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PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE fellow-citizen g of the Senate and House of Representatives : Our deep and heart felt gratitude is due to that Almighty Power which has bestowed upon us such varied and numerous blessings throughout the past year. Ttie general health of the country has been excellent; our harvests have been unusually plentiful; and prosperity smiles throughout the land. Indeed, notwithstanding our demerits, we have much reason to believe, from the past events in our history, that we have enjoyed the special protection of Divine Providence ever since our origin as a nation. We have been exposed to many threatening and alarming difficulties in our pro gress; bin on each successive occasion the im pending cloud lias been dissipated at the monieut it appeared ready to hurst upon our h-ad, and the danger to our institutions has passed away. May we ever be under the Divine guidance and protec tion ! Whilst it is the duty of the President “from time to time to give to Congress inform itiou of the state of the Union,” I shall not refer in detail to the recent sad and bloody occurrences at Harper’s Ferry. Still, it is proper to observe that these events, however bad and cruel in themselves, de rive their chief importance from the apprehension that they are but symptoms of an incurable dis eise in the public mind, which may break out in still more dangerous outrages, and.terminate at last in an open war by the North to abolish slave ry in the South. Whilst, for myself, I entertain no such apprehension, they ought to afford a solemn warning t<> us all to beware of the approach ot danger. Our Union is a stake of such inesti mable value as to demand our constant and watch tul vigilance for its preservation. In this view, let me implore my countrymen, North and South’ to cultivate ihe ancient feelings of mutual forbear ance ami good will towards each other, aud strive to allay the demon spirit of sectional hatred and strife now alive in the land. This advice proceeds from the heart of an old public functionary whose service commenced in the last generation, among the wise and conservative statesmen of that day, now nearly all passed away, and whose first and dearest earthly wish is to leave his country tran quil, prosperous, united, and powerful. We ought to reflect that in this age, and espe cially in this country, thete is an incessant flux und reflux of public opinion. Questions, which in their day assumed a most threatening aspect, have now pearly gone from the memory of men. They are “volcanoes burnt out, and on the lava and ashes and squalid scoriie of old eruptions grow the peaceful olive, the cheering vine, and the sustain ing corn.” Such, in my opinion, will prove to be the fate of the present sectional excitement, should those who wisely seek to apply the remedy, con tinue always to con Hue their efforts within the pale of the Constitution. If this course be pursued, the existing agitation on the subject of domestic sla very, like everything human, will have its dm and give place to other and less threatening contro versies. Public opinion in this country is all-pow erful; and when it reaches a dangerous excess up on any question, the good sense of the people will furnish the corrective and bring it back within safe limits. Still, to hasten this auspicious result, at the present crisis, we oiig'd to remember that every rational creature must be presumed to in tend the natural consequences of his own teach ings. Those who announce abstract doctrines subversive of the Constitution and the Union, must not be surprised should their heated parti sans advance one step further, and attempt by vio lence to carry these doctrines into practical effect, in this view ot the subject it ought never to be forgotten that, however great may have been the political advantages resulting from the Union to every portion of our common country, these would alljprove to he as nothing, should the time ever-ar rive when they cannot be enjoyed without serious danger to the personal safety ot the people of fif teen members ot the Confederacy. It’ the peace of (he domestic lireside throughout these States should ever he invaded, if the mothers of families within this extensive region should not be able to retire to rest at night without suffering dreadful apprehensions of what may be their own fate and that of their children before the morning, it would he vain to recount to such a people the political beuetits which result to them from the Union. Self-preservation is the first instinct of nature; and therefore any state of society in which the sword is all the time suspended over the heads of the people, must at last become intolerable. But I indulge in u such gloomy forebodings. On the contrary, 1 tirmly believe that the events at Har per’s Ferry, by causing the people to pause and refleet upon the possible peril to their cherished institutions, will be the means, under Providence, of allaying the existiug|excitement; and preventing future outbreaks of a similar character. They will resolve that the Constitution and the Union shall not be endangered by rash counsels, know ing that, should “the silver cord be loosed or the golden bowl be broken ■ * at the fountain,” human power could never re-unite the scattered and hostile fragments. I cordially congratulate you upon the final set tlement by the Supreme Court of the United States of the question of slavery itt the Territories, which had presented an aspect so truly formidable at the commencement of tnv Administration. The right has been established of every citizen to take his property of any kind, including slaves, into ihe common Territories belonging equally to all ihe States of the Confederacy, and to have it pro jected there under the Federal Constitution. Neith er Congress nor a Territorial Legislature, nor any human power, has any authority to annul or impair this vested right. The Supreme judicial tribunal ot'*he country, which is a co-ordinate branch of the Government, has sanctioned aud affirmed ihese principles of constitutional law, so manifestly just in thcmseTvcS, and so well calculated to promote peace and harmony among the States, li is a striking proof of the sense of justice which is in herent m our people, that the property in slaves has never been disturbed, to my knowledge, in any of the Territories. Kveil throughout the late troubles in Kansas there has not been any attempt, as 1 am credibly informed, to interfere, in a single instance, with (lie right of the master. Had any such attempt been made, the judiciary would, doubtless, have afforded an adequate remedy. Should they fail to do tins hereafter, it will theu be time enough to strengthen their hands by fur ther legislation. Had it been decided that either Congress or the Territorial Legislature possess the power to annul or impair the right to property in slaves, the evil would he intolerable. In the latter event, there would be a struggle for a ma jority “t the members of the Legislature at each successive election, and the sacred rights of pro perty held under the Federal Constitution would depend tor die time being on the result. The agi tation would thus be rendered incessant whilst the Territorial condition remained; and its bane ful influence would keep alive a dangerous excite ment among the people of the several States. Thus has the status of a.Territory, during the intermediate period from its first settlement until it shall become a Slate, been irrevocably fixed by the final decision of the Supreme Court. Form nate has this been for the prosperity of the Terri tories, as well as the tranquility of the States. Now, emigrants from the North and the South, the East and the West, will meet in the Territories on a common platform, having brought with them that species of property best adapted, in their own opinion, to promote their welfare. From natural causes the slavery question will in each case soon virtually settle itself; and before the Territory is prepared for admission as a State into the Union j ,*bis decision, one way or the other, will have been a foregone conclusion. Meanwhile the settlement of the new Territory will proceed without serious interruption, and its progress and prosperity will not be endangered or retarded by violent political struggles. When m the progress of events the inhabitants of any T> rritory shall have reached the number required to form a State, they will then proceed, in a regular manner, and in the exercise of the rights of popular sovereignty, to form a Constitu tion preparatory to admission into the Union. After this has been dime, to employ the language of the Kansas and Nebraska act, they “shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, ; as their Constitution may prescribe at the time ot 1 their admission.” This sound principle has hap pily been recognised, in some form or other, by an almost unanimous vote of both Houses of the last Congress. All lawful means at my command have been em ployed, and shall continue to be employed, to exe cute the laws against the African slave-trade. Af ter a most careful und rigorous examination of our coasts, and a thorough investigation of the subject, we have not been able to discover that anv slaves have been imported into the United States except the cargo by the Wanderer, numbering between