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THE STANDARD AND EXPRESS
fly SMITH, WIKLE & CO.]
Speech of Hon. B, 11. Hill.
Delivered in the Representative Halt ,
Atlanta , Ga., on the evening of the
14 fh inst ., in reply to speeches of the
I fans. Linton Stephens and Robert
Toombs , delivered at the same place
on the preceding evening.
lAt dies and Gentlemen —ln my early
youth I impressed ujsiri my mind
the vital thought that nation was
the greatest fix* of good w;n.se and
rigid reason. The criminality of the
indulgence of passion in the investi
gation of any truth is in exact pro
portion to the great interest upon the
correct solution of that truth. There
are wise men in the nation, and many
of them, who believe that upon the
results of the pending canvass for
President the whole continuance of
the original theory of American Gov
ernment depends. Then* art? wLse
men in the South, and many of them,
who l>elieve that upon the results of
tliis contest hang the absolute, mate
rial, moral and political destinies of
esjrtvially the Southern States.
\\ bother these States shall continue
to be oppressed, to lx* insulted,
whether they shall continue to he
mere vassals to the Federal Govern
ment, or whether they shall lx* loosed
from their fetters and allowed to re
store their own prosperity in their
own way, are the questions which
many believe to lie dependent upon
this canvass. It does seem to me
that, in view of this fact, duty to our
selves, duty to our children, duty to
the high trust committed to us by
those who have gone before us, re
quires that we should enter upon the
investigation of the questions involv
ed, with coolness, with calmness,
with dispassionate reason. lam not
here to-night to address enemies, J
am here to address friends, some
doubtless differing with us, but still
friends, and I shall not employ
against them the language which
they have justly provoked and the
punishment they justly deserve. [ Ap
plause. j
That you may understand clearly
and distinctly the present political
situation, you will allow me briefly to
review a few of the events in the pre
ceding months, which have wrought
this situation. The termination of
the war left both sections, to a large
extent, under the domination of pas
sions engendered by the war. That
war itself, having been preceded by a
Jong, heated sectional controversy,
necessarily engendered passions of un
usual heat and animosity during its
progress, and unfortunate circumstan
ces occurred at its close which were
greatly calculated to influence the pas
sions so engendered. The result was
that the administration of the gov
ernment was absolutely taken posses
sion of by the passions of the hour
and statesmanship itself seemed to be
the mere child and creature of those
passions. The States which had en
tered that war and came out of it un
successful, being prostrate, being par
alyzed, were to an unusual extent
the actions of these passions and pre
judices, and it would not be very ex
travagant to say that they suffered du
ring tin* four years that succeeded the
termination of the war, wrongs and
insults exceeding in infamy if not
equalling in losses all the calamities
or the war itself. This thing could
not last always, and two years ago
this state of tilings became patent to
the wise men of the country, men
who, getting rid of the domination of
passion, began to reflect. The party
in power seemed to find no end of
what might be justly termed war
measures, especially as applicable to
what they were pleased the term the
“ Rebel .States.” They not only pass
ed what were called the reconstruction
acts, by which the governments of
ten of the States were absolutely sub
verted, and other governments creat
ed by Congressional power, organized
in their stead. They not only passed
amendments to the Constitution to
preserve the fruits of the war, as they
said, but they continued, after those
amendments were adopted, to exer
cise congressional powers unknown
to the Constitution, and absolutely
startling In their character, and ex
clusively of a war nature. Force was
the power employed to govern this
country in a very large degree. Not
only had these amendments been
pa-wed, hut the dominant party who
passed them and incorporated them
I>y force into the Constitution, put a
construction upon those amendments
which gave absolute power to the
General Government, a construction
centralizing the government to the
extent of obliterating State constitu
tions. Where the end was to be no
man could tell. This state of things
alarmed —I use the proper term —this
state of things alarmed, and justly
alarmed, many of the best and wisest
men of the Republican party. They
saw that measures which they had
adopted, in a moment of passion, and
which they thought were necessary
after the war ended, were to l>e re
repeated and repeated, until it seemed
the party in power absolutely intend
ed to subvert Republican government
and institute centralism, despotism in
its stead. It Was believed that there
was a sufficient number of patriotic
men in the United .States to correct
this evil, if by any means they corn?
bine together.
Here, then, was the situation. —
Here was the Democratic party a unit
against all these measures. Here was
a large portion of the Republican par
ty, daily increasing, becoming more
and more alarmed, that condemned
these continued encroachments upon
the Constitution and the rights of the
States, and these added together, it
was believed, would be sufficient to
correct this evil, and turn out of pow
er the party who were disposed to
continue the encroachments. But the
question was, how could this combi
nation be effected? Could any pur
pose—gentlemen, I submit it to you
—could any purpose be higher, ‘no
bler, or more patriotic? How could
these different elements, agreeing in
purpn- , agreeing in principle, equal
ly, it ..ruled, equally patriotic—how
eoukl they lie combiuea into one solid,
compact organization for the purpose
of making opposition to this party?
The Democratic party had said in its
platform of 1868, that all the recon
struction policy of Congress was rev
olutionary, unconstitutional and void.
They had proclaimed their purpose,
if they acquired power in the govern
ment, to declare this whole recon
struction policy a nullity. On that
position it was utterly impossible to
get the dissatisfied Republicans, the
Liberal what I call the patriotic Re
publicans—to unite with the Democ
racy. And why ? Because upon that
theory they would be required to
put a party in power who pmelained
beforehand, that it was their purpose
to undo everything that had \ )een
done, even though they might depre
cate much that had been done, much
that they’ had done themselves, yet
the process of undoing they feared,
might work another revolution, and
where the process of undoing would
end, nobody could tell. It was im
possible, therefore, for the Republi
cans to unite w ith the Democrats up
on this point, and besides, to ask
them to do it was to ask them to stul
tify themselves. On the other hand,
it was impossible for the Democratic
party ever to say that these amend
ments and reconstruction acts w r ere
wise, were just, were right. They
Uiu not believe it. They were not
wise they were not just," they were
not right, and it was impossible for
that portion of the Democratic party
living in the Southern States ever to
dishonor themselves by such a con
cession as that. [Applause.] How
now, was it impossible to bring these
fora common purpose, together 7
GbaUemen, when men really wish to
accomplish a good, common purpose,
the old adage that “where there is a
will there is a way,” is true in politics
as in other things. Here was a solu
tion of the whole matter. The Dem
cratic party and the Democrats en
gaged in tills move were not requir
ed to admit that either the amend-'
ments or the reconstruction policy,
in substance or in form, were either
wise, just or right. But they did
agr<*e to admit that they were accom
pTislit-d facts. Right or wrong, the
tiling had been done, and right or
wrong the thing had to remain done
until the people, in the exercise of
their sovereign power, should recover
sufficient virtue to undo them in tl»e
peacable constitutional way. This j
was the only concession on earth any
member of the IJemocratic party ever
proposed to make. To concede that
a fact exists, by no means implies or
concedes that it ought to exist. It
does not make you responsible for
its existence. Rut what was the con
cession to be made by the Republicans
who were dissatisfied with their own
party? Why, they were absolutely
to quit their "party— to abandon it in
the zenith of its power, to abandon it
in the control of the Government and
unite their fortunes with the Demo
cratic party for the purpose of turn
ing out their former comrades [ap
plause,] and they were perfectly wil
ling to unite with the Democracy on
this basis; simply ignore all issues
upon the reconstruction i>oliey, put
it back where you put the war" seces
sion, as things of the past; unite to- 1
gether in the living present to a make
a glorious future. [Applause.] Well,
these gentlemen of the Republican
party were perfectly willing to do j
this, and to unite with the Demo
cratic party for these purposes, on
condition only that the Democratic
party should show that it was capa
ble of organizing upon that position, i
for, if the Democratic party in at- j
tempting to organize upon that igni
tion, should go to pieces, or fail, of
course there could he no inducement i
for the Liberal Republicans to unite:
with a divided Democracy. I be-,
lieve, and I will say it to their cred- !
