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HThe President Prir.Us the dtaSa
tion Bubble!
H|.jr Able Argument in Favor of Specie
Payment.
Wasainocox, April 22. 1874.
| The following is the President’s veto
Knessage to the Senate of the United
Hpfcatea:
I Herewith I return to the Senate Bill
Kio. Gl7, entitled rn act to fix the amount
Hf United States notes and the circulation
Hr national banks and for other purposes,
Hfrhout my approual. In doing so 1 must
my regret at not being able to give
assent to a measure which has received
sanction of a majority of the members
by the people to make laws for
|Heir guidance, and 1 have studiou.-dy
to find sullicient argument to justify
assent, but unsuccessfully. I'radically,
Hub a question whether the measure under
would give an additional dollar
■Bi:' irredeemable paper currency of the
■Ktry ° r not, and whether by requiring
of the reserves to be retained
banks and prohibiting interest to
on the balance, it might not
we a contraction, but the fact can not
koiuvaled that theoretically the lull in
isos the paper circulation one hundred
pits of dollars, less only the amount of
p-ves restrained from circulation by the
[vision of the second section. The inea
ip has been supported in the theory that
f mid give increased circulation. It is
Mr inference, therefore, that if in prae*
is the measure should fail to create tho
induncc of circulation expected of it. the
aids of tho measure, ni tre particularly
tea out of Congress, would clamor for
|h inflation as would give the expected
I Tito theory, in my belief, is a de
t* from the true principles of finance.
nnl interest, national obligations to
)rs. Congressional promises, party
s, on the part of both political par
md of personal views and pledges
>y me in every annual message sent
gross, and in each inaUgural address,
annual message to Congress in De
r. 185!). the following passages ap
•• Among the evils growing out of
I rebellion, and not Vet referred to, is
lof an irredeemable currency. 1c is an
which I li ope will receive your most
nest attention, and it is a duty, and one
Hie highest duties of the government to
kre to the citizen a medium of exchange
lied and unvarying value. '1 his implies
llurn to a specie basis and no substitute
It can be devised. It should be corn
iced now and reached at the earliest
ktieal moment, consistent with a fair
hrd to the interested, and to the debtor
fcs immediate resumption if practical
Lid not l>e desirable. It would compel
■debtor class to pay beyond their coff
■ts the premium on gold at the date of
B purchase, ami would bring bankruptcy
■ruin to thousands.
notations, however, in the paper value
e measure of all values, gold, is detri
ta! o the interest of trade. Jt makes i
m of busines an involuntary gambler,
n all sales where tuture payment is to j
lade both parties speculate as to what .
be the value of the currency to be paid j
received. 1 earnestly recouiuietid to
then, with legislation as will insure it
nal return to specie payments and put
umediate stop to fluctuations in the
lof currency. 1 still adhere to the ;
b then expressed. As early as Decetu-
I. 18*>.'». the House of Representatives
etl a resolution, by a vote of 144 yeas !
nays, concurring in the views of thd
vtary of the Treasury, in relation to '
necessity of a contraction of the cur-
F- with a view to as early a resumption ;
ecie payments as the business interests
e country would permit, and pledging j
erative action to this end as speedily
B.'ible. Ihe first act Passed by the j
pfirst Congress, on the 18th day of:
h. 180?, was as follows: “An act to!