three and four hundred. Those engaged in this unlawful enterprise have been rigorously prosecu ted; but not with as much success as their crimes have deserved. A number of them arc still under prosecution. Our history proves that the Fathers of the Re public, in advance of all other nations, condemned the African slave trade. It was, notwithstanding, deemed expedient by the framers of the Constitu tion to deprive Congress of the power to prohibit “the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit” “prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight.” It will be seen that this restriction on the pow er of Congress was confined to such States only as might think proper to admit the importation of slaves. It did not extend to other States or to the trade carried on abroad. Accordingly, we find that so early as the 22d March, 1794, ’Congress passed an act imposing severe penalties and pun ishments upon citizens aud residents of the Unit ed States who should engage in this trade between foreign nations. The provisions of this act were extended and enforced by the act of loth Mav 1300. ‘ Again: The States themselves had a clear right wa j ve constitutional privilege intended lor their benefit, and to prohibit, by their own laws, tins trade at any time they thought proper previ ous to 1808. Several of them exercised this right before that period, and amoDg them some contain ing the greatest number of slaves. This gave to Congress the immediate power to act in regard to all such States, because they themselves bad re moved the constitutional barrier. Congress ac cordingly passed an act on 28th February, 1803, “to prevent the importation of certain persons into cer tain States where, by the laws (hereof, their ad mission is prohibited.” In this manner the im portation of African slaves into the United States was. to a great extent, prohibited some years in advance of 1808. As the year 1808 approached, Congress deter mined not to suffer this trade to exist even for a single day after they had the power to abolish it. On the 2d of March, 1807, they passed an act to take effect ‘ from and after the Ist d.iy of January, 1808,” prohibiting the importation of African slaves into the United States. This was followed by subsequent acts of a similar character, to which 1 need not specially refer. Such were the princi ples and such the practice of our ancestors more than fifty years ago in regard to the African slave trade. It did not occur to the revered patriots who had been delegates to the convention, and afterwards became members of Congress, that in passing these laws they had violated the Constitution which they had framed with so much care and de liberation. They supposed that to prohibit Con gress, in express terms, from exercising a specified power before an appointed day, necessarily in volved the right to exercise this power after that day had arrived. If this were not the case, the framers of the Constitution had expended much labor in vain. Had they imagined that Congress would possess no power to prohibit the trade either before or af ter 1808, they would not have taken so much care to protect the Slates against the exercise of this power before that period. Nay more, they would not have attached such vast importance to this provision as to have excluded it from ilie possi bility of future repeal or amendment, to which other portions of the Constitution were exposed. It would, then, have been wholly unnecessary to eneraft on the fifth article of the Constitution, pre scribing the mode of its own future amendment, ihe proviso, “that no amendment which may he made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred aud eight shall in any manner affect” the provi sion in the Constitution securing to the States the right to admit the importation cf African slaves previous to that period. According to the adverse construction, the clause itself, on which so much care and discus sion had been employed by the members of the Convention, was an absolute nullity from the be ginning, and all that has siuce been done under it a mere usurpation. It was well and wise to confer this power on Congress, because, had it been left to the States, its efficient, exercise would have been impossible. In that event any one State could have effectually continued the trade, not only for itself but for all the other slave States, though never so much against their will. And why? Because African slaves, when once brought within the limits of any one State, in accordance with its laws, cannot practically be excluded from any other Siate where slavery exisls. And even if all the States had separately passed laws prohibiting the importa tion of slaves, these laws would have failed of ef fect for want of a naval force to capture the slav ers and to guard the coast. Such a force no State can employ in time of peace without the consent of Congress. These acts of Congress, it. is believed, have, with very rare and insignificant exceptions, accomplish ed their purpose. For a period of more than halt a century, there has been no perceptible addition to the number of our domestic slaves. .During this period, their advancement lu civilization has far surpassed that of any other portion of the Afri cau race. The light and the blessings of Christi anity have been extended to them ; and both their moral and physical condition has been greatly im proved. Re-open the trade, and it would be difficult to determine whether the effect would be more dele terious on the interests of the master, or on those of the native born slave. Os the evils to the mas ter, the one most to be dreaded would be the in troduction of wild, heathen, and ignorant barbari ansjamoug the sober, orderly, and quiet slaves, whose ancestors have been on the soil for several generations. Tins might tend to barbarize, de moralise, and exasperate the whole mass, and pro duce most deplorable consequences. The effect upon the existing slave would, if pos sible, be still more deplorable. At present he is treated with kindness and humanity. He is well fed, well clothed, and not overworked. His con dition is incomparably better than that of the Coolies which modern nations of high civilization have employed as a substitute for African slaves. Both the philanthropy and the self-interest of the master have combined to produce this humane result. But let this trade be re-opened, and what will be the effect? The same, to a considerable extent, as on a neighboring island—the only spot now on earth where the African slave-trade is openly tolerated ; and this in defiance of solemn treaties with a power abundantly able at any mo ment to enforce their execution. There the master, intent upon present gain, extorts from the slave as much labor as his physical powers are capable of enduring—knowing that, when death comes to bis relief, his place can be supplied at a price reduced to the lowest point bv tlie competition of rival African slave-traders. Should tins ever be the case in our country—which I do not deem possible—the present useful character of the do mestic institution, wherein those too old and too voting to work are provided for with care and humanity, and those capable of labor are not overtasked, would undergo an unfortunate change, l’tie feeling of reciprocal dependence and attach ment which now exists between master and slave would be converted into mutual distrust and hos tility. But we are obliged, as a Christian and moral na tion to consider what would he ihe effect upon un happy Africa itself, if we should re-open the slave trade. This would give the trade an impulse and extension which it has never had evenjin its palmi est days. The numerous victims required to sup ply it would convert the whole slave coast into a perfect Pandemonium, for which this country would be held responsible in the eyes, both of God and man. Its petty tribes would then be con stantly engaged in predatory wars against each other, for the purpose of seizing slaves to supply the American market. All hopes of African civili zation would thus be ended. Ou the other hand, when a market for African slayes shall no longer be furnished in Cuba, and thus all the world bo closed against this trade, we may then indulge a reasonable hope for the grad ual improvement of Africa. The chief motive of war among the tribes will cease whenever ihere is no longer any demand for slaves. The resources of that fertile but miserable country might then be developed by the hand of industry, and afford sub jects for legitimate foreign and domestic com merce. In this manuer Christianity and civiliza tion may gradually penetrate the existing gloom. The wisdom of the course pursued by tins Gov ernment towards China, has been vindicated by the event. Whilst we sustained a neutral position iu the war waged by Great Britain and France, against the Cluuese Empire, our late Minister, in I obedience to his instructions, judiciously co oper i ated with the ministers of These powers in all peaceful measures to secure, by treaty, the just ! concessions demanded by the interests of foreign i commerce. The result is that satisfactory trea ties have been concluded with China by the respect ive Ministers of the United Stales, Great Britain, France and Russia. Our “trdflfcy, or general con vention of peace, amity, and commerce,” with that Empire was concluded at Tientsin, on the 18th of June, 