it, that every single prominent lead
ing member of the Democratic party |
in the Northren States believed that i
the Democrats would come to this i
position. Mr. Vallandigham made!
the iniative move. Why? Because!
of all men in the North, he was sup
posed to be the last one who would
be suspected of possible infidelity to ,
the Democratic party. Born a Dem- ;
ocrat, raised a Democrat, incapable j
of any infidelity to the principles or
purposes of the Democratic party, j
but a patriot as he come forward to |
make this movement, which I confi
dently believe will succeed [great ap- i
plause,] with the sole purpose of sav- j
ing the country. Now, fellow-citi-1
zens, I call your attention to the fact:
that this"movement made not the
slightest concession of principle on
the part of the Democratic party. It
made nothing in the world blit the
concession of a historical fact. It
based that concession upon two ideas.
One was, that the central govern
ment, in every department, would
recognize and administer these
amendments, right or wrong ; that
there was no right of appeal to any
higher power; that the Supreme
Court of the United States would
fail to give any relief against them,
upon the ground that they w ere un
constitutional, declaring them polit
ical measures to be decided by Con- j
gress, and beyond the power of the :
court to review. That being the ;
case, there was no other alternative j
left by which to fight that policy, ex- j
cept to appeal to the people, and the I
people at this time, it was believed,
were not in condition to hear the ap
peal, therefore they were simply al- j
lowed to pass by and be treated as
historical facts, and I call your atten
tion to one distinct fact. 1 wish you
to understand there was no member
of the Democratic party, North or 1
South, ever dreamed, under any cir- I
cumstances, of conceding the jus
tice or the righteousness of the re- i
construction policy. Every assertion i
to the contrary is a slander which |
ought to bring the blush of shame to
all who have uttered it. [ Applause.]
There was no purpose in the move
ment to collude with what is called
the Radical party in power. On the
contrary, the avowed underlying
purpose was to organize the patriots
of the country, in order to turn that
power. [Applause. | Higher, nobler,
more patriotic impulses never en
tered the bosoms of any men of this
country in any period of its history.
[Applause.] Coifvention after Con
vention of the Democratic party was
called at the North and it, only be
cause, unfortunately, opposition
in the party itself was made to
such an extent as to defeat any
capacity in the Democratic par
ty to organize with all its
forces upon that platform, and the
saddest view of the fact is that that
opposition came in bitter terms and
chiefly from the Southern States, i
which were to be chiefly benefltted by :
the movement. That great and good i
man—that man whom I shall go to j
my grave lovipg—that true patriot |
and "noble statesman, in an hour of I
thoughtlessness, and with no expec- j
tatiou of bein<* misunderstood, or to '
take the position ascribed to him— J
our former President, Jefferson Davis,
[applause,]—in the State of Georgia, i
at this juncture, unfortunately said
that he accepted nothing—unfortu-1
nately said to the people of the South |
that their cause would yet triumph.
These remarks were caught up by the
miserable creatures hanging around
him for the purpose of misrepresent
ing him. They were circulated
throughout the North and heralded
i as evidence to tbepeopleof the North i
i that the Democratic people of the;
j South would never come into this j
movement, not even recognizing the j
! amendments as historical facts, or!
make any concessions, at all, but were i
i simply rebellious still. Unfortunate- j
ly other distinguished gentleman in- 1
uulged in very extreme utterances
upon this subject. Some, 1 have no j
idea, ever intended what was attrib-1
uted to them, but they were under- 1
j stood as meaning that the Southern j
people wanted another war. Uufor
; tunately then another great and good 1
‘ man, Mr. Stephens, commenced edit
ing a paper, and his paper was full of
i statements that these amendments
should be treated as nullities, and
when the Democratic candidate was
elected, that he was to proclaim them
as such. Why! these men were rep
resented as the representative men of
the South—as controlling the South
ami with out the South the Democrat
ic party was powerless, and, therefore,
the leaders at the North, feeling that
the party at the South was unjust to
them, they lost spirit, they’ became in
different and said if the South will ac
cept no movement w’hich will relieve
them, if they’ will not act on patriotic
grounds, why let the South go. That
indifference at the North thus pro
duced caused this move to fail. The
Democracy was defeated in nearly all
l V State elections last fall. Gentle- j
IT tei, it is one of the saddest portions i
[’ftW history’ of this country’ that |
i those vho brought forward this move- j
ment \\< Te slandered as unworthy’ of [
your trust and confidence. That |
great and man, Vallandigham,
was declared to be no Democrat, was !
I declared to be A traitor to liis party’. 1
He was held up Y>y men who were t
neoplytes in their v ,artv as false and j
i unta-ue. Unfortunately the man was
j not allowed to see bv.s vindication.
I He went to his grave, doubtless his I
proud and noble spirit llvore uained j
I by the slanders of men who wprp no t
worthy to loose the of his
[ shoes, than was his body by th e cru _
l el bullet which took away hi* pf e j
! [Applause.]
But I must hasten on. V hat b„ w
was to be done ? But before I pa^
from this point I desire to call your
CARTERSYILLE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE *7, 187*.
attention distinctly to one thought.—
It has been charged, as an outrage,
that a few hundred thousand Repub
licans, at most, should require the
whole Democratic party, with its re
ported three millions of votes, to come
over to them, instead of a few hun
dred thousand Republicans going to
them, and that is compared to a tug
boat carrying a big steamer into the
harbor. Well, let me tell you. The;
original belief was that these Repub
licans would come into the Democrat
ic party, but only on condition that
the Democratic party could manifest
sufficient strength to win the light |
upon that principle, and if the at-1
tempt was made and failed by reason J
of the extreme opinions to which I j
have alluded, the Republicans could •
not be expected to join a divided De
mocracy. Well, what was to be
done? "Something was to be done.—
Was the whole cause to be surrender
ed ? Was centralism to go on ?—;
Was the General Government still to |
continue its oppression ? Day by day !
these outrages continued to be multi
plied. They passed what was called
the bayonet bul in its second edition, i
Then came the Ku-Klux bill, then
came the authority to suspend the
writ of habeas corpus in time of peace.
What was to be done? It was now,
for the first time suggested that that j
portion o f the Republican party i
which was dissatisfied with the ad
ministration of the Government to ,
manifest their sincerity and their
faith to principle and by first them- j
separating from the party to which j
they belonged and organize anew j
party of their ow r n. It was now re-1
membered that it was just tried in
Missouri. In that State the Demo
crats were oppressed, and this ex
treme wing of the Republican party
was in power. Gratz Brown, Carl
Schurz and Gen. Frank Blair made
what you call the coalition. The Re
publican party in Missouri organized
upon substantially the same position
to which I have alluded and they de
throned the Radical party of Missou
ri. They found the Htate in fetters
and unfettered it, and enfranchised
the Democrats and made Mis
souri the most Democratic State in
the Union. The suggestion then was
that these Republicans should organ
ize in the nation upon this same idea,
and if they could successfully organ
ize upon that position, the belief was
that the Democratic party would
come to their support. Very well, a
call was made that the Republicans
entertaining this purpose, and wil
ling to cut loose from the ruling dy
nasty, should meet at Cincinnati on
the Ist of May and organize upon
that basis. One of the most distin
guished orators of the Union took
the lead, and going into the different
parts of the West, and coming as far
South as Nashville, made speeches
in favor of the move, and they were
grand orations full of patriotism.