gthen the public credit of the United
es—Be it enacted, etc.. 1 hat in order
‘move any doubt as to tiie purpose of
government of the United Stales to
fharge all its obligations to the public
ditors. and to settle conflicting qaes
js and interpretations of law by virtue
which such obligations have been cou
ched. u is hereby provided and declared
it the Faith of the United States is sol
mly pledged to the payment in coin, or
equivalent, all the abligntiona of all the
lited .“nates. and of all the interest bear
obligations except in cases where t he lew
homing the issue of any such obligation
t expressly provided that the same may
paid in lawful money, or in other cur
icy than gold and silver; but none of the
■ interest bearing obligations not already
«med shall be redeemed or paid before
■ rit y- unless at such times as the Unit
lutes notes shall be convertible into
the option of the holder, or unless
Mb time the bonds of the United Sta-
Mwuring a lower rate of interest than
Hpnds to be redeemed, can be sold
ip in coin. And the United States also
solemhly pledges its faith to make provision
at the earliest period, for the redemption
of the United States notes in coin. This
act still remains as a continued pledge of
the faith of the United States to make pro
vision at the earliest practicable momerit
for the redemption of the United States
botes in coifi. A ideclaratioh contained in
the act of Jr.ne 30,1874. created an obli
gation that the total amount of United
States Holes, issued or to be issued, should
never exceed four hundred millions of dol*
lars. The amount in actual circulation
Wa3 actually reduced to three hundred and
fifty-six millions of dollars,.at which point
Congress passed the act of February 4,
18fi8. suspending the farther reductions of
the euntebcy. ■
The forty-foilf tnltliofis babe evfir been re
garded as a reserve, to be used only in
case of emergency, such as has occurred
on several oc< asions and must occur when
from arly cause revenues suddenly fall be
low expenditures, and such a reserve is
necessary, because the fractional currency,
amounting to fifty millions, is redeemable
in legal tender on call. It may be said
that such a return of fractional currency
for redemption is impossible, but let steps
be taken for a return to specie basis, and
it will be found that silver will take the
place of fractional currency as rapidly as
it can be supplied. When the premium on
gold readies a sufficiently low point, with
the amount of United gtales notes to be
iusued permanently fixed within proper
limits, and the Treasury so strengthened
as to be able to redeem them in coin on
demand, it will be safe to inaugurate a
system of free banks, with such provisions
as to make compulsory redenjption of the
circulating ilotes of the bank in coin or in
United States notes themselves, redeema
ble and made equivalent to coin, as a meas
ure preparatory to free banking, or for
placing the Government in a condition to
redeem its notes in coin at the earliest
practicable moment. The revenues of .the
country should be increased so as to pav
current expenses, provide for the sinking
fund required by law. and also a surplus to
oe retained in the treasury in gold. I am
not a believer in any artificial method of
making paper money equal to coin, when
tile coin is not owned or held ready to re
deem the promises to pay, fur paper-mon
ey is nothing more than promises to pay,
and is valuable exactly in proportion tU
the amount of coin that itcan be Convert*
ed into. While coin is not used as a cir
culating medium or the currency of the
country is not convertible into it at par, it
becomes an article of commerce as much
as any other product. The surplus will
seek a foreign market, as will any other
surplus. The balance of trade lies noth
ing to do with the question. Duties on
imports being required in coin creates a
limited demand for gold; about enough to
satisfy that demand remains in the) coui
try. To increase this supply I see no way
open but by the Government hoarding,
through the means above given, and, pos
sibly, by requiring the National /.‘auks to
aid it. It is claimed by the advocates of
the measure herewith returned that there
is an unequal distribution of the banking
capital oftlie country. I taris disposed to
give great weight to this view of the ques
tion at first, l ut on reflection it will be re
membered that tlierd still remains four
irtillldns dollars of outliorized balik notes
the circulation assigned to the States, lave
ing less than their quota not yet taken.
In addition to this, the States having less
than their quota of bank circulation have
the option of twetity five millions more to
taken from those States having more then
their proportion. When this is all taken
up. or when specie payments are fully re
stored, or are in rvpiU process of restora
tion, Will be Hie time to consider the ques
tion of niw-re currency.
U. S. Grant.
Executive Mansion, April 32 . 22.1874.
Unban Xadepeaaeace.
The following is the full text of thejoint
resolution introduced by Senator Uaipou
ter poposing the tve gait ion of the inde
pendence of Cuba:
lr,vem.\s it is the clear and undoubted
right of any American colony to sever its
conneclion with the mother colony and es
tablish itself as an iudeper.dene natiofi
whenever the good of its people require it;
and
Whereas the people of Cuba have de
clared themselves free, and independent
of the Government of Spain; have estaUsb.
ed for themselves a government, and abol
ished begin s!uvery, and tor more than five
years have successfully resisted all the ef
forts of Spain to i educe them to submis
sion and re-estabiiJi the condition of negro
slavery in that island aud
Whereas the war between Spain and
( aba has been and is ihW being conducted
with a degree of barbur.ty shocking to all
Christendom, and there is no reasonable
prospect that Spain will iv<.r be able to re
establish dominion over the people of Cuba,
aud
lUjertw iil bofisequehee ‘of the prciltni
ty of the seat of war to the L nited States,
the war has beta and injurk us to the inte
rests of the pet pie of the United States,
and it is evident that a peolottgatiou of
the contest will result only in great suffer
ing and bloodshed, to be followed ly the
ultimate recognition of the ituiepenuence
of Cuba by -S'] ;dn herself: therefore
Resale eti bp tie Senate aud House cf Rep
resentatives rs the [ toiled States in Con
gress assembled. 1 hat it has become the
duty of the United States to recognize
Cuba as an independent nation of the earth
and be it furthet
Resolved. 'I hat the United States will
observe strict neutrality betweeu tiro fcoti
teoding parties dur.hg the further prose
cution of the war, and will accord to each
of them lieiligerent righto and equal privi
leges and advantiog in the ports and pla
ces within ths United Stntef*
BAINBRIDGE, GEORGIA, APRIL 30, 1874.