1858, and was ratified by the President, by, and with the advice and consent oftlie Senate, on the 21st December following. On the loth December, 1858, John E. Ward, a distinguished citizen of Georgia, was duly com missioned gs Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to China. He lett the United States for the place of his destination on the sth of February, 1859, bearing with him the ratified copy of this treaty, and arrived at Shanghai on Columbus, Ga., Saturday, December 31, 1859. the 28th May. From thence he proceeded to Peking on the 16th June, but did not arrive in that city until the 27th July. According to the terms of the treaty the ratifications were to be ex changed on or before the 18th June, 1859. This was rendered impossible by reasons and events beyond his conirol, not necessary to detail; but still it is due to the Chinese authorities at Shang hai to state that they always assured Rim no ad vantage should be taken of the delay ; and this pledge has been faithfully redeemed. On the arrival of Mr. Ward at Pekin he request ed an audience of the Emperor to present his letter of credence. This he did not obtain, in con sequence of liis very proper refusal to submit to the humiliating ceremonies required by the eti quette of this strange people in approaching their sovereign. Nevertheless, the interviews on this question were conducted in the most friendly spirit, and with all due regard to his personal feel ings and the honor of Ins country. When a pre sentation to his Majesty was found to be impossi ble, the letter or credence from the President was received with peculiar honors by Kweiliang, “the Emperor’s Prime Minister, and the second man m the Empire to the Emperor himself.” The ratifi cations of the treaty were afterwards, on the 16th of August, exchanged in proper form at Pei-tsang. As the exchange did not take place until after the day prescribed by the treaty, it is deemed proper, before its publication, again to submit it to the Senate. It is but simple justice to the Chinese authori ties to observe, that, throughout the whole trans action, they appear to have acted in good faith and in a friendly spirit towards the United States. It is true this has been done after their own pecu liar fashion ; but we ought to regard with a le nient eye the ancient customs of an empire dating back for thousands of years, s.t far as this may be consistent with our own national honor. The conduct of our minister on the occasion has re ceived my entire approbation. lu order to carry out the spirit of this treaty, and to give it lull effect, it became necessary to conclude two supplemental conventions—the one for ihe adjustment and satisfaction of the claims of our citizens, and the other to fix the tariff on imports and exports, and to regulate the transit duties and trade of our merchants with China. This duty was satisfactorily performed by our late minister. These conventions bear date at Shang hai on the Sth November, 1858. Having been con sidered in ihe light of binding agreements subsid iary to the principal treaty, and to be carried into execution without delay, they do not provide for auv formal ratification or exchange of ratifications by the contracting parties. This was not deemed necessary by the Chinese, who are already pro ceeding in good faith to satisfy the claims of our citizens, and, it is hoped, to carry out the other provisions of the conventions. Still I thought it was proper to submit them to the Senate, by which they were ratified on the 3d March, 1859. The ratified copies, however, did not reach Shanghai until after the departure of out’ minister to Peking, and these conventions could not, therefore, be exchanged at the same time with Ihe principal treaty. No doubt is entertained that they will be ratified and exchanged by the Chinese govern ment, should this be thought advisable; but, under the circumstances presented, 1 shall con sider them binding engagements from their date on both parties, and cause them to be published as such for the information and guidance of our merchants trading with the Chinese empire. It affords me much satisfaction to inform you that all our difficulties with the Republic of Par aguay have been satisfactorily adjusted. It hap pily did not become necessary to employ the force for this purpose which Congress had placed at my command, under their joint resolution of 2d Juue, 1858. On the contrary, the President of that Re public, in a friendly spirit, acceded promptly to the just and reasonable demands of the govern ment of the United Stales Our commissioner ar rived at Assumption, the Capital of the Republic, on the 25th of January, 1859, ami left on the 37th of February, having in three weeks ably and suc cessfully accomplished all the objects of his mis sion. The treaties which he has concluded will be immediately submitted to the Senate. in the view that the employment of other than peaceful means might become necessary to obtain “just satisfaction” from Paraguay, a strong naval force was concentrated in the waters of tlie La Plata to await contingencies, whilst our commis sioner ascended the rivers to Assumption. ‘The Navy Department is entitled to great credit for the promptness, efficiency and economy with which ibis expedition was fitted out aud conducted, it consisted of nineteen armed vessels, great and small, carrying 200 guns and 2,500 men, all under the command of the veteran and gallant Sliubrick. The entire expenses of Ihe expedition have been defrayed out of the ordinary appropriations for the naval service, except the sum of $289,000, ap plied to the purchase of seven of the steamers, constituting a part of it, under the authority of the naval appropriation act of the 3rd March last. It is believed that these steamers are worth more than their cost, and they are all now usefully and actively employed in the naval service. The appearance of so large a force, fitted out in such a prompt manner, in the far distant waters of the La Plata, and the admirable conduct of the officers and men employed in it, have had a hap py effect in favor of our country throughout all that remote portion oftlie world. Our relations with the great empires of France and Russia, as well as with all other governments on the continent of Europe, unless we may ex- • cept that of Spain, happily continue to be of the most friendly character. In my last, annual message I presented s state ment ot the unsatisfactory condition of our relations with Spain ; and 1 regret to say that this has not materially improved. Without special reference to other claims, even the “Cuban claims,” the payment of which has been ably urged by our ministers, and in which more than a hundred of our citizens are direedy interested, remain unsatis fied, notwithstanding both their justice and their amount ($128,035 54) had been recognised and ascertained by the Spanish government itself. I again recommend that an appropriation be made “to be paid to the Spanish government for the pur pose of distribution among the claimants in the Amistad ease.” In common with two of my ]pre decessors, I entertain no doubt that this is requir ed by our treaty with Spam oftlie 27th October, 1795. The failure to discharge this obligation has been employed by the cabinet of Madrid as a rea son against the settlement of our claims. I need not repeat the arguments which I urged in my last, annual message in favor of the acquisi tion of Cuba by fair purchase. My opinions on that measure remain unchanged. 1, therefore, again invite the serious attention of Congress to this important subject. Without a recognition of this.policy on their part, it will be almost impossi ble to institute negotiations with any reasonable prospect of success. Until a recent period there was good reason to believe that I should be able to announce to you on the present occasion that our difficulties With Great Britain, arising out of the Clayton aud BuKver treaty, had been fiually adjusted in a man ner alike honorable and satisfactory to botli par ties. From causes, however, which the British government hgd not anticipated, they have not yet completed treaty arrangements with the Re publics of Honduras am:! Nicaragua, in pursuance of the understanding between the two govern ments. It is, nevertheless, confidently expected that this good work will ere long be accomplished. Whil st indulging the hope that no other subject I remained which could disturb the good uniter standing between the two countries, the question arising out of the adverse claims of the parties to the Island of San Juan, under the Oregon treaty of the loth of June, 1846, suddenly assumed a threatening prominence. In order to prevent un fortunate collisions on that remote frontier, the late Secretary of State, on the 17th July, 1555, addressed a note to Mr. Crampton, then British minister at Washington, communicating to him a copy of the instructions which he [Mr. Marcv] had given, on the 14th July, to Gov. Stevens, of Wash ington Territory, haviug a special reference to an “apprehended conflict between our citizens and the British subjects on the Island of San Juan.” To prevent this, the governor was instructed “ that the officers of the Territory should abstain from all acts on the disputed grounds which are calculated to provoke any conflicts, so far as it can be done without implying the concession to the authorities of Great Britain of an exclusive right over the premises. The title ought to be settled before either party should attempt to exclude the other by fore**, or exercise complete and exclusive sovereign rights within the fairly disputed limits.” In acknowledging the receipt on the next day of Mr. Murcv’s note, the British minister express ed his entire concurrence “in the propriety of the course recommended to the Governor of Washing ton Territory by your [Mr. Marcv’sJ instructions to i that officer,” and stating! hat he had “lost no time ; in transmitting a copy of that document to the j Governor-general of British North America,” and ! had “earnestly recommended to'his Excellency I to take such measures as to him may appear best calculated to secure, on the part of the British lo- j cal authorities and the inhabitants of the neigh borhood of the line in question, the sxerctse of the j same spirit of forbearance which is inculcated by j ’ you [ Mr. Marcv I on the authorities and citizens of the United States.” Thus matters remained upon the faith of this arrangement unlit the 9th July last, when Gen. Harney paid a visit to the Island. He found upon it twenty-five American residents with their fami lies, and also an establishment of the Hudson’s Bav Company for the purpose of raising sheep.