Newspaper Page Text
the im m
What the Heart of the Negro Stiiti i
to the Radical.
Don’t tell me what a blossln’
N'is for negroes to he free ;
Freedom jjori’t brine; bread and bacon—
Things ain’t like they used to bo !
Yittlef is ttjtOiimr—without ’em
Liberty jJFq ivuth a cuss ;
Headin’, wfittn’, and sech doin’s
WasniMheant tea 1 folks like us.
Loafin’ round and doin’ nothin’
Ain’t what we was born to do ;
But to work, so that our childun
Might have close, and vittlos too.
.Summer’s short, and winter’s coinin’,
And though now we’re mighty bold,
Then we’ll wish we’d had some gumption,
And a’ work when ’twant so cold.
In the cotton patch or corn field,
- -grain t wuth while lo try to shirk ;
Don'Fymt kc~<r lazy nigger,
For you’ll starve unless you work,
Don’t you trust the Freedmon’s Bureau,
That won’t give you close to war ;
Work ! work while you’ve got a chance to,
Youaint got no time to spar.
Lives of other niggers show us-
We can make our labor pay,
And by workin’ now can lay up
” Somethin’ for a rainy day.
Somethin’ for our wives and children,
When us men can’t work no more ;
For them evertastin’ Yankees
Ain’t agwine to feed ’em, shore !
Le’s git up and go to work, then,
For to work >s a nigger’s fate •;
And we’d jest a« well go at it,
’Taint agwine to pay to wait.
Paul Citi'rsox.
Lebanon, Tonn., July, 1866.
Official Text of tlio Preliminaries »i
I’eace.
The Gazette of Vienna, of file 3d of
August, publishes the following as the
text of the preliminaries of peace ;
Their Majesties tin 1 Emperor of Aus
tria and the King of Prussia, animated
with the desire of restoring to their
countries the benefits of peace, have
with that view, and in order to fix the
preliminaries ot peace, named Plenipo-
tentiaries, viz;
His Majesty the Emperor of Austria,
Count Aloysius Ka.rolyi and Banin
Adolph Von Brenner Felsach ;
And His Majesty She King of Prussia,
l lie Presidcnl of the Council and Minis
ter for Foreign Affairs, 01 ho, Count
von Bi-marek Behonliausen, whoj after
having exchanged their full powers,
found lo he in good and due form, have
agreed on the following fundamental
acts as bases of the peace to be conclud
ed without delay :
Art. I. With the exception of the
Loinhardo-Yenitian Kingdom, the ter
ritory of the Austrian monarchy re
mains intact. His Majesty the King of
PriisMii enrages to withdraw his troops
from the Austrian territories occupied
by them, alter peace is concluded, under
reserve of the arrangements to be made
at the time of i he definite conclusion of
peace for the guarantee of the paj’ment
of the war indemnity.
Art. 2. His Majesty Ihe Emperor of
Austria recognizes tiie dissolution of
the Germanic Confederation such as it
has hitherto existed, and gives liis as
sent to anew organization of Germany,
without t he participation of the Empire
of Austria. His Majesty promises equal
ly to recognize the closer union which
will be founded by His" Majesty the
King of Prussia to the north ot the line
of the Main, and declares liis consent to
the German- States south of that line con
tracting a union, whose national bondg
with the Confederation of North Ger
many will be the object ot an ulterior
understanding between the two parties.
Art. 3. His Majesty the Emperor of
Austria transfers to his Majesty the
King of Prussia, all the rights which
the Peace of Vienna of October 20,1864,
had recognized in him over the Duchies
of Schleswig and Holstein, with this re
serve, that the population of the north
ern districts of {Schleswig will be anew
united to Denmark, if they express the
desire ot a freely given vote.
Art. 4. His Majesty the Emperor of
Austria engages to pay to His Majesty
ihe King of Prussia the sum of 40,000,-
000 of thalers, to cover a portion of the
expense which the war has occasioned j
to Prussia ; but from this sum is to be 1
deducted the amount of tire indemnity j
for war expenses which his Majesty the j
Emperor of Austria has still the right of
exacting from the Duchies of Schleswig
Holstein, in virtue of Arl. VA of the
treaty of peace of Oct. 20, 1804, before
cited, say 15,000,000 of thalers, besides
5,000,000, as the equivalent of Ihe ex
pense of maintaining the Prussian ar
my, borne by the countries of Austria
occupied by that army until the conclu
sion of peace.
Art. 5. Conformably to the desire ex
pressed by bis Majesty the Emperor
of Austria, liis Maiesty the King of Prus
sia declares himself ready to leave sub
sisting, at the time of lire modifications
which must take place in Germany, ihe
territorial condition of the kingdom of
Saxony in its actual extent, reserving
to himself, on the other hand, to regu
late in detail, by a special treaty of
peace with liis Majesty the King of Sax
ony, the questions relative to the share
of Saxony in the expenses of the war,
as well as the future position of the
kingdom of Saxony in the Confederation
of the north of Germany.