Rut soon the move seemed to wane,
and those who looked to it with hope,
as the means of redemption from the
oppression then existing, began to
grow faint, and just at this critical
period of the move, a large number
of the Republicans of New York,
with Horace Greeley at the head,
came out and joined the movement, i
[Applause.]
Soon the Cooper Institute meeting
was called, and then for the first time
Senator Trumbull, of Illinois, took
open and firm position with the
Liberals. It went on swelling daily.
It grew into large proportions. One
of the most patriotic conventions of
our history assembed at Cincinnati
the first day of May last. They or
ganized, and the platform which they
adopted embodies in a large degree
the principles of the Democratic par
ty. They put in a few words that
contain a little pepper and vinegar,
but they w r ere slight. Nobody
dreamed that Mr. Greeley would be
come the nominee of the party, be
cause a revenue tariff was expected
to be a plank, and it was considered
an insuperable barrier to Mr. Gree
lev’s nomination. But wise and pa
triotic men in a great cause will not
let small things stand in the way of
success. Therefore it was proposed
that this question of the tarilf should
he referred hack to the people and
let the people settle the question to
suit themselves. This removed the
difficulty, and Mr. Greeley, a timely
supporter, was nominated, and
Gratz Brown, one of the original
movers, wher struck the shackles
from the Democrats of Missouri, was
put as the second man. [Applause. |
With this movement at Cincinnati j
the Democratic party had no active [
connection. It is true that a great |
many sympathised with it. it is
true that a large portion of the Dem- i
ocrats declared that if the Convention !
at Cincinnati should succeed in
adopting a sensible platform they
would recommend their party to
make no nomination, but uniting (
W T ith them in defeating a common |
enemy.
Now, fellow-citizens, you have in j
a few words the orgin, the meaning, j
the purpose and the philosophy of |
what some have styled the New Do- j
parture. [Applause.] And it is brim [
full of patriotism from its original in- j
eeption to this hour.
Now the question is. what will the j
Democratic party do? That is the!
question I came here to discuss with
you to-night. The regular Radical, i
thorough-bred centralizing party j
have since assembled at Philadelphia,
made a platform in direct antagon- !
ism with the platform at Cincinnati,
have nominated their candidates and
ask your support. The issue is joined
bet ween these two parties. They are
getting ready for the battle. It is to
be a contest for liberty. It is to be a '
contest against empire. It is to be a j
contest against the suspension of the j
glorious writ of habeas corpus. [Ap- I
plause.] It is to be a contest against j
Federal bayonet supervision of State j
elections. It is to be a contest for the j
equality of the Southern States and |
the Southern people. [Great Ap- i
plause.] The wager of battle has been !
given ; the tocsin of conflict has been I
sounded, and these gallant men—l;
am courageous enough to call them
! gallant—these men who quit their
| party in the zenith of its power, who 1
j surrendered the offices that were in
their gift, and organized anew party
for this great battle, invites your cb
operation. [Applause.] That’s all. !
Now the Democratic party has to do j
one of two things. It must either:
nominate at Baltimore a ticket of its j
own, or it must support the Cincin- j
nati movement. 1 need not answer '
another alternative propounded by
Judge Stephens last night. He said :
I Suppose the Convention at Baltimore ;
should nominate Grant. I don’t sup-!
pose any such a foolish thing, j
[Laughter and applause.] What I;
suppose is that the Democratic party i
will either nominate a ticket of its '
own, on a platform of its own, or it j
will co-operate with the Cincinnati
move—one or the other, and whatev
er it shall do, it is going to do as a par
ty ; it is going to do by its organiza
tion, and it is not going to disband
and turn you all loose to stray any
where you want to go. Now I ad
mit this is a question upon which
Democrats may honestly differ,
whether you shall go in favor of an
independent nomination, or whether,
under the circumstances you will be
most useful to the country by co-ope
rating with the Cincinnati movement.
It is a question on which the Derno-
I crats can honestly differ, and on which
they ought to be allowed to differ,
and on which they do differ. The
matter is becoming warm, and I ex
| eeedingly deprecate the feeling that
. is being engendered in some quarters.
We are all friends, we all desire the
! same end.
No enemy is engaged in this. I
tell my friend, who spoke last night
so eloquently, no mau is engaged in
this move who is opposed to State
\ rights. The only difference betwiwu
us is, what is the most effective poli
cy to recover the lost rights of the
States. Apylause.] Some think our
most effective course would be by go
ing with Cincinnati. Well, if" you
think so, you ought to go there, i
Some think we can succeed more ef
fectively by nominating a straight
ticket at Baltimore-
Well, if that be so, thank God, no
man is more willing to take that
course than the one who addresses
you. 1 admit that it is a question
that has two sides. It Ls a question
that ought to be calmly and disjias
sionately discussed, and I protest
against that spirit which denounces
all who will not go in a certain di
rection as traitors. [Applause.] We
all are Democrats in this move, and
we all want to get back to the Canaan
of local State government and con
stitutional limitations upon Federal
power. [Applause.] The only dif
ference is some of our friends "want
to get to the land of Canaan at one
bound, and some hesitate because the
Red Sea and the wilderness are to be
crossed.
I am willing to traverse the wilder
ness and tread even a winding way,
iif it only can lead me back to Canaan.
But some declare they never intend
to leave the bondage of Egypt unless j
they can reach the promised laud at a
bound. Well, my opinion is that
they will die and be buried in Egypt.
[Laughter and applause.].That is
my opinion.
Well, now r who is to settle this
question ? Who is to determine !
whether the Democratic party will go !
with Cincinnati or go by itself? Who
is to determine it? When friends j
differ there ought to be an umpire.
We have got no court to appeal to; '
who can determine it. I say Demo- j
erats assembled in Baltimore will de
termine it, and you and I ought to go
with them, whatever they determine. ;
[Great Applause. I
Well, said my distinguished friend i
last night, I will agree to abide by
Baltimore, provided Baltimore will
decide according to my ideas.
[Laughter.| Well, everybody has a !
right to agree provided Baltimore will
decide the principle as he understands
it, and every mau is a party by him- 1
self. What is to become of us? I
put it to your candor, I put it to your
reason, is it reasonable for one man.
for two men, for three men, for I he- [
lieve that is about all [great laughter | ;
to stand up before the Democracy of i
this country and say they will agree !
with the party, provided the party
will agree with them first? Weil, if
that is reasonable, then there is no
use of going to Baltimore at all. Just
let the three call you together and tell
you what to do. [Laughter and ap
plause.] We have either got to do it,
or else we have got to be traitors, and
cowards, and thieves and Radicals.
[Laughter.] I remonstrate against
all such arguments. If I were firing
shot at an enemy, I would make him
feel it on this point, but I am firing
only at erring friends and from the
bottom of my heart, I call to them
come back and let us go to Baltimore.
[Laughter and applause, j Let us all
go together and let us all co-operate
together, and if there is any fighting
to be done, let us all fight together,
and if there is any dying to be done,
let us all die together. [Applause.)