— A short time before his arrival one of these resi dents lia 1 shot an animal belonging to the com pany, whilst trespassing upon his premises, for which, however, he ottered to pay twice its value; but that was refused. Soon after “the chief factor of the company at Victoria, Mr. Dalles, son-in-law of Governor Douglas, came to the Island in the British s!oop-of-war Satellite, and threatened to take “this American (Mr. Cutler) by force to Victoria, to answer for the trespass he had com mitted. The American seized his riffle and told Mr. Dalles if any such attempt was made he would kill him on the spot. The affair then ended.” Under these circumstances, the American set tlers presented a petition to the General, “through the United States inspector of customs, Mr. Hobbs, to place a force upon the island to protect them from the Indians as well as the oppressive inter ference of the authorities of the Hudson Bay Com pany, at Victoria, with their rights as American citizens.” The General immediately responded to this petition, and ordered Capt. George E. Pickett, 9th infantry, “ to establish his company on Belle vue, or San Juan island, on some suitable position near the harbor at the South-eastern extremity.” This order was promptly obeyed, and a military post was established at the place designated. The force was afterwards increased, so that by the last return the whole number of troops then on the island amounted in the aggregate to six hundred and ninety-one men. Whilst I do not deem it proper on the present, occasion to go further into the subject, and dis cuss the weight which ought to be attached to the statements of ttie British colouial authorities, con testing the accuracy of the information on which the gallant General acted, it was due to him that I should thus present his own reasons for issuing the order to Captain Pickett. From these it fs quite clear his object was to prevent the British authorities on Vancouver’s Island from exercising jurisdiction over American residents on the Island of San Juan, as well as to protect them against the incursions of the Indians. Much excitement prevailed for some time throughout that region, and serious danger of collision between the parties was apprehended.— The Briu-h had a large naval force in the vicinity; and it is but an act of simple justice to the Admi ral on that station to state that he wisely and dis,- erectly forebore to commit any hostile act, but de termined to refer the whole affair to his Govern ment and await their instructions. This aspect of the matter, in my opinion, de manded serious attention. It would have been a great calamity for both nations had they been precipitated into acts of hostility, not on the ques tion of title to the island, but merely concerning what should be its condition during the inlet ven ing period whilst the two Governments might bj employed in settling the question to which of them it belongs. For this reason Lieutenant. Ge neral Scott was despatched on the 17th September last to Washington Territory to take immediate command of the United States forces on the Pa cific coast, should he deem this necessary. The main object of his mission was lo carry out the spirit of the precautionary arrangement between the late Secretary of State and the British Minis ter, and thus to preserve ttie peace aud prevent collision between the British aud American au thorities pending the negotiations between the two Governments. Entertaining no doubt of the validity of our ti tle, I need scarcely add that, in any event, Ameri can citizens were to be placed on a footing at least as favorable as that of British subjects, it being understood that Captain Pickett’s company should remain on the island. It is proper to observe that, considering the distance from the scene of action, and in ignorance of what might have transpired on the spot before the General’s arrival, it was necessary to leave much to his discretion; and I am happy to state that the event has proven that this discretion could not have been intrusted to more competent hands. General Scott has recent ly returned from his mission, having successfully accomplished its objects; and there is no longer any good reason to apprehend a collision between iln forces ot’ the twocountries during the penden cy nf the existing negotiations. 1 regret to inform you that there has been no improvement in the affairs of Mexico since my last annual message, and I am again obliged to ask the earnest attention of Congress to the un happy condition of that Republic. The constituent Congress of Mexico, which ad journed on the 17th of February, 1857, adopted a Constitution, and provided for a popular election. This took place in the following July, [1857,] and General Comonfort was choseu President, almost without opposition. At the same election anew Congress was chosen, whose first session com menced on the 16th of September, [1857.] By the Constitution of 1857, the Presidential term was to begin ou the Ist of December, [1857,] and continue for four years. On that day General Comonfort appeared before the assembled Congress in the city of Mexico, took the oath to support the new Constitution, and was duly inaugurated as Presi dent. Within a month afterwards he had been driven from the capital, and a military rebellion had assigned the supreme’ power of the Republic to General Zuloaga. The Constitution provided that in the absence of the President his office should devolve upon the Chief Justice of tiie Sn preme.Court; and, General Comonfort having left the country, this functionary, General Juarez, pro ceeded to form, at Guanajuato, a constitutional Government. Before this was officially known, however, at the capital, the Government of Zuloaga had been re cognised by the entire diplomatic corps, including the Minister of the United .States, as the de facto Government of Mexico. The constitutional Presi dent, nevertheless, maintained his position with firmness, and was soon established, with his cabi net at Vera Cruz. Meanwhile, the Government of Zuloaga was earnestly resisted in many parts of the Republic, and even in the capital, a portion of thejjarmy having pronounced against it, its func tions were declared terminated, and an {Assembly of citizens was invited for the choice of anew President. This Assembly elected Gen. Miramon; but that officer repudiated the plan under which lie was chosen, and Zuloaga was thus restored to his previ jus position. He assumed it, however, only to withdraw from it, and Miramon, bavinsr become, by his appointment, “President Substi tute,” continues, with that title, at the head of the insurgent party. * In my last annual message I communicated to Congress the circumstances under which the late Minister of the United States suspended his offi cial relations wilh the Central Government, and withdrew from the country. It was impossible to maintain friendly intercourse with a Government, like that at the Capital, under whose usurped au thority wrongs were constantly committed, but never redressed. Had this been an established Government, with its power extending, by the consent of the people, over the whole ot Mexico, a resort to hostilities against it would have been quite justifiable, and indeed necessarv. But ihe country was a prey to civil war ; und it was hoped that the success of the constitutional President might lead to a condition of things less injurious to the United States. This success became so probable that, in January 7 last, I employed a relia ble agent to visit Mexico, and report to me the actual condition and prospects of the contending parties. Inconsequence of his report, and from information which reached me from other sources, favorable to the prospects of the constitutional cause, I felt justified in appointing anew Minister to Mexico, who might embrace the earliest suita ble opportunity of restoring our diplomatic rela tions with that Republic. For this purpose a distinguished citizen of Ma ryland was selected, who proceeded on his mission outlie Sth of March last, with discretionary au thority to recognise the