Z&r. Sill’s Historical Address*
NUMBER I.
Washington, D. C., April 11,T874.
Editors Constitutionalist : The address
of Hon. B. H. Hill before the Atlanta
Auxiliary Historical Society has been upon
my table for several weeks. This extra
ordinary paper would have received that
prompt notice from raewhibhjit deserted but
for- a sorrows, protracted and continued bo
dily illness, which bris rendered me unable
up to this time, to bestow any attention
tip-dtj it.
Will you. therefore, now allow me the
us’ of your columns for such review of
home parts of it as my present strength
may enable me to grvef
'The many unmistakable references to
me by Mr. Hill in this address (and refer
ences evidently intended to be of a very in
jurious character, will I feel assured, in the
estimation of all right thinking and honor
able men. fully justify me in the comments
1 propose to make upon it. Mr. Hill’s
disclaimer, through the Atlanta Constitu
tion, that lie did not intend to include my
self and General Gordon in that class of
•‘intellectual imbeciles,” whom ill his ad
dress, lie designated with so much point
and emphasis, conies far short of a disclai
mer that he intended nothing that lie had
said as an injurious reference to. or reflec
tion upon either General Gordon or myself,
in other parts of Iris address. Indeed, his
disclaimer as put forth, rather fixes th e
contrary conclusion; for in one part of his
address he says: “With but few Recep-
tions Congress is now but a sad congrega
tion of negroes, knaves and imbeciles." <vc.
General Gordon and myself are both in
this “congregation.” Iu his disclaimer he
says he did not intend to include us among
the “imbeciles.” Avery ligitirnate infer
ence from this is that we, in his estimation
belong to one or the other of'the two re
maining classes mentioned by him. We
cannot, upon any logical view of the sub
ject - be embraced within his “few- excep
tions.” (iior Can any other man from the
South coine within these exceptions): for
One of the leading features of his address
is ro show that the South has not a single
man of ability or statesmanship in Con
gress. Not a sihirle one with capacity and
integrity enough-.to vindicate her rights,
her interests, her cause or her honor! This
he even laments as a “iliost curious chap
ter in our history.” and says: “It will puzzle
the future historian.” So that when Mr. Mill
excepts General Gordon and myself from
the - imbeciles" of the “sad congregation,”
he clearly leaves us, from all he has said,
either among the knaves or negroes.
Several other parts of this address admit
of no alternative conclusion but that he in
tended very direct and injudicious allusions
to me. Such for instance as his remarks
about tlu#e who ‘ rushed to writing books”
“to give their account of the war,” etc. I
know of no man who was connected with
the Confederate Government, in high or
low position, who has since the war written
“books” upon lire subject except myself.—
Three others only as far as I know, have
written one each, I have written four vol
umes—two upon the war, another known
as the “Reviewers Reviewed,” and another
known as a Compendium of the history of
the united States,including all the essential
facts of the war. These “books” must
have been in Mr. Hill s mind when he pen
ned that paragraph of his address and their
author was doubtless intended to fall
within the range of the disparaging impu
tation cast by him iu this part of his ad
dress. The public generally, I think, so
understand it.
AVnh these peh-otialities of Mr. Hill, or
his personal. flings at me of fatty kind;which
he has been indulging in to a greater or less
extant for several years past, it is not my
purpose now to deal, nor is it my purpose
to enter upon any vindication of myself
against these imputations, nor upon any
defense of u>y fidelity and devotion to the
success of the Confederate cause upon the
principles on which it Was based. 1 should
think 1 had lived to but little purpose if I
deemed it necessary to do ao.
Tut, Air. liditor. my chief object in this
review is to deal with Mr. Hill's paper as
an historical production, prepared for the
purpose of being filed among Southern
Historical archives, for the use and gui
dance of future historians, if the merits
of historical contributions Consist in high
wrouplit oratory, with special regard to
rhetoric, and without any to facts, then. In
deed. this display of Mr. Mill may well be
heralded as a sample of the highest perfor
mar.ee of its kind over before exhibited by
a Georgian, and it is to be hoped that it
will remain without a rival of its class, by
Georgians, for ai! time to come. History
should be based upon truth, and the real
value and merits of all contributions to his
tory should be estimated chiefly according
to their conformity to this requirement. I
do no? wish, or intend, to do Mr. Hill ahy
injustice. I intend however, to maintain
the truth; arid lmw the merits of this ad
dress as an historical Contribution will ap
pear wiietj brought to this standard, r dis
cerning arid impartial public must judge.