On the oilier hand, His Majesty Ihe
Emperor of Austria, promises to recog
nize the new organization which the
King of Prussia will establish in the
north of Germany, including the terri
torial modifications which will he the
consequence of it.
Art. and. His Majesty (lie King of Prus
sia engages to decide His Majesty the
King of Italy, Ids ally, to give his ap
probation to the preliminaries of peace,
and to the armistice based on these pre
liminaries, fmm the time that, by a dec
laration of His Majesty jhe Emperor
of the French, Die Venetian kingdom
shall have been put at the disposal of
His Majesty ihe King of Italy.
Art 7. The rat ifications of the present
Convention will be exchanged at Nik
olsburg in the space of two days at la
test.
Art. 8. As soon as the ratification of
the present Convention shall have been
elected and exchanged, their Majesties
the Emperor of Austria and the King
of Prussia Will name Plenipotentiaries
who will meet in a place to be afterward
agreed on to conclude peace upon the
basis of the present preliminary treaty,
and agree upon the conditions of detail.
Art. 9. To this effect the contracting
States, after haying settled these pre
liminaries, will conclude for the Aus
trian and Saxon armies on the one part,
and the Prussian army on the other
part, an armistice whose detailed condi
tions in a military point of view will
he immediately fixed. That armistice
will date from the 2d of August, the day
to which the present suspension of arms
will be prolonged.
An armistice will he at the same time
concluded here with Bavaria, and Gen.
Manteuffel will he charged to conclude
with the kingdom of \V urtemberg and
the grand Duchies of Baden and Hesse
Darmstadt, after these States proposed
it, an armistice commencing the 2d of
August, and based upon the state ot
military possession of the moment.
In testimony of which the respective
Plenipotentiaries have signed the pres
ent Convention, and affixed to it the
seal of their arms,
Bismark, M. P.
Ivarolyi, M. P.
Brenner, M. P.
Done at Nikolsburg, the 26th day of Ju
ly, 1866. _
Gen. Cinyton’s Pardon.
Governor’s Office, )
August 25, 1806. )'
-Eds. Advertiser : Your paper of this
morning contains an extract from a let
ter published in the Mobile Times,
written from this city and signed
“Unus.” One of the paragraphs in this
-fijife l !** to the pardon of Gen.
Clayton by the President, and his com
mission as Circuit Judge by the Gover
nor. It, is stated that sometime ago the
Governor issued the commission, not
withstanding Gen. Clayton had not
been actually pardoned, though it was
known that ho would be.
This is a mistake. The Governor did
not issue the commission until he re
ceived authentic advice that the pardon
had been granted by the President.
That information was received some
time since, whereupon the commission
was immediately forwarded to General
Clayton. It is due to Gen. Clayton to
say that he did not desire the commis
sion, nor did he attempt to enter upon
the duties of id's office as Circuit Judge
until he was-relieved by the President
from the disabilities which rest upon
those who are unpardoned.
BJSNJ. H. SCREWS,
* ' private Secretary,
lirownlow’i Infamous Address.
The Nashville papers of the 24tli con
tain the address of Gov. Brownlow to
the loyal people of Tennessee, covering
three pages, reviewing in very severe
terms the action of the bolters at the last
session of the Legislature; Judge Fra
zier’s decision in habeas corpus, with
the subsequent l’escue of two members
under his order; action of the Presi
dent in ordering General Thomas not
to interfere in helping to arrest bolters;
also, the President’s general course
with many incidental topics; closing by
announcing that he will not be a candi
date for ro-election.
He says of Judge Frazier: Being a
weak man and a political partisan un
der rebel influence, he decided against
the legislature and in favor of the rebels.
Among all truly loyal men nothing but
contempt is entertained for his decision;
and, for the man having no jurisdiction
in the case, and law and precedents be
ing against him, it was not expected
that such a monstrous decision would
be given; but those who knew the man,
those who knew he was appointed to
•office by Military Governor Johnson,
that he was laboring to save himself
and get re-elected by the people in a
rebel community, and that he would
never take a decided stand when the re
bellion came on, were prepared to hear
Iris miserable opinion delivered.
Brownlow says ofthe posse liberating
Iwo members under arrest: Tbeaction,
for outrage, corruption, and high handed
villany, has no parallel in history. The
eagerness to get at Heydt, and to have
him resist as an excuse for murdering
him, grew out of the fact that he had
I served as a brave officer in the Federal
army, and was several times wounded
iin battle fighting traitors. Capt. Heydt
was iu the custody of a member of the
House (Marlin) who had been a guer
rilla in the late war, and he was released
without any other process than that
| served by a mob in breaking down win
i (lows and doors.