Now this is just what I want to do. j
Fellow-citizens, if it were not for a j
certain reason, which perhaps you
will see in the progress of the argu
ment, 1 would end this address
right now. I would not enter upon
the discussion of that question still j
behind, as to what nomination Bal- j
timore ought to make. Whatever
may be my individual opinion upon
that subject, 1 want you to under
stand that if Baltimore differs with
me, I admit my opinion is wrong,
and I am going with Baltimore.
[Applause.] I shall not set my
judgment up as against the whole
party. When I set out with this
move eighteen months ago, God
knows there was not the smallest
crevice in my heart, that could har
bor a purpose to do anything but
contribute all my humble powers
would permit to devise some scheme
by winch the Democratic party, un
der its own standard bearers, could
go to victory. [Applause.] I may
remark here, in passing, that I an
ticipated Mr. Yallandigham’s move
ment, by some months, for a reason
applicable alone to Georgia. Know
ing- that steps would be taken by
certain parties to endeavor to secure
another reconstruction of the State,
by setting aside the election if it
should go Democratic —I simply put
myself in position to counteract that
movement, and as far as this State
has been concerned, the result has
been entirely satisfactory. Gentle
men, everywhere the people are
sending up shouts that we have the
Government in our own hands.
This truly Is an occasion for rejoicing,
but let it be remembered that this
result is not attributable, in the least
degree, to our ultra friends. On the
contrary, these results have been ac
complished, not only without their
aid, but in spite of their unfortunate
folly. If these gentlemen who took
extreme positions had been concur
red with, you would, to-night, while
I speak, be under the administration
of a, Radical Legislature, with Bul
lock for Governor, and bonds issuing
like thumb-papers.
But I say, what shall Baltimore do?
Shall she go with Cincinnati, or shall
she nominate a ticket? Fellow citi
zens, 1 confess to you frankly, that
this question has given me great 1
trouble. Ido not disguise it. I do [
not know that any question for solu
tion has been submitted to my mind, |
to which I have given more "serious j
and earnest consideration. I have j
endeavored to look at it in every |
light possible. I have endeavored to [
exercise upon it clear, cool, dispas
sionate reason ; suppressing my feel
ings, for I confess to you if I allowed
my prejudices and my feelings to take
possession of my judgment, I would
every hour of my life pray God to
spare me to the day that I could
gather this whole record of recon
struction infamy into one pile and
make one grand bondfire of it. But |
hush! hush ! You and I have been i
taught by bitter experience to submit
to many things that wore not agreea
ble, and we may have to submit to ;
many more. We must obey what |
the courts declare to be the law. We
have no right to set up our judgment
as the only standard of our action, [
whether we approve or not. There- :
fore I am perfectly willing to gather
secession, the war"and reconstruction
into one triune bundle of infamy and
; bury them out of sight forever. But
I my reason brings me to the conclu
| sion that the Baltimore Convention
i ought and will accomplish most good
i by co-operating with the Cincinnati
! movement. [Applause.] If I could
; have had the construction of the plat
form, I would have made it in some I
i respects different. If I could have
had the nomination of the candidates, !
i I certainly would have made them :
different. If the Democratic party
; could muster all its forces, I might lie
willing to see them make an indepen
j dent nomination. I wish it could be
done*, and done successfully, and if it
j shall turn out that it can lie done, no >
i mar will rejoice more earnestly than ;
! myself. But I will proceed to give
j my reasons why I think we had bet
; ter co-operate with Cincinnati.
Mr. Greeley lias said and done
many things which I need not tell
you I do not approve—you need not
approve, but Mr. Greeley has always
beer in favor of one policy which re
lieves me of the most vital objection
to h;is support. He never has at any
time approved of those odious fea
tures of the reconstruction policy
which disfranchised the virtue and
, intelligence of the South and enfran-
I chised the ignorance and vice of the
j South. [Applause.] He has stood up
| like a mau from t&e beginning and
protested against every one of these
odious features of the "reconstruction
policy. You know that the main
reason why I never could, I never
can and never will, while God gives
me grace to remember that I am a
Southern man and a white man. ap
prove these measures, because they
affect my honor, because they ask the
Southern people to give that policy
validity by their own consent, ask
them to consent to a policy which de
graded the white men of" the South
by consenting ttiat the master should
be in chains, while their slaves should
be unfettered torobthem. [Applanae.J
That is why I never eoukl and never
can endorse that policy. As I said
before, in 1867 and in 1868, when all
of you concurred with me, I said all
that then and tried to prove it, but I
sail! that when Congress passed out
side of the Constitution to oppress the
Southern people, when the members
of that body trampled upon their own
oaths to gratify their feeling of ven
geance against the Southern people
and asked the Southern people to give
vitality to that action by their con
sent. I said to General Grant and to
General Pope, and I thank God that
I said it, that I would takeanything,
death, confiscation, exile, martyrdom
but consent to that infamy never!
[Applause.] Now, Mr. * Greeley
comes to our relief upon that point.
Though acting with the Republican
party, he, from the beginning, pro
tested against these features of this
policy. Therefore, I don’t, nor do
you, violate that principle of honor
that we should ever hold dear, by
supporting Mr. Greeley. That I put
foremost as why I am willing to vote
for him. There is another reason
why I like Mr. Greeley. He has
never been what is called a partisan,
and an independent thinker, I think
has the greatest honesty. I pity any
man when I see a man get up before
an audience and talk about building
up a party. You must use party to
accomplish a good purpose. You
must act harmoniously with party,
but when it comes to thought be in
dependent. Independence of thought
and harmony in action is the business
of all who associate in party move
ments. Now, to the history of Mr.
Greeley:
Why, I remember before the war
lie defied his party in the very hour
of its fanaticism, and boldly declared
that if the Southern people desired to
secede, they had a perfect rigid to do
so.
But. said the gentleman, after the
war began he prosecuted the war.
That is true. Can you object to that?
Mr. Greeley honestly thought that
the Southern States had a right to
secede. But when the North waged
war anyhow, and the South waged
war also, why Mr. Greeley joined his
own side. Well, I opposed secession,
and a great many other gentlemen
opposed secession, but when our
States seceded we went with the
States through the war. [Applause.]
Now, if you quarrel with Mr. Gree
ley for going with his State, you
must proscribe me for the same rea
son. I would go with it again under
the same circumstances. [Applause.]
I have nothing to take back nor to
apologize for, upon that subject. The
onlv difference between us is, that he
happened to be on that side and I on
this. That is all. But Mr. Greeley
was against the whole party upon
the subject of peace. There was no
day of the war that he was not will
ing to negotiate upon the subject of
peace, on terms honorable to both
parties. Some represent Mr. Gree
ley as a vindictive man ; but it is not
true.
I call to my mind that at one time, |
when the Confederate Government
sent Commissioners around to Cana
da, to open negotiations with West
ern Democrats. Our Commissioners
were there, and, so far as I know, or
believe, or remember, Horace Gree
ley was the only man in the North,
Democrat or Republican, that had
the courage to go to Canada and have
friendly and honorable communica
tion with our people. [Applause.)
Even the Democrats—even the Dem- :
ocrats of the North refused to enter-1
tain propositions from us, or to treat.
with us. Horace Greeley was the;
only man that defied his party and [
acted upon his conscience as a patriot |
and went t here ready to enter in terms ;
of peace consistent with the honor of |
both sections on the basis of preserv-1
ing the Union. [Applause.]