Government of President Juarez, if, on his arrival in Mexico, he should find it entitled to such recognition, according to the established practice oftlie United States, “’flu the 7th of April following, Mr. McLane presented his credentials to President Juarez having no hesita tion “in pronouncing ihe Government of Juarez to lie the only existing Goverument'of the Republic.” He was cordially received by the authorities at Vera Cruz; and they have ever since manifested the most tneudly disposition towards the United States. Unhappily, however, the constitutional Government has not bceu able to establish its power over the whole Republic. It is supported by a large majority of the people aud the States, but there are important parts of thecountrv where it can enforce uo obedience. General Miramon maintains himself at the capital; and in some of the distant provinces there are military governors who pay little respect to the decrees of either Gov ernment. in the meantime the excesses which always atteud upon civil war, especially in Mexico, are constantly recurring. Outrages of the worst de scription are committed, both upon persons and property. There is scarcely any form of injury which has not been suffered bv our citizens in Mexico during the last few years. We have been nominally at peace with that Republic, but “so far as the interests of our commerce or of our citi zens who have visited the country as merchants, shipmasters, or in other capacities, arc concerned, we might as well have been at war.” Life has been insecure, properly unprotected, and trade im possible,except at a risk of loss whichjprudent men cannot be expected to incur. Important contracts, involving large expenditures, entered into by the Central Government, have been set at defiance by the local Governments. Peaceful American resi dents, occupying their rightful possessions, have been suddenly expelled the country, in defiance of treaties, and by the mere force of arbitrary power. Even the course of justice has not, been safe from control; aud a recent decree of Miramon permits the intervention of Government in all suits where either party is a foreigner. Vessels of the LTtired States have been seized without law, and a consu lar officer who protested against such seizure has been fined and imprisoned for disrespect to the authorities. Military contributions have been levied in vio lation of every principle of l ight; and the Ameri can who resisted the lawless demand has had hts property forcibly taken away, and has been him self banished, From a conflict of authority in different parts of the country, tariff duties which have been paid in one place have been exacted over again itt another place. Large numbers of our citizens have been arrested and imprisoned without any form of examination, or any opportu nity for a hearing, and even when released have only obtained their liberty after much suffering and injury, and without any hope of redress. The wholesale massacre of Crabbe and bis associates without trial in Sonora, as well as the seizure and murder of four sick Americans who had taken shelter in the house of an American, upon the soil of the United States, was communicated to Congress at its last session. Murders of a still more atrocious character have been committed in ihe very heart of Mexico, un der the authority of Miramon’s Government, dur ing the present year. Some of these were only worthy of a barbarous age; and, if they had not been clearly proven,would have seemed impossi ble in a country which claims to be civilized. Os this description was the brutal massacre in April last, by order of Gen. Marquez, of three American physicians, who were seized in the hospital at Tacubaya while attending upon the sick and the dying of both parties, and without trial, as with out crime, were hurried away to speedy execution. Little less shocking was the recent fate of Ormond Chase, who was shot in Topic on the 7th of Au gust by order of the same Mexican Geuerai, not only without a trial, but without any conjecture by his friends of the cause of his arrest. He is rep resented as a voting mutt of good character and intelligence, who had made numerous friends iu Topic by the courage and humanity which he had displayed on several trying occasions, and his death was as unexpected as it was shocking to the whole community. Other outrages might be en umerated, but these are sufficient to illustrate the wretched state of the country, and the unprotected condition of the persons and property of our citi zens iD Mexico, In all these cases our Ministers have been con stant and faithful in their demands for redress ; but both they and this Government, which they have successively represented, have been wholly powerless to make their demands effective. Their testimony in this respect, and in reference to the only remedy which, in their judgments, would meet the exigency, has been both uniform and emphatic. “ Nothing but a manifestation of the power of the Government of the United States (wrote our late Minister in 1850,) and of ts pur pose to punish wrongs will avail. 1 assure you that the universal belief here is that there is noth ing to be apprehended from the Government of the United States, and that local Mexican otticials can commit these outrages upon American citizens with absolute impunity.'’ “ I hope the President’’ (.wrote our present Minister in August last,) “ will feel authorised to ask from Congress the power to enter Mexico with the military forces of the United Slates, at the call of the constitutional authorities, in order to protect the citizens and the treaty rights of the United States. Unless such a power is con ferred upon him, neither the one nor the other will be respected in the existing state of anarchy and disorder, and the outrages already perpetrated will never be chastised ; and, as I assured you in my No. 23, all these evils must increase until every vestige of order and government disappears from the country.” I have been reluctantly led to the same opinion, and, in justice to my countrymen who have suffered wrongs from Mexico, and who may still suffer them, I feel bound to announce this conclusion to Cougress. The case presented, however, is not merely a case of individual claims, although our just claims against Mexico have reached a very large amount. Nor is it merely the case of protection to the lives and property ot the few Americans who may still remain iu Mexico, although the life and property of every American ought to be sacredly protected iu every quarter ot the world. Hut it is a ques tion which relates to the future, as well as to the present and the past, and which iuvolves, indi rectly at least, the whole subject of our duty to Mexico as a neighboring State. The exercise of the power of the United States in that country to redress the wrongs and protect the rights of our own citizens is none the less to be desired be cause efficient and necessary aid may thus be ren dered at the same lime to restore peace and order to Mexico itself. In the accomplishment of this result the people of the United .States must neces sarily’ feel a deep and earnest interest. Mexico ought to he a rich and prosperous and powerful Republic. She possesses au extensive territory, a fertile soil, and an incalculable store of mineral wealth. She occupies an important position be tween the Gulf and the ocean for transit routes and for commerce. Is it possible that such a country as this can be given up to anarchy and ruin without an effort from any quarter for its rescue and its safety! Will the commercial nations of the world, which have so many interests connected with it, remain wholly indifferent to such a result? Can the United States, especially, wh'ch ought to share most largely in ns commercial intercourse, allow their immediate neighbor thus to destroy itself and in jure them ? Vet, without support from some quarter, it is impossible to perceive bow Mexico cau resume her position among nations and enter upon a career which promises any good results. The aid which she requires, and which the inter ests of all commercial countries require that she should have, it belongs to this Government to ren der, not only by virtue of our neighborhood to Mexico, along whose territory we have a continu ous frontier of nearly a thousand miles, but by virtue, also, of our established policy, which is inconsistent with the mterventionjjof any Euro pean Power in the domestic concerns of that Re public. The wrongs which we have suffered from Mex ico are before the world, and must deeply impress every American citizen. A Government, which is either unable or unwilling to redress such wrongs is derelict to its highest duties. The difficulty con sists in selecting and enforcing the remedy. We may, in vain, apply to the Constitutional Govern ment at Vera Cruz, although it ts well disposed to do us justice, for adequate redress. Whilst its au thority is acknowledged in all the important ports and throughout the sea coasts of the Republic, its power does not extend to the city of Mexico and the States in its vicinity, where nearly all the re eeut outrages have been committed on American citizens. We must penetrate into the interior before we can reach the offenders, and this can onlv be done by passing through the territory in the oc cupation of the Constitutional Government. The most acceptable and least difficult