This is a part and parcel of Johnson’s
policy to restore rebels to power. It
means to crush out the Union men of
the South and restore the Democratic
traitors ofthe South to power and to
place. It is intended by him and his
admirers to make treason respectable
and traitors honorable ; while loyalty is
to become despicable and loyal men are
disgraced and driven from the South.
To aceomdlish all this and even more,
there is on foot a regular conspiracy,
and the chief conspirator is Andrew
Johnson, as I honestly believe.
It is the settled purpose ofthe traitors
at the North and the rebels ofthe South
to involve this country in another war;
and this they aim to do during the next
two years, under the lead of President
Johnson. Their attempt to force South
ern traitors into their seats in Congress
with bayonets will be made the occasion
for an outbreak.
Let the despot now at the head of the
government attempt anything of this
kind if he dare ! A million gallant Union
men will at once appear in the District
of Columbia, surrounding both the Cap
itol and White House, disposing of the
heads of leading traitors after the most
approved style of the age in which a
king of England lost liis head.
If another war shall be forced upon
the country, the loyal masses who con
stitute an overwhelming majority ofthe
people of this great nation intend that
it shall be no child’s play. They will,
as they ought, make the entire South
ern Confederacy as God found the earth
when he commenced the work of crea
tion—without form and void. They
will not and ought not to leave a rebel
fence rail, out house, or dwelling in the
eleven seceded States.
As for rebel population, let them be
exterminated when the war is wound
up, which should be done rapidly and !
with swift destruction. Let tlieir lands i
be seized and sold out to pay the ex- :
penses of the war, and settled only by ■
people who will respect the stars and
stripes.
Should another conflict of arms be
forced upon the country, as I honestly
believe it will, by combined efforts of
Northern traitors and Southern rebels,
then the work of reconstruction after
after the conflict is over w 7 ill be easy.
A surveyor general with deputy and
land office for each couniy in the rebel
States, and Federal bayonets to guard
them, are all that will be required.
Having no hope of protection from
the President in point, of attack from
i lie rebel mob, I shStll look vvUli confi
dence to the Northwestern States to
come to our rescue as soon as attacked
by the minors of Jeff Davis and Andrew
Johnson ; and, if further developments
seem to justify it, I will call out the le
gal militia of the State, and call upon
the Legislature to arm and equip them.
We must and will meet these traitors,
and sustain government, State and na
tional, or fall with our faces to the foe.
I have resolved that the President
should not call a Grayback Convention
at Philadelphia—a convention to be
composed of office-holding Republicans,
of delegates from the party that op
posed the war, and of delegates from
the rebel Congress and the rebel armies,
and out of these materials organize a
Johnson-Democratic-Rebel party, and
turn me over to it, to be dictated to and
controlled by the men who fought four
years to destroy the country. This is
the pass to which we have comeat last,
and those who are willing that a faith
less President shall transfer them to his
new party organization, can go, and
may joy go with them. Divide and
sub-divide as we may, there can be but
two parties in this country—a disloyal
and a loyal party. Choose ye between
these parties whose only Dsne is, whether
this State and nation are to be governed
by loyal or disloyal men.
It is proper for me to state that ray
term of service will expire in October,
18G7, and that I shall not he a candidate
for re-election to the office I now hold,
or to any other office within the gift of
the people. Whilst lam in office, I
shall endeavor to do my whole duty, as
I have done, without regard to conse
quences. In retirement I will continue
to vote and act only with the party that
is radical in its loyalty to the Union,
and radical in its opposition to all the
schemes and devices of rebels and rebel
sympathizers.
Homicide. —On Saturday night last,
between eleven and twelve o’clock, an
altercation occurred between Charles
Cherry and Alexander Redding, in
which the former was shot twice by the
latter—the second time through the
heart. These men are brothers-in-law,
having married two sisters. The occur
rence took place in Cherry’s store, on
the upper part of Cotton Avenue, in
the presence of Cherry’s wife, who en
deavored to prevent the difficulty, and
was near being killed herself—the first
shot having passed through the sleeve
ot her dress.
Reddiug was immediately arrested
and imprisoned. His preliminary trial
will take place to-morrow morning at
the Court House, before his Honor
Judge Whittle. —Macon Ci izen of Mon
day.
Death of a South Carolinian in
Mexico. —A letter from San Louis Po
tosi, Mexico, announces the death of
Col. James Monroe, of this State, and
late of the Confederate army. Like
many others, he was mortified at the
ill success of the Confederate army,
and chose to spend his life in a foreign
country, rather than submit to he ruled
by a Government that he despised.