After the war terminated, and our
flag was furled and our noble chief,
than whom no people ever had no- j
bier, was a prisoner, in chains, and ;
the bloodhounds of the North were
after his blood, he exhibited the high
est moral courage. As I walked j
through the streets of New York, my
self a prisoner, the first time I ever j
saw that city, I saw streaming from
all their public buildings, humiliating
pictures of Jefferson Davis, in wo
men's clothes and in chains. I heard
their maniac cries for his blood. The ;
first sound that saluted my ears, when !
I entered the dungeon, was the miser
able jailors, saying: “You ought
to feel honored because you occupy a
dungeon in which I had prepared to
chain Jeff Davis.” I replied to him:
“ I do feel honored, and if you had
chained him, a criminal would have
chained a patriot.” [Applause.]
Soon after Mr. Lincoln’s unfortunate
assassination, when passions were
inflamed, as I never saw them among
any people, it was then that this man ;
Horace Greeley defied his party alone
and went to Richmond and dared to
become the surity of this man, and
did do it. [Great Applause.] Be
cause of the manhood, because of the
moral courage it exhibits, that is why
I admire it. “ Why,” says the gen
tleman, “he deserves more credit
than Gen. Grant, who threatened, if
Gen. Lee was molested, he would re
sign his commission.” Why, my
friends, don’t you see the vast differ
ence between the two ? Grant did
that as a soldier. That was the con
dition on which Lee surrendered—
that he was not to be disturbed.
Grant was under a solemn pledge to'
protect Geri. Lee. He would have
been false to his honor as a soldier if
he had not done it. But Mr. Greeley
had given no pledge to Jeff Davis.
His act was a voluntary act. His act
was not done for the purpose of re
deeming a pledge but to illustrate a
principle. [Applause.]
I am not saying these things to pro- i
nounce a eulogy on Mr. Greeley; but
I like independence and moral cour
age. In some matters I like a man
that is yielding, that defers to the
opinions of others, but when it comes ,
to acts of manhood, then it is that I
like to see a man act as becomes a man. I
That Horace Greeley has done in his
whole history. There is no political
principle in this, I admit; but I am
just giving the reason why the South- \
ern man is not inconsistent to vote j
for Horace Greeley.
I am willing to co-operate with this
Cincinnati movement for another
reason, which is, for the good that 1
believe it will accomplish, as evi
denced by the good it has already
accomplished. Now, fellow citizens,
I want to call your attention to the
fact that this very move has already
accomplished three important things.
In the first place it has accomplished
a large amnesty. The Republican
party had refused to pass the bill re
moving the disabilities from the
Southern people at all. It had come
up over and over again. They had
managed to vote it down. Greeley
had always advocated it. When
this Cincinnati Convention met and
passed resolutions demanding it, and
Grant’s party saw that the issue
would be joined upon that subject,
they promptly passed the bill, and
thus disabilities were removed from
all but a few of our Southern people.
My distinguished friend said last
night that he was an outlaw, and that
:it was an outrage. And so it is.
I Horace Greeley says it is an outrage.
Horace Greeley has always said so.
[Applause.! The nomination has
stricken the fetters from my limbs.
The election of Horace Greeley will
strike the fetters from yours, (point
ing to General Toombs.) [Applause]
Another good thing that this move
has accomplished is this. The most
dangerous bill, in my opinion, ever
attempted, for the purpose of central
izing the American Government, is
known as what is called the “ Force
Bill”—the “ Bayonet bill,” by which
the Federal Government, through its
own officers, takes charge of the elec
tion precincts of the country through
out the nation. I saw the "infamy of
this measure. 1 made a visit to New
York expressly’ to beg the people,
the authorities of New York, when
the experiment was first attempted
upon that Btate, to resist it, and it
was the passage of that measure, as
one of the outrages, that proceeded
and gave rise to this new departure.
When that measure was passed, it
then only applied to a few large
towns. General Grant tried the ex
periment of enforcing that measure
upon New York. My own opinion
was, and the opinion of the leading
Democrats was, that if New York
submitted to that interference with
State elections, that the Republican
party would enlarge its powers, and
by’ 1872 would have a bill passed
which would authorize Gen. Grant
to take control of all the precincts
and declare the election as he pleased.
Sure enough, in 1870 and 1871 an
amendatory bill was introduced and
passed enlarging the powers of the
President upon that subject, and dur
ing the last session of Congress a bill
was introduced to give the President
authority to take possession of every’
election precinct in the United Staff's.
How was that move defeated ? It
was not altogether defeated, a hard
struggle ensued. It was modified
and the most of its odious features
were stricken out, and now, the
President, instead of the right to ar
rest and imprison voters, without the
privilege of habeas corpus, till the
election is over, lias no right, but
simply to allow men to go and look
on anil make report. How was that
accomplished? By a coalition—by’ a
combination of the Democracy’ and
the Liberal Republicans. That vic
tory was won and that iniquity’ was
defeated, [ applause| and that I con
sider one of the greatest victories
won. Fellow-citizens, I congratulate
you. His chief machinery, the great
engine which was to be put in the
hands of General Grant during the
pending election, by’ which lie would
be enabled to control it, has been de
feated by’the management, by the
combination, by the coalition if y’ou
K’ease, of the Greeley men and the
emocrats. Oh, in the face of such a
patent, such a glorious truth, how I
could look with utter contempt upon
the poor creature that, hyena like,
could go back into the far records of
this patriot and dig up some little
things to object to. I feel’ that this
move has accomplished much for
you and me. Now I don’t believe
the Democratic party’ could have done
this, because Grant "was willing to re
sist to the last that party’ alone, but
General Grant and his party could
not resist the Greeley and Cincinnati
Convention united in this work.
The third thing to which I alluded
as accomplished by this move is this.
You remember that at the last session
of Congress a bill was passed author
izing the suspension of habeas corpus,
and the bill was to be in force till the
adjournment of the present session.
Prior to the adjournment, that party,
the Republican party, brought for
ward a move for the purpose of con
tinuing that act in force, and it was a
most dangerous blow at the liberties
of the people.
Even the bayonet bill would be
shorn of some of its power by the de
feat of the suspension of habeas cor
pus; but when the President had the
right to arrest a voter, right at the
polls, and imprison him until after
the election, you see what the conse
quences would be. Well, my friends,
when the Republicans brought for
ward the bill to prolong this power,
again the Democrats and Greeley men
united and defeated it, and thus to
this move it is owing that you and I
to-day—to-night—need no longer
dread marshal law. Marshal law has
been threatened upon this State sev
eral times, as it has been actually en
forced in North Carolina and in South
Carolina. Their citizens have been
in chains in time of peace with this
writ suspended, and marched off to
Northern prisons for imprisonment.
Thank God this can no longer be.
Grant lias no more power to take
away the liberties of the people by r
the suspension of the writ of habeas
corpus than you and I have, and that
glorious result is attributable to the
combination of the Democrats and
the Greeley Republicans. [Ap
plause.] Now, those are the three
things—amnesty, the modification of
the bayonet bill and the restoration
of the writ of habeas corpus. These
three tilings alone are worth the Cin
cinnati movement, and are enough to
inspire the great and noble with grat
itude for the accomplishment of it.
[Applause.] Therefore, as this much
good has already been done, I argue
from that that much other good may
be done, and will be done.
There is another reason why I am
willing to support the Cincinnati
movement if the Baltimore Conven
tion shall so order it, and that is this:
that Mr. Greeley’ had no expectation
of being elected without the Demo
cratic voters, and if he shall be elect
ed, that same election will carry’ into
the House of Representatives a ma
jority of Democrats, and when you
have got in that body a majority of
Democratic, the President is power
less to do harm. [Toombs —That’s a
strong point.]