1 assert then, it? the outset of my com
ments upn his paper iii this view of the
subject, that for recklessness of statement
and pertesion of facts it is. in several par
ticulars, without a parru’lell in the whole
range of ?r.y reading. 1 allude especially to
those parts which refer to the internal his
tory of the Confederate States, and his
connection with it. In these it partakes
mure of the character of the contributions
to the history of the French Revolution,
by Bertrand JSarere. iri the four volumes of
his memoirs, than any similar production
that has been brought to nv notice. In
speaking of thetee, Macaulay, iti Ins review
of them, says;
“A man who has never been within the
tropics does not know what a thunder
storm means; a man who has never looked
on Niagara ha* but • faint idea of • cata
THE CONSTITUTION AS AMENDED—THE UNION AS RESTORED.
ract, and he who baa ho| read Barere’s
Memoirs may be said not to what it
is to lie.”
What Macaulay might have said, or how
he might have characterized this last “car
magnole” of Mr. Hill, must be left to con
jecture; but suffice it fcf the tb Say that in
none of the liiaifetlces given by the great
British reviewer of the falsifications of the
records or the truth of history by Barere
in the four volumes of his Memoirs, is there
anything more marked by unblushing arro
gance, impudent ir.soienae and brazen au
dacity in the perversion of facts, thaii is
contained in this nr oai* gx t rao rc! ip ary con
tribution by Mr. I Jill Pi Southern history.
A few samples wiil characterize
, the whole.
First—in speaking of the celebrated
Hampton Roads- Conference, Mr. i 1 ill
says :
“The ful! history of the Hampton Roads
Commission and Conference ha* never been
written. 1 will not give that history now.
Much lias been said and published on the
subject which is not true. I know why
each member of that commission, on our
part, was selected. I received from Mr.
Davis own lips a full account of the con
versation between him and the commissio
ners, before their departure from Rich
mond.”
The shamelessness, impudence hlid reck
lessness of this statement could not possibly
have been exceeded by Barere himself.
There is not One word of truth in it, except
that “much has been said an l published on
the subject which is not true.”arid nothing
has over been published about it more un
true than what Mr. Hill has thus Written
and published himself. It is utterly impos
sible that Mr. Hill could have known what
he says he khetV, or received from Mr-
Davis what, he says he received from him.
Mr. Hill was not in Richmond during the
time the subject of the commission, or t’n,e
appointment of commissioners, was under
consideration by Mr. Davis. He had left
that cilv before the conference or con mbs
sioners had been determined upon by Mr.
Davis. It was on Friday morning, Janu
ary 27th. 1865, that Mr. Hunter, of vir
ginia, c.Jied at my room and stated that
Mr. Davis widied to see mo at 12 o'clock.
M., on that day. Oh meeting Mr. Davis
at the hour appointed, he stated to me the
subject of this mission, or conference, just
as given by me in the 2nd vol. of the “War
between the States,” pages 530-618 inclu
sive. He said he had not mentioned the
Object, up io that time, to any person
Whatever, except Mr. Hunter, not even to a
sin ole member cl his cabinet—trot he was
to have a cabinet meeting at 4 o’clock that
evening to consider the matter, but wished
to confer with me first as io the policy of
the conference. The conference an and
the commissioners were agreed upo l)
that evening at the Cabinet meeting.
The commissioners wore sent for, and
conferred with, by the President and
Mr. Benjamin, on Saturday, the next
day; and were dispatched on their mission
early Sunday morning. Mr. Hill, at this
time, was in Georgia, and did not return
to Richmond before, the general surrender.
With that amazing effrontery, then, does
he now affirm r.a «n historical truth that he
knew “why each member of that commis
sion, on our part, was selected,’' and that
lie “received from Mr. Davis' own lips a
full account of the conversation between
himself and the commissioners, before their
dep <irt ure from R ich .non d ."
How little credit should, therefore* b
given to his virtual assertion in the quota
tion above, that the history of this Hamp
ton Roads commission and conference, a;;
given by me in the second volume of the
“War between the States.’' is not accurate
amd full : Will he dare specify, while f
am in life and able to answer, wherein it is
not noth? That history hue been pullisii
'ed to the world fur upwav .s os four yeari
i and every actor in the ocenes. from its pro
: jection to its termination is stiil living, ex
| cept Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward. Mr.
j Seward lived two years after its publics
i tion, and yet not a single one of these par
| ties has ever questioned the correctness
i and accuracy of that history, either upon
the grounds of snisstatedent of fact, or the
omission of any leading point connected
with it!