mode of accomplishing the object will be to act in concert with that Government. Their consent and their aid might, I believe, be obtained ; but if uot our obligation to protect our own citizens in their” lust rights, secured by treaty, would not be the less imperative. For these reasons, 1 recommend to Congress to pass a law authorizing the President under such conditions as they may deem expedi ent, to employ a sufficient military force to enter Mexico for the purpose of obtaining indemnity for the past and security for the future. I purposely refrain from any suggestion as to whether this force shall consist of regular troops or volunteers or both. This question may be most appropriate ly left to the decision of Congress. I would merely observe that, should volunteers be selected, such a force could be easily raised in this country among those who sympathize with the sufferings of our unfortunate fellow-citizens in Mexico, and with the unhappy condition of that Republic. Such an accession to the forces of the Constitutional Government would enable it soou to reach the city of Mexico, and extend its power over the whole Republic. In that event there is no reason to doubt that the just claims of our citizens would be satisfied and adequate redress obtained for the injuries intlicted upon them. The Consti tutional Government have ever evinced a strong desire to do us justice; and this might be secured in advance by a preliminary treaty. It may be said that these' measures will at least indirectly, he inconsistent with our wise and set tled policy not to interfere in the domestic con cerns ol toretgn nations. But does not the present case fairly constitute an exception ‘? An adjoining Kepublic is in a state of anarchy and confusion, from which she has proved wholly unable to ex tricate herself. She is entirely destitute of the power to maintain peace upon her borders, or to prevent the incursions of banditti into our terri tory. In her fate aud in her fortune —in her pow er to establish and maintain a settled govern ment— we have a far deeper interest, socially, com mercially, and politically, than any other nation. She is now a wreck upon the ocean, drifting about as she is impelled by different factions. Asa good neighbor, shall we not extend to her a helping hand to save her? If we do not, it would not be suprising should some other nation undertake the task, and thus force ns to interfere at last, under circumstances of increased difficulty, for the main tenance of our established policy. I repeat the recommendation contained in my last annual message, that authority may be given to the President to establish one or more tempo rary military posts across the Mexican line in So nora aud Chihuahua, where these may be neces sary to protect the lives and property of American and Mexican citizens against the incursions and depredations of the Indians, as well as of lawless rovers on that remote region. The establishment of one such post at a point called Arispe, in So nora, in a country now almost depopulated by the hostile inroads ot tin: Indians from our side of the line, woura, it is believed, have prevented much injury and many cruelties during the past season. A state of lawlessness and violence prevails on that distant frontier. Life and property are there wholly insecure. The population of Arizona, now num bering more than ten thousand souls, are practi cally destitute of government, of laws, or of any regular administration of justice. Murder, rapine, and other crimes are committed with impunity. I, therefore, again cal! the attention of Congress to tiie necessity for establishing a Territorial Gov ernment over Arizona. The treaty with Nicaragua of the 16th February, 1857, to which 1 referred in my last annual mes sage, failed to receive the ratification of the Gov eminent of that Republic, for reasons which I need not enumerate. A similar treaty has been since concluded between the parties, bearing date on the 16th March, 1859, which has already been ratified by the Nicaraguan Congress. This will be imme diately submitted to the Senate for their ratifica tion. Its provisions cannot, I think, fail to be acceptable to the people of both countries. Our claims against the Governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua remain unredressed, though they are pressed iu an earnest manner, and uot without hope of success. I deem it to be my duty, once more, earnestly, to recommend to Congress the passage of a law au thorising the President to employ the naval force at his command, for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of American citizens passing in transit across the Panama, Nicaragua, and Te huantepec routes, against sudden and lawless out breaks and depredations. I shall not repeat the arguments employed in former messages in sup port of this measure. Suffice it to say, that the lives of many of our people, and the security of vast amounts of treasure passing and repassing over one or more of these routes between the At- lantic and Pacific, may be deeply involved in the action of Congress on this subject. I would, also, again recommend to Congress that authority be given to the President to employ the naval force to protect American merchant ves sels, their crews and cargoes, against violent and lawless seizure and confiscation in the ports of Mexico and the Spanish American States, when these countries may be in a disturbed and revolu tionary condition. The mere knowledge that such an authority had been conferred, as I have already stated, would of itself, in a great degree, prevent the evil. Neither would this require ant’ addition al appropriation for tire naval service. The chief objection urged against the grant of this authority is, that Congress, by conferring it, would violate the Constitution—that it would be a transfer of the war-making, or, strictly speaking, the war-declaring power to the Executive. If this were well founded, it would, of course, be conclu sive. Avery brief examination, however, will place this objection at rest. Congress possesses the sole and exclusive power under the Constitution, “to declare war.” They alone cau “raise and support armies,” and “pro vide and maintain a navy.” But after Congress shall have declared war, and provided the force necessary to carry it ou, the President, as Com mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, can alone employ this force in making war against the enemy. This is the plain language; and history proves that it was the well-known intention of the framers of the Constitution. It will uot be denied that the general “ power to declare war” is without limitation, and em braces within itse'f not only what writers on the law of nations term a public or perfect war, but also an imperfect war—and, in short, everv species of hostility, however confined or limited. With out the authority of Congress, the President cannot fire a hostile gun in any case, except to repel the attacks of an enemy. It will not be doubted that under this power Congress could, if they thought proper, authorize the President to employ the force at lus command to-seize a vessel belonging to an American citizen, which had been illegally and un justly captured iu a foreign port, and restore it to its owner. But can Congress only act after the fact—after the mischief has been'done? Have they no power to confer upon the President the authority in advance to furnish instant redress should such a case afterwards occur ? Must they wait until the mischief has been done; and can they apply the remedy only when it is too late? To confer this authority to meet future cases under circumstances strictly specified, is as clearly within the war-declaring power as such an authori ty conferred upon the President by act of Congress afterjthe'deed had been done. Iu the progress of a great nation many exigencies must arise impera tively requiring that Congress should authorize tiie I resident to act promptly on certain conditions which may or may not afterwards arise. Our his tory has already presented a number of such cases I shall refer only to the latest. Under the resolution of June *2 1 ISOS, “firths of difficulties with the Republic of farugu'iv, ’the President is ‘•authorized to adopt such measures an 1 use such three us n his judgment may be necessary and advisable in ihe ev-nt of t ?• satisfaction by the Government of Paraguay ” ‘ Ju>t satisfaction for what ? Ifor “the -ot tek on ihJtV ? ted Statis steamer Water Witch,” and “ other i natters referrl 1 to in the annual message of the President.” H- re the dowc is expressiy granted upon the condition that the Governnmn? o 1 araguay shall refuse to render this “ just a uisf: ctiou ” It this and other simnar eases Congress have conferred uDo'n 11 . President power in advance to employ the army and nuvv v\ on the|iappe |ii iig of contingent future events; ami this n t certainly is embraced within the power to declare war Now, if this conditional and coni iugent pow- r could” be con stitutionally conferred upon the President in tire ease of P ‘ aguay, wby may lt not he conferred for the purpose of it-. tile iives and property of American citizetre mV, event that they may be violently and unlawfully attacked i passing over the transit routes to and from CaliforiiDJ. „ sailed by the seizure of their vessels i! ‘ f„, gn deny this powe is to render the navy in a great decree nselis for the protection ot the lives and pro pertyof A oUierwisc obmlnech^' 1 ” 0 r ' e!lhCr *"*** Cosn P res s terminated on the 3d of March 18j., without having paa-ed the ••act making annr mri uions for the service of the Post Office Department during 11 year ending the 30th June, I860.” i'h s act also c outdned=?, prS fn “to supply deficiencies in the Revenue of the Post Office Department tor the year tudiiu? the ‘loth <f i... IfV 1 believe this is the first isincc Um oriein of the Federal IGovernmem, now more than seventy’ yeaif m/ when any Cougres went out o existence without having pfsi ed ail tiie general appropriation tills nece.