My friend justly’ says it is a strong
point. It is one; and that alone is
worth the experiment.
Again, the indications from Dem
ocratic action already had, show very
clearly’ that the great body df the
party"is decidedly in tavor of co-op
erating with the Baltimore move
ment. It matters but little now what
y’ou and I might have preferred. We
cannot, if we would, arrest this cur
rent. Os thirteen States, which have
up to this time, held conventions and
appointed delegates to Baltimore,
only* one has instructed her delegates
to insist on what is called a straight
Democratic ticket. That one excep
tion is Delaware, which has only
three votes in the Electoral College.
You cannot forget your friends wiio
so greatly’ outnumber y’on. You but
help the enemy by quarreling with
your friends. " There can be neither
safety’, nor policy’, nor principle, ex
cept "in going with Baltimore.
The distinguished gentleman who
addressed y’ou last night, (General
Toombs, i said lie was glad this test of
party fidelity had come. He was
now going to winnow the Greeley
chaff from the true Democratic wheat
and he was going to chalk the true
Democrats on the back and kick
the others out! Well, I will not
quarrel with this true and valiant
gentleman, but I will suggest a bar
gain for his own ease and benefit. If
he will postpone the chalking divis
ion of his labors for sixty days, I
think he will find in Georgia only’
three backs to chalk, and they will
be so sick as to be utterly indifferent.
[Repeated rounds of laughter and
applause.] If he will only forbear to
begin the kicking process for over a
much less period, he will find the
undertaking so hu»e he will recon
sider his rash resolve and abandon
the job. If he will not so abandon it,
he will illustrate the wisdom and
courage of a certain wise animal,
who, seeing the engine and train
coming towards him under full speed
bravely planted himself on the track,
threw his tail in the air, pawed the
ground with his two feet, and loudly
bellowed out, “If that traitorous
and cowardly Greeley eugine run
against him he would "butt it off the
track.” [Great laughter.}
The last 1 saw of that animal he
was badly chalked. [ Renewed laugh
ter.] In the same breath our friend
said “ he would, with great pleasure, i
vote for the Devil or John Brown’s
ghost before he would vote for either
Greeley or Grant.” How harmoni
ously men’s ideas with their feelings
unconsciously flow ! Oil his line of
passion and hate 1 think the Devil
for President and John Brown's
ghost for Vice President would be
the very best ticket lie eoukl nomi
nate! [Vociferous applause.] On
that line our fioor deluded iSouth has
l*et*n carried lower and lower and
still lower, and I now know of no i
lower place save tin; Dominions of
our friend’s favorite candidate. [Sen
sation and applause.] If the gentle
man’s candidate should be ekn-ted, 1
pray that he may’ not Unit place in
that administration.
Kick out, indeed ! Kick out New
York, Pennsylvania, Indiana—all the
Staff's but Delaware! Kick out
Hendricks, and Pendleton, and Sey
mour, and Hoffman, and Adams,
and all the great life-long leaders of
the Democratic party, except three
latter-born in Georgia !
Judge Stephens, last night, begged
you in most excited, pathetic strains
to repudiate Mr. Greeley for the sake
of down-trodden South Carolina her-1
self, with the unanimous voice of her
convention, implores you in tones
louder than the clank of her chains
to elect Mr. Greeley as the only hope
for her relief. [Enthusiastic applause. [ ;
Mr. Vorhees has been alluded to as
advising for a straight Democratic
ticket. But Mr. Voorhees’ State (In
diana) has spoken, through her Con
vention, in the most emphatic man
ner, for Cincinnati indorsement, and
Mr. Vorhees himself will abide the;
decision at Baltimore, and he is, and
ever has been, an honest man, a true -
man, and a patriot. [Applause.] The
truth is, the decision for Baltimore
has been rendered by the Democrat
ic people before Baltimore meets,
and whether you like it or not, it is
your duty to concur.
So then even if the Democratic par- ;
ty’ as a unit could elect a straight :
Democratic ticket with the divisions
now manifest, success on that line
would be impossible. And here i ;
wish 1 could impress upon the South |
one truth our people ought to learn.
It is this: There are thousands of the !
best Democrats in the North who be
lieve and affirm that one chief reason
why the Democratic party is kept in
a minority in the nation and in the
Northern States is because of certain
ultraisms at the South which they
have been and are required to bear in !
season and out of season. They ap
plaud you for refusing to give vitality
to the reconstruction policy by your j
consent. This was necessary to save 1
your honor. But without your eon- j
sent, and by force, reconstruction has I
become an accomplished fact. Every !
department of the government recog
nizes and enforces the amendments.
All the people submit to them. Now, j
for us of the South to insist that the
Democratic party shall go before the
people on a platform and with candi
dates pledged to treat the amend
ments as nullities, is simply to insist
that the Democratic party shall sub- j
jeet itself to the charge of defying the
government, of disobeying the courts, |
and of seeking to get "power only to j
undo all the results of the war, even j
to the extent of re-establishing sla- I
very, if every law resulting from
force and successful usurpation is but I
a nullity’, then everything done since 1
secession is a nullity; and to require
the Democratic party to approve or
refute this logic is a burden they can
not bear before the Northern people
in their present temper, and must con
stantly insure their defeat and make
the wrongs and usurpations of which
we complain perpetual. They’, there
fore do not ask us to approve, but only
to bury reconstruction with the sur
render, and secession with tin* dead
past, and obey the Jaws as the courts
and authorities decide them, as the
only way to stop the ever increasing
evils of a revolution which secession
madly began, and which reconstruc
tion, with greater madness, seems
determined shall never end. And I j
tell you, my r Southern friends, abuse
what y r ou call the new departure as j
y’ou may’, you will get no other plat-)
form at Baltimore. The Democracy’, j
whether with or without Cincinnati,
will not go into the canvass with :
Southern ultraisms—such as y*ou \
heard here last night—as their recog
nized and representative sentiment, i
Whether Greeley and Brown, or j
straight out nominees be candidates
they will stand on what you call the i
New Departure platform. They will
pledge you to abide and to obey’, in
good faith, all the amendments and
all the laws as verities until the peo
ple, in a legal way, shall choose to
change them. Our Northern friends
complain, and justly complain of
those ultra Southern men who allow
themselves to utter contrary senti
ments as the only true Democracy.
To get rid of those ultraisms and the
charges to which they subject the
Democratic party before the Northern
people, is one of the chief reasons j
which creates the necessity’, as they
think, of adopting the Cincinnati
Platform and nominees.
Still another reason for co-operation with j
Cincinnati results from the one just stated, j
If the Democratic party were *o enter the
race on the platform of 1808, and under their
own nominees, anil were (o’get an actualjma- I
jority of the votes, it is believed [they would ,
still not secure the offices. As against
Democracy on the platform that the amend
ments are nullities, it is believed the ruling
party would and could hold the Government
by force and would be sustained by the
Northern people; while as against the plat
form and candidates of the Liberal Repub- !
licans, so securing a majority of the votes, i
they would not dare to make such an j
attempt.
i And behold here another illustration of :
I the dangers of extreme views and intolerent j
; tempers. How long. Southern people, must, j
i you suffer bitter experience before you learn :
I the great lesson that indiscreet zealots, con
-1 trolled by passion, may do more to destroy j
the cause they advocate than all the power 1
iof the most malignant enemy could do ? 1
What have you not already lost and suffered |
! from this very evil? Ido not desire to stir |
any unpleasant feeling, but we must not re
fuse to learn wisdom from our errors. I |
speak what history must record as true when 1
I say that the re-opening of the slavery agi- J
1 tation, by the repeal of the Missouri Coin- ;
promise did more to destroy slavery’ than all j
the abolition societies of the world. Vot :
that repeal was made in the avowed interest i
of the rights of slavery, and every Southern i
man who did not approve it and support the
party that sustained it, was denounced as ;
unsound on slavery, and not fit to be trust
ed by the people ! [
History will adjudge that when we hur- 1
ried unprepared and in passion into sescs
sion, we made the movement which des- !
troyed the partisan power of the South in I
the government. And yet that move- i
ment was admirable to secure Southern in
dependence and promote Southern power,
and every roan who could sot approve It
was denounced as a traitor to his section.