Mr. Hill, with his usual shamelessness
of face, speaks, as if he could give a truer
and fuller account of what occurred at that
conference (though he was hundreds of
miles away,) but Contents himslf by sav
ing, “I will not give that history now.'’
Pray, When will ht give it l
Again, Mr. Hill says:
“M e all renumber the fierce war which
was made in Georgia against certain war
measures of the Congress and against Mr-
Davis for recommending them—conscrip
tion and impressment especially were de
nounced as unconstitutional and void and
not binding on soldiers or people. And
then, the limited suspension of habeas cor
pus was made the occasion for a concerted
movement on the Lei nuStdrej ascend ed
in extra session, to array the rotate iri hqa
t-ilitv to the Ueufeuoruta administration.
It failed. This was in the uaik days of
18C4.”
Here ie another jumble dfbuld reckless
assertion* of untruths. What Was *n:d
ami done at the extrs'session of the Legis
lature of G’dMg-L. in ib>:4. upon conscrip
tion. impressments aiid the suspension of
tlie privilege of the Writ of Habeas t or
pus. was not dode With a view to array the
State in hostility to the CohledehUe ad
ministration. much less the Confederate
cause, as intimated: uor dal the movement
fail. The resolutions passed the Legtsla
tare. I was in Milledgeville at the tinid
and addressed tile Legislature upon the
subject. My speech upon the occasion
was published at the time, and i3 to be
found in Clevelands compilation, page
761. from which all seekers after the truth
of history can clearly see the most patriot
ic objects which control***! the action oi the
Legislature aft that tim*. The object
was to give a friendly guide to the admin
istration on that line of policy on which
alone it conld succeed. The Legislature
did denounce, in most emphatic terms, the
' urieoiistitutionality of the suspension of the
writ of habeas corpus; anti will Mr. Hill
now dare, join issue with the Legislature
upon the correctness of the principles pro
claimed by them? Will he now dare de
fend the monstrous outrages committed
under the conscript and impressment acts
of the Confederate Congress? Similar res
cinds to those passed by the Georgia
I >:!.*£ tore upon a suspension of the’ writ
r;t j-ibi-i ; .Corp*"‘ were passed in the sArhe
days of IBtCL by Lite Legislatures of other
Southern States then in session, mclud 5
■'Cpp.Mr. Ver.-is’ own State.’ Th*
Legiebtiife of either of these States, while
passim*- resolutions of this character show*
ins’ their watchfulness over the principles
that lay ut tile foundation of the entije
Southern cause continued their pledges fob
the maintenance of that cause under an£
and every sacrifice. So that Mr. Hill's ac
count of his condoling interview with Mr.
Davis on h;3 return from Georgia after
action of her Legislature, as Weil as his ac
count of conversations with ,Gen. Lee
about military civilians, etc., may be put
down among his fohey or fiction sketches
of the character of what he reports Mr.
Davis to have told him about the Hamp
ton Roads conference, and what he receiv
ed from him before the Commissioners' de
parture from Richmond. They may oe all
classed together and are all entitled to
like credit.
Again. Mr. Hill, in speaking of the re
moval of Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, (after de
nying that he recommended it) says:
“I never saw as much agony in Mr.
Davis’ “face, as actually distorted it, when
tlie possible necessity of this removal was
suggested to him. 1 never heard a eulo
gy pronounced upon General Johnston by
his best friends equal to that which i heard
from Mr. Davis uuriuir these discussions.’’
Mr. 1 fill must have been flushed with
more than his accustomed degree of shame
loss-facedness when he presumed to palm
off upon an intelligent public such a Mun
chausenism as the truth! How will it
stand, side by side, with Mr. Davis’ ow
Werds, uttered before a multitude ofpeopl
in Macon coon after its occurrence, when
bespoke in the most disparaging and de
tracting terms of Gen. .Johnston, in as
signing to the public his reasons for remov
ing him? lie said Johnston **was Con
stantly complaining that the odds of the
enemy opposed to him were too great to
risk a geueraJ bat tie;” and after taking -off
in a manner peculiar to himself the Fabian
strategy of Johnston "in falling back from
the mountains of Northern Georgia and
surrendering all its natural defenses, he
ventured to assert in his most sarcastic
manner that "he had frequently bum asked
if pontoons had not been fat'warded to al
low Johnston s army to crone etier to Cuba’.’’
