ourselves to believe that the Re
public will stoop to it. The nation itself
has shown in a thousand ways that all its
conceptions are grand and lofty, all its
aims high and praiseworthy, all its deeds
courageous, noble-and magnanimous. Let
not those who undertake to represent it
act in a different spirit. The people ex
pect them to give to this great undertak
ing all the aid it requires.
[From North American Gazette.]
Arbitration and "War.
Englishmen roust be admitted to' have
some justification for the abhorrence with
which most of them regard the doings of
the Peace Society. The national pugnaci
ty does not, it is true, prevent theoreti
cal admission of Mr. llosea Biglow s doc
trine that “abstract war is horrid;” yet
there have been many passages in their his
tory which propel them to his farther prop
osition that “civilization does get forre’d
sometimes upon a powder cart. - ’ But,
unite aside from general instincts, they are
not likely soon to forget that the interfer
ence of the Peace Society, under Mr. Cob
den'?' leading, was largely responsible for
one o? the most incomprehensible and
causeless and painful wars on record —that
of the Crimea. At a time when the com
bined moral pressure of England, France,
Austria and Prussia would have amply suf
ficed to stay the Czar's meditated aggres
sions againt Turkey, Nicholas was so fully
convinced by tlm representations of the
volunteer English embassy who visited his
court that their country could again be
j OFFICE, BHOUGTTTOfIr ST.,)
( Sanborn Building. ’ t
dragged into combat, and that its retire
ment must dissolve the coalition in behalf
of the J urks, that he redoubled his violen
ces. and precipitated the very catastrophe
these well-meaning philanthropists sought
to avert. Since then, moreover, the tenets
of the Peace Society, have in one instance
prevailed—namely, in the reference of the
Alabama difficulty to arbitration ; and the
unhersal recognition that this measure was
“only a disguised surrender” has been so
galling to the pride of the true Briton that
the whole system of the pacificators has
become-doubly odious in his eyes.
After this necessary preface, we may go
on to mention that during the last session
Oi 1 arliament. there was one of those gene
ral resolutions in favor of universal peace
and in reprehension of war which, in the
absence of any specific application, are
quite incontrovertible; and its adoption
was held to be a distinct triumph of the
Peace Society. Possessed of this point
d’appui, one of the leaders of the cause in
Parliament, a Mr. Richards spent a consid
erable part of the summer in a progandiz
ing tour on the Continent. In every quar
ter, it would 3Com-— although in the Parlia
mentary debate Mr. Gladstone, while favo
ring the principle, had declared that he
“only thought Europe was not ripe for it”
—Mr. Richards’ views were adopted by
acclamation “The Italian Chamber,” as
lie afterward reported, “had risen like one
mail to adopt tiie principle of arbitration.”
In Venice, in Daris, in Brussels, wherever
he went, in short, the' pacificator appears
to have found an equally cordial acceptance
It was only when lie reached home that he
encountered the opposition exemplified in
the Saturday Review article now before U3
—an article fairly representative of the in
tellectual intolerance and polished black
guardism , of that journal—the tone of
which Inay be judged by the citation of
such of the expressions which adorn it
with referouce to Mr. Richard’s sympa
thisers and doctrines, as “idle and unmean
ing,” “sentimental theorists,” “obscure and
impotent societies,” “barren and redibulous’
verbiage,” “subserviency to popular cant,’
“empty and chimerical propositions” and a
‘ridiculous toun”
Richly furnished as is the Saturday Re
view's repertory of opprobrium, its stock
Os
the whole question at issue into the state
ment : “The simple truth is that nations
are ready to arbitrate as to things which
they do not care to fight about, but that
they prefer to fight about tilings to Which
they attach importance ; in other words,
they w ill not give up anything as to which
they are very much in earnest unless they
are obliged.” And it further fancies that
it has reduced the scheme of the Teaco
Society to a reduclio ad absurdum, in
this manner : “It was proposed amid great
enthusiasm that arbitration should be made
compulsory on all nations—that is to say
that the nations which are in favor of peace
should go to war in order to enforce their
views upon those who are not —an eminen
tly pacific.conclusion.” Such a conclusion,
whether pacific or not, is entirely out of the
question. Would Prussia attempt to gob
ble up little Denmark, or Russia to appro
priate Constantinople—Neither of which
designs is beyond the realms of possibility
—if they were preassured that Europe,
from the Atlantic to the Black Sea, would
rise in arms against such an aggressiou ?
Precisely this certainty might be lmd un
der that system of compulsory arbitration
which the Philistine English reviewer de
rides. The ground to be taken—if we may
assume the didactic rhetoric of the perspic
uous Mrs. Micawber —would be somewhat
as follows : “It is against the interests of
civilization, that is, of the community of
the community of nations, that, wars should
occur. Civilization, therefore, will treat
the ntaker of a needless war as a public
enemy. Only after the uriavoidability of a
rupture shall have been established to the
conviction of the other contracting Powers
shall any nation bo justified in going to
arm's. And should any break the peace
without such justification, it must contend
with no single opponent, but with the ar
mies of the world; it must advisedly put
itself horn de loi.”