History will declare when all the facts are
known, that the internal dissensions crea
ted by the quarrel kept up with theUqoiva
side by distinguished men in, the Confe<Te»- :
acy, did more to bring on defeat and I*6- i
miliation than all the armies of Grant and ;
Sherman. Yet that war was made by Con- j
federates on the Confederate Government j
avowedly in the name of liberty, and eve- [
ry man who unii-ed in giving earnest and !
unmurmuring support to out leaders in the !
field and in the cabinet were denounced as ;
the enemies of liberty, seeking to estab
lish a military despotism.
In the name of slavery, slavery was des
troyed. In the name of independence,
Southern independence was destroyed. In
the name of liberty and right. Southern ,
defeat and humiliation was wrought. And
this same felt spirit of extreme unreasoning >
unyielding, intolerant, self-sufficient and :
i self-immaculate egotism and zeal, for twelve j
I months has been binding into its exclusive j
deadly embrace the Democratic party, and
in the name of the “only true Democracy,”
will destroy Democracy itself forever,' if
not now rebuked and repudiated by the
people. [Applause.] It will then have,
but one more work of destruction to per
form, and that will be sure—that now being
done Dinning forever, in place and out of !
place, into the ears of the people, their !
own self-patented exclusive right to define
and protect State rights. Indiscreet zeal- !
ots seem determined never to cease their 1
tll-t.med clamoring until, in the name of!
Mate rights, they shall destroy the States I
themselves! [Applause.)
These tireless outrages of everything
they advocate, are always known by the
fluent facility with which they denounce ‘ l
everybody as a traitor, a robber or foot who
will not be as indiscreet and destructive as j
themselves. What a cata'oguc we had last i
night of thieves, and robbers and Radicals,
made up of all classes and trades and pro- [
iessions of men who were willing to sup- [
port Mr. Greeley.
I tell these gentlemen there are thousands
in Georgia just as honest as true anti wise as ;
themselves and who intend to vote for Mr. J
lireeley if Ba’tinjore shall so decide. Nav, ;
I tell them more, if to be willing to obey the i
laws of the land ; it to be anxious to co- 1
operate with all who are willing to restore
local State gouernmeut and Constitutional I
limitation upon Federal power, and above
all, if to be willing to adopt any honorable
means of arresting the wrongs under which
we suffer, and to secure equal rights to the
Southern States and people in the Union,
constitutes a traitor, the biggest fool and
the worst robber in America stands beiore
you to-night! [Very great applause.]
.Now, in the beginning of thig canvass I
enter my remonstrance against this intoler
ant oratory, and if the gentlemen who indulge 1
iu it have no respect for themselves, they I
should at least respect the character of our {
people and the gravity of the issue, aud :
abandon the ugly if not criminal habit.
Another reason why I am willing to sup 1
port Mr. Greeley it the liultimore conven- I
tion shall so decide, is because, we, of the !
Boutlt by such support, offer to the North j
the highest possible evidence of our sincere i
desire to end sectional discord and have a
cordial re union. It lias, heretofore, been j
difficult for the Northern people to believe |
we were sincere in laying down our arms, i
and that we agreed cheerfully to the eman
cipation oft be negro. ]t has been impossible !
for the Democratic party to inspire this I
needed confidence, because that party was I
charged with bringing about sesession, aud
with a desire to nulify all the results of the
war, aud the extreme and thoughtless utter
ances of a few Southern men have aided the
radicals in their impeachment of Democratic
sincerity on these questions. 1 have already
explained to you the origin and meaning and
purpose of what is called the new departure,
'lliat movement hud the warm approval of
all tlie most prominent Northern Democrats,
aud was indorsed by ail the Northern State
Conventions. It had no purpose but to pre
pare the Democracy to make the Presiden
tial race under their own flag, borne by their
own standard-bearer and a large number of
Literal Republicans were willing to co-op
erate with the Democracy on this line, if the
party could organize on it. There was no
concession of a single principle. There was
only the admission of the facts which, right
or wrong, had occurred. There was no
trouble with the Democrats of the North.
But., unfortunately, an unexpected bitter
ness against this movement was exhibited
at the South, aud it is painful to add, chief
ly in Georgia.
All these utterances were eagerly caught up
by the extreme Radicals of the North and pa
raded as evidence that the Democratic party
was not sincere in the proposed movement to
combine with the Liberals to defeat the Ex
tremes and save the country. The charges
were false; the movement was sincere and pa
triotic as you now see, but there arc many at
the North as unreasoning as many at the .So'utli
—mere creatures or the war passions. The re
sult was the Democratic party was defeated
aud thus rendered unable, by these Southern
utterances, toorganize the party on this move
ment and make the race under their cwn Hag,
aided by the Republicans.
The extreme demagogues of the North will
not lie able to make the people believe that Mr.
tireelev will utility all the results of the War
I and restore slavery. The people of the South
exhibit a magnanimity which must excite the
| admiration ot the world, and offer conclusive
i evidence of their willingness to give up slavery
to give the negro his civil and political rights
; under the law, and to have permanent peace
aud concord on a basis of universal equality
between Ihe States of the Inion, and of civil
supremacy aud local freedom by supporting
the Cincinnati candidates. If the Northern
people do not respond to this niagnanainoiis
and patriotic feeling of the South, then let
them blame only themselves if discord reign
until empire come.
The last reason I specify to-night for being
willing to support Mr. Greeley, If the liultimore
Convention shall so decide, is, that as his elec
tion i> more probable than that of a Democratic
ticket, mi the orospcct of our deliverance from
Federal interference in our local affairs thro’
that election on the Cincinnati platform is more
hopeful and will be more speedy. And, after
all, my Southern countrymen, this is the great
est reason of all. We have Inn little interest in
what becomes of the Federal Government, if
we cannot get and keep control of our own State
Governments. For seven years we have suffer
ered under disadvantages w hich no other peo
ple ever had to contend with. We have been
insulted and robbed, in our poverty and weak
ness, by strangers, vagabonds and negroes, un
der the protection of the Federal bayonet. Our
laws have been deranged, our industry paraly
zed, and society demoralized, and our intellect
ual and virtuous men forbidden, underthc pen
alties oftelony to employ their qualifications to
bring about order, security and prosperity. For
five years thousands of oiir best people have
slept without ease and waked without hope.—
Our lands have continued to decrease iu value,
the fruits of our toil have been taken by law
making aud law-ruling robbers. Thousands
have been arrested without warraut, tried with
, out law and condemned without guilt, only to
j continue in power the strangers and thieves
! who ruled without authority and plundered
without compunction. KVen now while I speak
they arc carrying citizens of a neighboring
state, by Die score, from their desolate but still
sunny homes to Northern prisons ! Oh, my
countrymen, let us believethe day of our deliv
erance is dawning. Let us hope the time for us
to begin to improve is near. Weary watchers
for returning right to the war-ridden plains of
the South, take courage ! It seems to me I am
catching the rays of anew star In the Last,
guiding you to anew , Bethlehem,
where is born, not a man. but that Divine con
ception, anew hope for local htate government
and constitutional limitations upon Federal
power, which means redemption lor you, peace
for the nation, and good-will for mankind!
| A gentleman having a distinguished name
I said, but yesteday, he was gl auto hear 1 was
! willing to accept the Cincinnati movementas it
i was good evidence the people would not accept
; it, as they had never followed me. It is difficult
i to determine whether the truth or the stupidity
of this remark preponderates. It is true 1 have
! not led our people to their present condition.