In the same speech he said “whether it re
sulted in victory or defeat he determined to
put a General at the head of that army
who would at least strike one ‘manly blow
in defense, of his country!” This is certain
ly very little like the language of one who
could have felt much agony in doing what
he did. This most assuredly does not
soulid much like the eulogy of a friend !
Mr. Hill was present and heard that
speech and followed it by one of his own
Usual “carmagnoles,” but in it said nothing
about that “agony” and "eulogy” we now
hear of. His present version he may give
"to the marines.” Sensible men. and those
who are in search of the true history of the
fact3, will pet the same construction upon
it that, they do upon .Harare's denial that
he favored the execution of the Queert,
when the record shows he Was the author
of the motion for it.
!;*>*&. shorn h ior to-day. The subject
ie not yvt half exhausted; and j shall re
us *-■ u a.- vh hereafter if biy strength will
permit. Alexander 11. Stephens.
lion, Mivj&min IS. Hill;
His Reply to Mb. Stephens*
Atlanta, Ga., April 21,18*74:
Editors Constitution : On my return
from Twiggs Court, 1* find the letter from
Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, dated April
lith and being number 1 of a premised
senes, purporting to review' the address de
livered by me before the Southern Histori
cal Society. With the bad temper and
worse language of this letter. I do not now
propose to deal; tier w.li I allow myself to
imitate either, except to fix upon the gen
tleman his own epithets.
Mr. Stephens tenders a direct issue of
veracity Upon facts, and, leaving for the
present ail other questions involved, I ad
vance pi obi] t!y and accept that issue. If
l have been guilty of the ch&fge which he
makes of stating tthat I diU not kficdfr and
Could Pet know, then I deserve till the de
ntition Lion which this enraged gentleman
has employed, end shell confess that I
on-hi not to be believed in any matter
whatever. On the-Other hand, if Mr.
Stephen’s has stated p ssitiveiy and re
peatedly wh it is false, an l what he
wis bojitl to know was false,
tHe:i he is showii to be utterly un
worthy of cr *,lit—bis flock of foul epithets
must return * home to roost singing their
wdd "carmagnole, ’ and whether his false
hoods originate in an imbecility or an evil
nature, i Will, in charity leave for him and
his friends to determine.
lie quotes from the address as follows:
* : 'i he full history of the Hampton Heads
('ommission and uonferetiee. has never been
written* I will fl >t give that history now.
Mach Has been sai l and published on the
subject which is nut true. 1 know why each
member of that comnissiori, on onr ptfrt,
was selected. I received from Mr. Davis’
own lips, a full account of the conversation
between him and the < "ommissioners, before
their departure from Richmond.”
'i his paragraph is eorrecWy quoted by I
; Mr. Stephens except in bfiri particular. In
i the address, as priuted, there is a comma
after the word “conversation.” This seri
; tence of the pariiprMph is twice quoted by
: Mr. Stephens—the last time it is italicised,
j and both times the comm t is oftiited.
i I was showing that Mr. Davis gave the
; Commissioners no written instructions, but
! field a conversation witlr them before and
; preparatory to their departure from Rich
j moud. He gave an account of that cori
versation afterwards, but whether before
! or after the departure of the Comm iseionera
was wholly immaterial, and was not stated.
Brit-'o d'eri to the charge ot tintruth
wh vi'/ Mr. Stephens thought
J £b rilake me say the account
of the conversation was given to me before
thedr departure, and why should a comma
stand in the way of tfiis boasted paragon
of truth and accuracy ? However men may
differ as to the merits of other achievements
by this WondCahil man, it must be conced
ed by friends and foeS alike for all time,
that he did ceftainly, effectually, and most
gallantly demolish the comma, and it is not
oil record that either Barere or Munchau
sen ever performed that feat ! But, after
all, this demolition will prove to have been
very unnecessary. It was preparatory to
his main charge, and this main charge 1
wifi show is utterly false whether the com
ma be in or out, and whether the word
“before” refers to the conversation, or the
“account” of it So the comma is a small
matter and I let it pass.
After making his preparations Mr. Steph
ens proceeds to his main charge iu Rare re’s
favorite style thus:
“The shamelessness, impudence and
recklessness of this statement could not
possibly have been exceeded by Barere.
* * * It is utterly impossible
that Mr. Hill could have knowti what he
says he knew, or received from him. Mr.
Hill was not in Richmond during the tlnie
the subject of the Commission, or the ap
pointment of Commissioners was under
consideration by Mr. Davis. He had left
that city before the conference or Commis
sioners had been determined Upon by Mr.