-s ,rv to cam outlie Government until the regular period for the meeting Af , „ Congress 1 his event imp sod on the Executive a grave re spousibihty. It. presented a choice of evi.s g . th,s omission of duty occurred at the first session of the last. Congress, the remedy would have neen plain. I might then have instantly recalled them to complete their Vork_ and tins without expense to the Government. But on the 4th ot March iad, there were fifteen of the thirty-three States which had not ejected any Representative* to the present Con gress. Had Congress been called together immediately these htates won (1 have been virtually disfranchised. If an i, u r mediate period had been selected, several of tiie States w ~m have been compelled to hold txira sessions of their LegUlr? turts. at great inconvenience and expense, to provide for elec tions at an earlier day than that previously fixed by law 1,1 the regular course, ten of these States would not elect until a ter the beginning ot August, and five of these ten not until October and November. uulu °'-the other band “hen I came to examine carefully the condition ol the Post Office Department, 1 did not meet 1 difficulties asfhad apprehended. Hadthe bill which tailed been confined to app variations for thefiid year ending on the 30th J uue next, mere would have been no reason of pressing importance for tne call of an extra Son Nothing would become due on contracts (those with rffifro-m companies only exceptedßor carrying the mail lo Ihe flSm? ter ol the present fiscal year, commencing on the ut jure q ’ r ; the is, of December—less ,’han one weft the m’e. Bni ofSthe present Congress. The reason is, that the mail contra,® tors for this current y ear did not complete the r firs nua,w service until the 3i tl, of September lust • and i,v UIU r ?. ** extracts, sixty day/more arellloweV upon for paymeuC UntS befM * “ K ” con id ire S& The great difficulty and the great hardship consisted in the failure to provide for the payment of the deficiency in the H cal year ending the 8 ith June, 1859. The Depart merit had entered Into contracts, iu obedience to existing hi for setviceof that fi-eal year, and the contractors wereTairlvei tied to their compensation as it became ilup ti,o • ei !l as stated in the bUUm“toiU>i3®m h,,us. deficiency, settlement of all these it amounts to $4 *290 009 With tliA t ' iat “•and the tion of this deficiency which occurred in the l t P 01 ’ of the past fiscal year. ti, /1, u ,! ‘ wo garters the meantime the contractor“ hem laa, ‘ 1,1 circumstances, have behavea in a manner'wortbv“n o ” ing mendation. They had one rumm. I ’-,' 1 If 1 VI wort all com barrassmems. Aher the“ mourd •>- been ascertained and fin-illv settled™™ | KU 'I ,hera llad came a specific debt of reemd ‘° ,aw - ‘ ! '<” enabled them to borrow monev r.l Un *ted htates, which ty. Still they were f i h i; 011 I'’* unquestionable So mi the default of * n * ( ‘ res t lfi consequence of lo receive interet tVo m7’ n° “ tver >” “Guslice ought commence irom theZu l^, o<>vernment ’ 1 hiA ii,terMt should forthe paymentm the , n arr at would have issued made for this purpose M .“"i arptepriation been nor exceed imfarv . ’ ‘ ‘dated up to Ist December, i, will or exceed sHb,f,Go_a sunt uot to be taken Into account when ] contrasted -with the great difficulties and embarrassments of ;, public and private character, both to the people and States, whirh would have resulted from convening and fc. , I ing a special session of Congress, For these reasons I recommend the passage of a bill, at a early a day as maybe practicable, to provide for the payment of the amount, with interest, due to these last mentioned cot. tractors, as well as to make the necessary appropriations for the service ot the Post Office Department for the cur: cut flsca f year. The failure to pass the Post Office bill necessarily gives birtl to serious reflections. Congress, by refusing to pass ti e gen eral appropriation bills necessary to carry on the Government, may not only arrest its action, but might even destroy itsex- I isteuce. The army, the navy, the judiciary, in short, every 1 department of the Goverunn tit can no longer perloim their ’ functions if Congress refuse the money necessary fortheirsup port. If this failure should .teach the country the necessity electinga full Congress in sufficient time to enable thePrcsi dent to convene them in any emergency, even immediately after the old Congress has expired, it will have oeen produc tive oi great g< oil. In a time ot sudden and alarming danger, foreign or domestic, which all nations must expect to encoun ter in their progress, the very salvation of our institutions may be staked upon the assembling of congress without delay, If, under such circumstances the Pre-idem should find himself in the condition in which he was placed t the close of the hot : Congress, with nearly halfrbe States otdhe Union destitute Representatives, the con-equences might be disastrous, i, therefore, recoin metal to Congress to curry into elite the pro visions of the Const it u: ion on this subject, and to pass a law appointing some day previous to the 4th of Marco in each year of odd number, for the election of Representatives through out al.l the States. They have already appointed a day la the election of electors for President amt Vice Pi evident, and this measure h as been approves by the country. 1 would again expressa most decided opi ion in favorofthe construction of a Paeiti - railroad, for the reasons stated in my two last annual messages. When I reflect upon what would be the defenceless condition of our States and Territories West of the Rocky Mountains, in case of a war with a naval power sufficiently strong to interrupt ail intercourse with them by the routes across the Isthmus, I am still mere con vinced than ever of tire vast importance of this railroad. I have never doubted the constitutional competency of C- -egress to provide for its cons'ruction, but this exclusively under the war-making power. Besides, the Constitution expressly quires, as au imperative duty, that ••the United states shall protect each of them t the States] gainst invasion.” iamat a loss to conceive how this protection can be afforded to i alts, r nia and Oregon against sin ha naval power by any othirnu I repeat the opinion contain din my astannua, message, lim it would be inexpedient ror the Government to undertake th: great work by agents of its own appointment, aid under its di rect and exclusive control, ‘lliis would increase thepatronag, of the Executive to a danger ,us extent, amt wouiu Paste, a system of joobing and corruption which no vigilance on tiie part of Federal officials could prevent. The construction if this road ought, therefore, to be intrusted to incorporate.! panics, or other agencies, who would , xereise lhat active ;o vigilant supervision over it which cau be inspired alone by sense of corporate am! individual interest. 1 venture to a-.- : that the additional cost of transporting troop-, muiiitio: c war, and necessary supplies lor the army, across tne Vu-t inn vening plains to our pos.-e-slous on the Pacific coast, w. be greater in sucii a war than Hie whole amount required i construct the road. And yet tills resort would, after all, h, inadequate for their deience and protection. \Ve have yet scarcely recovered from the hai.itsof extrava gant expenditure, produced by our overflowing Treasury, dm. ing several years prior to the.omcie:.cement -i my ddmi: tration. The financial reverses widen we have since expetie: cod ougltt to teac’l us all to scruti.lze our expen-.! it arcs with the greatest vigilance, and to re .m e them to t.ie lowest p< bie point. The Executive Dep rtments of the Govtrumtfi have devoted themselves to tne accompiishment of this object with considerable success, as will appear from their eiffeiei • reports ana estimates. To these I invite the scrutiny of (<c gress for the purpose of reducing them still lowei, : f this : practicable, consis entvvitli ,be great public interests of tl; - country, iu aid of ihe policy of retrenchment I idedge in self to examine closely the billsapprop iat ing land or mot. so that if any of these should inadvertently pass both house as must sometimes be the c se, 1 tn ,y affor i them an oppoi ‘ nity tor reconsiileration. At the same time we ought never l forget that true public economy consists, not in withhoidim the means necessary to accompl sit important, national obiec:- confldedto us by the Constitution, but in taking care that th money appropriated for these puiposes shall be faithfully :r frugally expended. It will apjiear fiom the report of the Secretary of the Treat ry that it is extremely doubtful, to say the least, whether w sjUall he. able to pass through the present and the next fit, , year without providing additions, revintte. This can on y i ■ accomplished by strictly confining the appropriation* with: the estimates of the different Departments, wi.hout makh an allowance tor any additional exrendilures wliicli Congn - may think proper, in their discretion, to aut! ize, and wbi out providit g fur the redemption ot any pm-i-o of the s2o,ik“i, 0. oof Treasury notes which have already been issued, lire t vent of a deficiency, which I consider probable, ill's ought never tojbe supplied by a resort to additional loans, it wc.uh‘ be a ruinous practice in ihe days of peace and piosperity to . - on increasing the national debt, to meet tiie ordinary expire,-, of the Government. This would cripple our resources a : ; pair our credit iu case the existence of war should render ;• necessary to borrow money. Stioulii such a deficiency oec:. asl apprehend. I would recommend that the necessary ret, title he raispd by an increase of our pr sent duties on import* j need not repeat the opinions t xppessed in my Inst annu l’ message as to the best mode and manner of accomplish;, this object, and small now merely observe ihat thos-* hat , since undergone no change. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will explain, detail, the operations of that Department of the Government The receipts into the Treasury from all souices duiii „ t ■ fiscal year endii g3oth June, 1859, incluuing the loan autho ized by the act of 14th June, ISSS, and the issues of Tree ury notes authoriz‘d by existing laws, were eightv-one u, lion six hundred and ninety-two thousand tour hundred a’ seventy-one dollars and one cent, ($31,692,471 01.) which sni with the balance of six million three hundred and ninety ...ire thousand three hundred and sixteen dollars and ten ,1-V ’ ($6,398,316 10) remaining iu the Treasury at the commeiuv ment of that,fiscal year, made an aggregate for the service li the year of eighty-eight m liion ninety thousaud seven liui dred and eighty-seven dollars aud eleven cents ($58,090,787 11 The public expenditures during the fiscal year endin ‘ in- June, 1859, amounted to eighty-tliree million seven hundre ;u,d fifty-one thousand die hundred and eleven di-il- . fifty-seven cents ($83,751,511 57.) Os this sum, seventeen iiii lion four hundred and five thousand two hundred aud i igidi five dollars and forty-four cents ;$17,4(-5,250 44) were :r'riiit to the payment of interest on the publiqdebt ::ml t i • - :, reilre■ tion of tiie issues of Treasury notes. The expenditures to other branches of the public service during that fiscal vi”,- vvere, therefore, sixty-six million three hundred and forty - thousand two hundred aud twenty-six dollars aid thift-e ----cents ($66,340,226 13.) The balance remaining In the Treasury on the Ist Julv IS', being the commencement of the pie.-ent fiscal year, was -)•* million three hundred and thirty nine thourami two hi- j and seventy-five dollars and fifty-four cents ($4 .3.311 *754 The receipts into the Treasury during the first’quarte- ,f present fiscal year, commencing Julv Ist, ISJ9 were tvvent million s'x hundred and eighteen thousand eight hundred -n ■ sixty-five dollars mid eighty-five cents, (s2(L6ls 65 s", ) “i . this amount three million eight hundred and’ twenty - thousand three hundred dollars ($ ; S-’l ;oO) w . accqui.t of the loan and the iwue of Treasury notes—ti c amount of sixteen million seven hundred and ninety-seven thou* 7 five hundred mid sixty-five dollars and eighty-five cent* s : 79,,565 85) having been received during the'auarter tiorn't’ ordinary sources ol public revenue. The ct-mated hi-'7i for the remaining three-quarters of the present v , • SUtli June, 1860, are fifty million four hundred and t\. -niv tliousand four hundred dollars ($50,426,400 ) Os ibis ‘• V ,7 it is estimated that five million seven hundred and fifty 7 re t housand tour hundred dollars ($5,756,4u0) will be u-c -re, ■ for Treasury notes wliicli may I>c re-issued under the fii're tion of the act of 3d March list, and one ndll'on one h e V and seventy thousand dollars ($1,170,060) cl account of v loan authorised by the act of June 14th, IKS— makic” s’ x 1 lion nine hundred and twenty-six thousand f,.iir hi-re -cd 7 urs ($6,926,400) from these extraoirtinarv- sourecs>ami re,, tnree nullicn five hundred thousand dollars ($48,500 OoOi fre , the ordinary sources of the public revenue—luakim.-’ -7n . gate, with the balance in’tlie Treasury on the Ist Jufv” l.wfic seventy-five mil ion three hundred and eighty-four tl lire’- and. h .V n i lre ’. ,a " d “'rty-one dollars aim eighty-nine cet re 384 541 89) for the estimated means of the present flirt ?’ ending3oth June, 1860. present fiscal )e: The expenditures durmgthe first quarter of the nresent a-- year were twenty million seven thousand one hundred seventy-four dollars and seventy-six cents (4-51111,71-4 -77 *■ million six hundred and sixty-lour thousand’ Hire! 1 dred and sixty-six dollars and seventy six cev 141 , ,-7 . of this sum were applied to the payment of inu-i7-sr7,-,i. public debt and tlit-re demption of the issues of 4 reusur-- ar.d the remainder, being fifteen million three huncreC forty-two thousand eight liundred and eight dollars’ si -808,) were applied to • 1 Jinary expenditures durinTJ the 1, 7’ ter. The estimated ex; ,-nditurcs duiii the renninii’- ‘ quarters, to June 3 th. 1660. are forty million nine lore .h-7 7 ninety-five tho’ sand five hundred and fifty eim t o, ‘ 7 tw nty three cents, ($40,995.V.8 2” )Of w‘,i’h 7,1: |l’ “ : eight hundred and eighty-six thousand six hundred n,l 1” 7 ty-one dollars and thirty-four cents ($2 88ei 6-a*i 11 -7 . . ed for the interest on the public debt’ The -iscilt-i’ “o estimated expenditures for the fiscal year end re’ -oVii’ ‘r.-7. 186->, on account o! the p ihiic debt, arc ace r.dn-rtv ■ , million five hundred and fifty tbous-ui.l’nine li,’- f r - • eighty-eight dollars aud ten cents, ($?,.", .0 9-8 10 ■) a-’, f )'*< -ii, ordinary expenditures of the Government fifty three 1. iilnl four hundred and fifty-one thousand seven hundred -nd torn tour dollars and eighty-nine cents, (sv< 4,!~ 1 4 -■ ■■> li tie ii aggregate of sixty-one million two thousand seven huinire,’ and thirty-two dollars and ninety-rent- et-nts (ill ~ leaving an estiroat and balance in the Treasury on 1 he 3~Vh ’liV- 1 1860, of fourteen million three hundred and ighty-one tliou’ sand eitbt hundred and eight dollars and so tv cents ,414 384,808 4a.) ■*-••(.*!*,- The estimated receipts during the n .xt fiscal year ending 30th June, IBGI, are sixty-six million two hundred and tw„7rc live tlioiisand dollars. (*00.225,0:m.) which, with te i> - ncl estimated, as before stated, as reuiair,ing in the T'ca-'-rv , - the 30th June. 1860, will make an aggre gate for the service of the iiext lisc.il year of eighty million six hundred ands x thor sand (sight hundred and eight dollars and fortv cents Mg’ 80S 40.) J jug,- • T he f<jmated expenditures during the next fi cal year end ing 30th June, IS6], aresixly.six milii- n eeven hunlreri - 1 fourteen thousand nine hundred and tw cut v : b\ al, seventy-nine cents ($66,714,928 79.) Us this a, T-i , 1 n ri’ S a ’ lion three hundred and eighty.>ix thou.-nnd *'x I ‘ -V-d !T twenty-one dollars and thirty-four cents ($3 7c,:,-V -iV,’: l ‘ ; required to pay the interest on the public debt But ih,s balmce, as well asthat estiin-itcd tn thirty-nine thousand three llomcii,',! f, o ,“ } ($039,350’) and upon the estimate* of lire unV’ %th h |ime h,i Df Tartment the las! fiscal year endh •jOth June, 1-Si.i, amounting to four million iw„ 1 ninety-six thousand and nine do’ n fn wi 1:1,1 V:a witn the further estimate of ,b a ? offlcl’r fo^the rv ce°f f ‘ ■ present fiscal year, ending Both Jiw ism , , lcfc ~ t „ . five hundred aud twenty-six thousard threo’S ‘I 11 twenty-four dollars, ($5,526 S! three hundred a: million three hundred^’andsixty h, 0 ’ and eighty three dollars ($11,361683 > 4 and Mx hl ” rre hOU re the T appropriations he uiade. as requested t, v t> proper Departments, the balance in the Treasur-- 7m t>7 June 1861. will not, it is estimated, exm-Tthrce ndlb ■ , hundred and thirty thousand one hii.r,ir. 1 1 1 • . lars and sixty-renel-enls \m 6, ) “ W,ty ” B “ l '° o/theSTvy r ‘” P °h a ~f tlio Sei-retarie of V bsssss. It will appear from the report of the Secretary of War ti- ,• he army expenditures have been materially redur.-d i v’ - -V au.ee .haf&uc^wiU raHlions o*f d'oiiars bpi*ow the fi''” ‘ ;i ® expenditures of the Post Ufflce Depkrtm- nt during t> ■ past fiscal year, ending on the 39th June 1859, ,-xcluJiv payments for mail service specially provided for ~. out of the general Treasury, amounted t o s'l4 %4 4', , its receipts to $.,963,484 o 7 ; showing a deficient to ly re plied from the I reasury of $5,996,00 >1 26, against J s’ ■ - ‘i for the year ending 30th June, 1858. Thf increlslli 1 ,I't ! Siww growing out of the expansion of thtseiwi, ■ ~ quired by Congress explains this rapid aii-'meiit-diuu of th expenduurcs. J, U gratifying, how, re-r, Kwali.m* tor the year ending m, the J-ith June r - June^. ISM,’' com Pared with those in the year ending o’, 30ih wdl the deficiency for the current fiscal yea: 18,ii j. JniV, it" 4 ° 4 ’ *-hut. for tiie year eXdiug SOih Jiu.c. 1801, it will not exceed $1,342,473 90. should Vi.ne the measures of reform proposed andurg.d m V-A'.-i .la-l--