I But when you see whither they have been led,
; is it nbt strangely stupid for any man to refer
I to such leadership as an achievement lor boast-
I ing? No, rav trionds, I have never led you.
I During the whole time of my connection with
politics you have been rushing wildly down a
declivity, und I have done nothing hut labor to
avert your fall. No man can have an humbler
estimate ofmy abilities than myself. When I
have so often seen evil alter evil coming upon
von, and remember hoW unable I have been to
avert it, 1 feet humble and insignificant. But
your fall is complete. Let it lie at an end. We
must win again. And ifUod would commission
; me with an intellect worthy to be a leader, X
would ask no other or higher ambition than to
| lead you from poverty back to wealth, from
■ defeat back to power, anil from humiliation
I and sorrow back to happiness and prosperity!
[Great Applause.j
FECUNDITY OF DrCKS AND HENS.
(Some interesting experiments have
- been made upon the comparative fe
! cunditv of ducks and hens, so as to de
i termine from which of the two the
larger number of be obtained
;in the saute time. For this purpose
| three hens and three ducks were se
lected, all hatched in February, and
1 nourished with suitable food. In the
[ following Autumn the ducks had laid
: two hundred and twenty-five eggs,
j while the* hens in this case laid none.
; In the following Februarythe laying
: season began again with" the ducks,
[ and continued uninterruptedly until
August. They showed no inclination
; to set, and became very thin, but sub
! sequently fattened up somewhat. In
I the meantime the hens had not been
| idle. The total number of eggs laid
l by the hens amounted to two hundred
| and or eighty-six eggs
j each ; and the ducks produced three
hundred and ninety-two, or one hun
dred and thirty-one each. Although
the eggs of the ducks were rather
smaller than those of the hens, yet
they proved to be decidedly superior
in nutritive material, so the superior
: ity in productiveness appears to be al
i together on the side of the ducks.—
[ Baltimore Sun.
| NEW SCHEDULE.
CHEROKEE RAILROAD
FROM sad after this date the followia*
Schedule will be run ou the Cherokee Rail
oad :
I.eave Itockmart at * • J-J®
• Germantown, Gao
“ Tavlorsville, 8:15
“ Stilesboro, , 8:40 *
Arrive at CartersvUle,...-. 10:80 “
j Leave Cartersville 2:00 P. M.
•* Stilesboro 2:45 “
“ Taylorsville 5:00 “
“ Germantown, 3:40 “
Arrive at Rockmart, 4:15 “
D. W. K. PEACOCK.
April IS. 1872.
VOL. 13— XO.
New Advertise nunts.
The Chicago Farm Pumps
Paknt PorceUia-Liofd Iron (Minder Pumps
Tor OliUrm and Wells of any Depth,
v; ' tTTir
Are Cheap, Curable and Efficient.
OVZEZR, 100,000 SOLD.
EVERY PUMP WARRANTED.
At? Tarta Cts Bit Tits.
Sold everywhere by dealers In Standard Farm
chimrv, Hardware and fkntittw Supplies.
Descriptive Catalogues scot on noplicalkm. Far
terms, addrr-, tt»' manufacturers.
J. T. TEMP LX & SONS,
cmcACO. n,’
C A LITERS VILLE
SALE AM) LIVERY
S T A B L Bk
AS Till; 01.1 > .STAND Established tweet 7/
years ago, it being in tlftv yard* of tkv
Bartow House, a eoinmodious Hotel, kept by
J. T. Guthrie, i have l>een in the Livery busi
ness for Fourteen Years and all task is, thafc
the citizens and traveling public will give me •
call, and And ute and the veritable
J A. C K S T A r lv
atjall times ready to furnish
SADDLE AND HARNESS HORSBB,
HACKS, CARRIAGES, BUGGIES
and everything necessary in a First-Class Sta
hie, and ready for trade at all hours, SWAP
SELL or BUY.
junc 30,-tf. JOtT BRItT.
LA WSHE & HAYNES,
ATLANTA, GA.
HAVE OX HAND AND ABE RECEIVING
the tincst stock of the latest styles of
DIAMOND & GOLD JEWELRY
In upper Georgia, selected with care for the
FALL AND WINTER TRADE
Watches of the best makers of Europe and
America.
AMERICAN AND FRENCH CLOCKS j
STERLING and COIN SILVER-WARE,
And the best quality of
SILVER PLATED GOODS,
At prices to suit the times. Gold silver A steel
SPECTACLES TO SUIT ALL AGES.
Watches and Jewelry repaired by Competent
Workmen. Also Clock and Watch Makers’
Tools and Materials.
sep 13-ly
SOMETHING NEW
FOR SPRINGS SUMMER 12.
N. CILREATH & SON,
ARE now peceiving and opening their new
stoek of
SPRING S SUMMER GOODS,
Consisting of Dry Goods, Hats, Boots and
Shoes, Notions, Clothing, Hardware, Queeoß
vvare, Ac.
We also keep on hand a stock of
FAMILY GROCERIES,
Sugar, Coffee, Molasses, Salt, Bacon, Lard,
and a good stock of Memlork and oak-tanned
Sole Leather and French Calf bkihs—in fact
almost anything you ran rail for.
We invite the public generally to call and
examine our stork, and if wa do not sell you
your goods, it will not he because vve do net
offer you grants at low figures. We have the
goods and pro|n»se to sell them, so come and
look for yourselves.
N. GILREATH A SON.
Cartcrsville, Ga-, March 2t% IH7K.
I’ocket and Table
KNIVES and FORKS,
SPOONS, CASTORS, RAZORS,
SCISSORS, CARVERS, ETC., ETC.
CROCKERY, CHINA, GLASSWARE,
NOW ARRIVING
DIRECT FROM EUROPE 1
Diamond Oil,
. AT
IVI’BRIDE & Co’s
MERCHANTS!
Consult your Interest
Save freight and ruinous breakage by buying
from
McBRIDE & CO.
READ THIS.
Atlanta, March I; IST*. "4
We, the undersigned, commissioners lbr thn
“ Atlanta Hospital Association,” have .elected
prizes lor distribution from the splendid stnok
of Mcßride &Cos. Ticket holders can -ee those
beautiful prizes at Mcßride A Co’s store.
11. ORME. M. IX. I
J. F, VLF.XANDER, M. D kC**».
E. S. KAY, M D. j
We offer real inducements in Fruit Jus.
Do not buy till you see our Jars. They are (ha
best and cbeapest.iji the market.
BECK W ITU
|-1 O
SEWING MACHINE.
XTO HUMBUG, but a perfect and beautifully
AY finished Machine. Warranted for two
years.
' Go to John T. Owens’ Jewelry stfiio and se«
it.
B. STOIvES SAY'&E, Agent,
mar 7-tot '«