Davis. ***** *
* * Mr. Hill, at this time, was in
Georgia, and did not return to Richmond
before tile general surrender. With What
what amazirlg effrontery, then, dues he
rioW affirm as an historical truth that he
knew “why each member of the commis
sion,ott our part, was selected, arid that lie
received from Mr. Davis’ own lips a full ac
count of the conversation between himself
and ‘die commissioners, before their depar
ture from Richmond.” Well, if Mr. Steph
ens lias told the truth I plead guilty of the
most amazing effrontery. I will ask no
mercy, and accept no pardon. When I de
livered the address I did not know Mr.
Davis had left for Europe. I expected ho
would see.at least,an account of the address
in a few days. And if, in a public speech
on such an occasion, and on such a subject,
1 have made false statements of fact—and
especially have represented myself as Hav
ing had a conversation with Mr. Davis,
which I did not have, which I could not
have had, arid When he was in Richmond,
and I -Was in Georgia, then, in the language
of ohe of his silly anonymous echoes in
this city, “Mr. has floored his
antagonist” and I will confess that “I am
a liar and the truth is not in me.”
But if Mr. Stephens hdS not iold the
truth, what then? Who, then, shall wear
the epithets"shameleßsnes3,” “impudence,”
“effrontery,” “shameless-facedness,” etc.,
etc.; who, then, has exceeded Barere aud
Munchausen combined ? If he has
told the truth. I accept infamy. If lie
has told a falsehood lie must take the
same penalty. TFill not a truthloving
people say this is fair, equal add just ?
Now. I stand before the public responsi
ble. on pain of infamy, to make good the
following statement of facts:
I was udt only in Richmond during all
the time “the subject of the commission
and the appointment of the commissioners
was under consideration by Mr. Davis,’
but Mr. Stephens knew I was there, saw
me almost daily, talked with me, knew the
interest I took in the commission, and
couid not have forgotten these facts unless
he has become imbecile indeed. I was at
the maus, ‘room and told him that I should
insist on his appointment on the Peace
Cdihmission.”
It was at mv earnest instance that Mr.
Davis consented to his appointment, aud
this was all done before Mr. Hunter noti
fied him of Mh Davis’ desire to see him at
12 o’clock M. on the 27th of January. Still
further, I had promised to go to Georgia,
On a special mission and at Mr. Davis' spe
cial bequest. For this very mission Mr.
Davis deemed it important that I should
know all about the progress, prospects, and
results of the commission.
| r i he commissioners left Richmond on
Sunday, the 29th of January. I remained
in Richmond, before leaving for (Georgia,to
! ascertain if our wodld be received by the
| other side, and at what place, and to con
: for with whom. On Friday morning, the
! 3d of February. Mr* Davis received dis
: patch Or’ making known that bur Commis
sioners were going to Hampton Roads,
and not to “Washington, and that Messrs.
Lincoln and Seward would meet them. I
• spent much of the morning of Friday the
3d. with Mr. Davis, and received from his
■ oWn lips all that I have stated in the ad
dres.and much more preparatory to leaving
for Georgia. And then, with the assurance
j from Mr. Davis that he would himself send
i me a telegram to Macon announcing the
result of the Conference, I took leave of
him and came to Georgia, and received the
! promised telegram on my arrival at Macon.
Ihe Conference, in fact, took place on the
3d; and I heard the result through the
press before getting to Macon. Mr. >. te
phens has made more boastful pretentions
to accuracy than any public man in my
knowledge. Hi* flatteries are ail tutored
like parrots to repeat these pretensions. j
U« is, in truth, the moat artfodf insocur- j
[Torms, Dollars a tear, in Advance,
NO. 44.
* ate and unfair man I ever met or heard i#
discussion. On this particular issue of v«B
racity which he has chosen to make on nu» #
and to repeat with a real “carmagnole” of
epithets, I raise the black flag, and will
neither give nor tnke quarter. If the pub*
lie incline to thiuk I press Mr. Stophcnf
too heavily, my reason is, that theft id* a*
purpose, scope, aud malice, in the issuo of
veracity made upon mo which the public do'
not Buspect, but Which I fhlly understand,'
It has also a public significance which tim#
will develops., Mr. Stephens concents to
lead off in a fierce “carmagnole” and ft*
troop bf aetot'ding anonymous scribbler*
reinforced by certain editors, pro to tako
up tho reckless refrain., The game conapl*
raters have engaged in the same work on
several occasions during tho lest three
years. The pretences that there are an*'
kind allusions in the address to member*
of tho Georgia delegation in Congress &*
“negroes, knaves or imbeciles,” arc too la*
dicrous to need notice. In that delegation
are some of my best personal friends, and I
do not believe that there is one among
them, besides Mr. Stephens, who would
pretend that such allusions applied, of
were intended to apply to him. Every
statement of fact in the address is true.and
1 will return to the subject on its merit* '
hereafter. But for tho present I addres*
myself to this issue of veracity in the mosl
positive form in which it has been made,
and I meet the accredited leader of tho
slanderous tribe at the very threshold, and
charge back upon him the guilt of falsehood
in fact, he so vauutiugly prefers against m#
and insist that the issue tl.ud made shell
tolerate no solution but proof, retraction ‘
or infamy. Benj. H. Hiu?