Were such a system once adopted—and
the adhesion' of any three or four of the
great European Powers would ensure it,
because the minor States must ardently
welcome it, while the greater, it outnum
bered, could no longer hold out—social
conditions wonlu be infinitely amended.—
Wars might not end; but nine wars out of
ten would never occur. Standing armies,
and consequent taxation, would fall to one
per cent of their present amount. Actual
individual liberty would, for the first time,
become tire normrf possessions of the or
dinary European. Its adoption certainly
is barred by obstacles; but the Alabama
arbitration paved the way, and it is by no
means unimaginable that our grandchidren
may see its consummation.
About Girls,
The following is from Gail Hamilton s
“Twelve miles from a sermon
There are disadvantages worse than these
if anything can be worse, in sending girls to
school over the railroads. They somehow)
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become common. They cheapen themsci*
ves, They lose, if they ever posesse'd, they
destroy before they are old enough to feel,
the divinity that should hedge a woman.—
They fall into—l can hard! /■ dignify it with
the name of flirtation—but into a sbrt oi
bantering communication with unisddwn
men, employees of the railroad, and season
travelers—a traffic which is fatal to digni
ty in woman and inspires no reverence in
man. And this passes for liveliness and at
tractiveness, or at most perhaps it is being
a little wild. But it fs a wildness which girls
cannot affords Delicacy is a thing which
cannot be lost and found. No art can res
tore to the grape its bloom; and the supremo
charm of the grape is its bloom . Familiar
ity without love, without confidence, with=
out regard, is destructive to all that makes
woman exalting and ennobling. * * *
“The world is wide, these things are small;
They may he nothing, but they are all.”
Nothing? It is the first duty of a wo
man to be a lady. * -* * Good-breed
ing is good sense. Bad manners in woman
is immorality. Awkwardness lfiay be in
eradicable. Bashfulness is constitutiohal.
Ignorance of etiquette is the result of cir
cumstances. All can be condoned, and do
not banish man or woman from the arnfeni
tics of their kind. Blit self-possessed; itnS-*
briiikirig and aggressive coafsemisS Os de
meanor may be reckoned as a State prisorl
offense, and certainly merits that mild form
of restraint called imprisonment for life.
It is shame for women to be lectured oti
their manners. It is a bitter shame that
they need it. Women ought to give tlld
law, not learn it. Women are the umpires
of society. It is they to whom all deference
should be paid, to whom all mooted points
should be referred. To be a lady is more
than to be a prince. A lady is always hi
her right inalienably Worthy of respect. To
a lady prined and peasant alike bow * * *
Do not be restrained. Do hot have im
pulses that need restraint. I)o not wish td
dance with the Prince unsought; fed differ
ently. Be such that you confer honor;
(Fury yourselves so loftily, that men shall
look to you for reward, not at you in rebuke;
The fiatttral sentiment. of man toward wo
man is reverence. He loses a large means
of grace when he is obliged to account her
a being to be trained into propriety. A
man’s ideal is not wounded when a woman
fart .hTiTenVf tednD'fir'Treteticjf, fn larnmnestt
she should be jound wanting, he receives aii
inward hurt.
A certain class of Southern Democrats
will apparently never be free trom tho ap- *
prehension that the negro Will crush them; >
unless this late chattel is properly fettered .1
by the law; Formerly We were disposed »
to consider this a rather morbid fear, but
since tho late exhibitions iu Congress we
were forced to admit tliat the Democrats for
once are right, and do need protection from'
the negroes. Mr. Harris, of Virginia, was
completely crushed nqt long ago by Mr;
Elliott, of South Carolina, and yesterday
Mr. Cain, another colored Representative
from the same State,. inflicted a similar
lesson on Mr. Robbins, of North Carolina.
If things are to go in this way, the Demo
crats must insist on the negroes being de
prived of all political rights. Matters have 1
come to a pretty pass, indeed, when a
white man arid a Democrat is put down iri
debate by a “nigger,” In order, however,
that these perturbed Democrats may have
some feeling of security, let it bo enacted
as a general truth that the white man is
superior to a negro. It would not be true
in all cases, but it might perhaps induce
]temocratic Congressmen to refrain in the
future from reviving issues that died with,
the rebellion.
Chief Justice Waite.
The new Chief Justice has made a good!
start. The Cincinnati Chamber of Com
merce received him the other day, with
distinguished honor. Somebody made ah
eulogistic speech, to which Mr. A\ aite re
plied as follows :
“ Mr . President and my friends.:
It was written in the bond by which I
bound myself to come here to day, that_
speeches should not be in order. Com
mercial honor is the higher law that gov
erns the gentlemen I see before me. and I
know you will not permit me to be the first;
to break over this rule thus established tor
your guidance. I thank you, gentlemen,
lor the kindness with which you have re
ceived me.”
That's a good speech, a sensible
just such a speech as a gentleman should
have made under the circumstances. We
are inclined to think Chief Justice A\ aite
is the very best appointment that has been'
set up by Grants administration.
Ccrax Independence. —A AA ashington
dispatch makes mention of a report th v t
Hon. A. H. Stephens is engaged in thA
preparation of a speech in support of a res
olution recognizing the independence of the
present insurgent government in Cuba.
A colored brother attempted to scalp a
beneficiary of civil rights, in Columbus,
the other day. but was prevented by the
thoughtless interference of by-stauders •
Home people never will learn to attend to*
their own business.
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