Suraaer’s Suppressed Speech,
It is seldom that a grosser impropriety
is witnessed than has just been com*
mitted in the publication of tho 80
Called “suppressed speech” of Mr. Sumner, •
in which he attacked General Grant and *
Secretary Fish. Mr. Sumner'a execute*
and his advisers have shown a lack of sen*"
eibility as lamentable as it ia surprising, i*
giving thi3 speech to the public. IFitU
the death of Mr. Sumner all rancor toward
him disappeared. Those who regretted
most keenly his mistakes, and felt mos*
deeply grieved at his nujust and unfortU*
nate course toward his former friends, drop*
ped their criticisms and forgot their differ*
ences when the last penalty was paid, and
the imperfect but still great statesman waft
dead. ‘There were few of Mr. Sumner’*
associates iii the Senate Chamber who did
not feel that his constant and unremitting
attacks on the President were grossly an*
just ami uncalled for. This opinion wa*
not confined to Republican Senators ct
personal enemies, but was shared by th*
Democrats and by many of the Senator’*
intimate friends* So far did Mr. Sumneft
carry his dislike as to thrust an attack Ott
the President into a social gathering of ft
New York club, on which occasion, ho waft
properly rebuked by General Sherman. lift
was the most unflagging and the most per*
sistent enemy that the President has evop
encountered . not even excepting Scliurß,
And yet all was forgiven when he diedj
and us a fitting indication that the warfar#
so long waged terminated there, the Presi*
dent stood as chief mounter, while big-*
daughter laid a gracious tribute of respect
upon the casket that contained the Jfassa*
chusett’s Senator’s remains. There werfr
thousands who equally adniired the Prosi*
dent and Mr. Sumner, who had long ra*
gTetted the differences which separated
them, aud who felt gratified at these mark#
of respect shown by President Grant and
hi3 household to one who, in spite of hi*
faults, was widely loved and respected. But
hardly is the dead statesman cold in hi# C
coffin, before he is made to speak again*
and the bitterest words of all; word* that
even in the very whirlwind of his passion h#.
declined to utter. A speech that he had laid
away as too severs to be made even at th#
time when he most felt the need of severity,
is taken from its hiding-place and launched
at the President, as if with bis latest bres*-t>
the Senator raved like an infuriated and Laffl*
ed schemer, uttering curses, rather than as •
dving Christian breathing forgiveness o*>
those who had differed with him. What
and akes the matter less excusable io the faefr
that the objects of attack must remain silent.
They cantiot reply to the ridicule, satira
and personal reflections of this speech by
Similar attacks upon the author of them*
Ilia last effort is the most effective, bo*
cause the author is shielded behind a bar
riei beyond which none but crowards will
penetrate with blows. Mr. Summer did
nut shrink from contests in life, but hi#
! friends meatfly make of him one who
' strikes and runs. Heia caused to b»J
j things in death which he closed his moutb
against saving in life, and is made to play
the part of one who, afraid to meet th#
responsibility of hm words, waited until h#
was oiff of the reach of punishment befor#
the offense should be given. Such wa#
not Mr.Summer’s wont, and no greater in*
justice than this could have been to hi#
memory. Ordinary respect for the pro
prieties of life and for the momory of th#
dead, as well as the living, would hav#
caused s he suspension of this publication
until time bad made a reply to it, decor*'
oua aud not irrevermt. That the custo
dians of the papers, an and to some extent th#
honor, of Mr. Sumner, have seen proper t<B
j.,aj] these proprieties and draw from
♦L month of tho 1 "vi Senator this tirad#
of abuse, is oat only a matter of regret,
but justly a subject for the severest
rehctisioa.— lnter Ocean.
NotWJ
A bill introduced into the New Tork HodiJ
incorporates the Crcmoan Company. Witt W
capital cl #50,000. ‘
A fire occarcd in Phpeamngo, Mich..
terilay, by which thirty fowilies are mad*
bomeiso twcaiy-Av* business plaaM <M
•truyd VoMtlW'*#