With a number of other gentlemen he
selected San Louis Potosi, Mexico, as
his future home. On the 10th of June
theMexcan laborers had a ball at which
they all got drunk and commenced
lightiug among themelves, when the
Colonel, who was alone, undertook to
stop them. They turned on him, and
all of them being drunk, killed him.—
Courier.
Georgia Manufactures —The Chris
tian Index says : “The last Legislature
granted a charter incorporating the
‘Georgia Manufacturing and Paper Mill
Company,’ located at Newnan ; M. P.
Kellogg, President, aud Wm. Amis,
Secretary. The company has organ
ized, has already secured a capital of
$50,000, and has commenced the erec
tion of buildings for a cotton factory.
It is their intention also to erect a paper
mill with a capacity to turn out one ton
of paper a day. This is the kind of
independence for our people to achieve.
We find the following announcement
in the Atlanta New Era of Sunday
morning :
Judge Clark and family arrived in
this city a few days since. Judge C.
had a severe attack of paralysis a few
days ago, and is still very ill, but hopes
are entertained pf Iris recovery.
Speech of General Hampton. j
Lieut. General Wade Hampton was
passing through Anderson, S. C., a few
clays since. A number of people, among
them many soldiers once commanded
hy the General, had assembled to organ
ize a Soldiers’ Association. T Lie-Gen oral
was invited to speak, and he did so.
After highly and feelingly compliment
ing his former comrades, he said :
Aud, brother soldiers, whilst nr
acquiesce iu Ihe results of this war, let
us not admit that the cause of it was
unjustifiable or wrong. T accept the
terms upon which we laid down our
arms, in good faith, and it is our duty
to observe those terms faithfully ; but
whilst 1 do this, I shall never say that
we had not right on our side—l shall
never hold my State as guilty or her
sons as traitors. The cause is not to he
judged by success or failure. Success
does not. inevitably make right or just
ice, nor does failure always imply evil,
wrong or falsehood. If the justice of a
cause always insured success, Poland,
Hungary and Ireland would not now
groan under the heel or tus oppressor,
nor would the South be reduced to
the sad condition in which she finds
herself to-day. But sad as is the condi
tion of our beloved land, we must not
forsake it. She has need or ail her sons.
You know that in years that are just
passed, you regarded it as your highest
duty to stand by your colors. So now
it is your duty to stand by your State.
Her colors are nailed to the mast, and
let us stand or fall with her. Give her
all the aid you can, and if she sinks at
least let us go down with her. For
these reasons, I have discouraged emi
gration. I believe it is our highest duty
to assist in the re-establishment of law.
order, peace; to help the widows and I
orphans made by the war, and to i
endeavor to raise our prostrate and
bleeding country. We may not be able !
to do much towards alleviating the suf- |
feriug and sorrows of our people, but j
we can at least take our share of them,
and thus lighten the general burden bj’
distributing it amongst us all. To the
accomplishment of these objects—the
highest that patriotism can inspire—l
invoke your earnest co-operation. It
will require all your energy, all your
strength, all your endurance, to restore
hope to our people or vitality to our
State.
We can exact nothing from the Gov
ernment of the United States, whatever
patty may be in power. The Conven
tion at Philadelphia—where the North
and the South, burying the past, were
to re-establish liberty, equality, frater
nity—has declared the platform upon
which the conservatives propose to enter
the next canvass. In the declaration of
principles, which Compose that platform,
I see it announced that the brave sol
diers and sailors who suppressed the
rebellion are entitled to the thanks of
the nation; that the debt incurred in
that holy crusade is to be sacred, and
that all Confederate debts are null aud
void. We pension the men who forged
out fetters ; but the soldiers of the South
—men with empty sleeves or on cratch
es, such are seen around me now—are
to be branded as outlaws, rebelsaud trai
tors. The fostering had of the paternal
Government for which they fought, like
their hopes, is dead, and they are
thrown on the cold charity of the world.
It is our duty to open our hearts and
our hands to our brave disabled soldiers,
and care for the families of those who
fell in our defence. Whatever may
have been the result of the cause in
which they fell, remember that they
died for ns figbtiDg, as they honestly
believed, to-make us free. They offered
up their lives a willing sacrifice for their
country, and shame upon the man who
would not help those who have lost
their all in our behalf. I shall never
turn my back upon any brave soldier
who stood by liis banner to the last,
though that glorious banner may be for
ever furled; though now,
“There’s not a man to.wave it.
And there’s not a soul to save if.
And there’s not one left to lave "it,
In tlie blood which heroes gave
’Tis true that we have but little left to
us; that we are impoverished ; but we
can at least share our pittance with
those who have lost all.
To record the names of those who
fought for us ; to perpetuate ihe history
of the gallant troops given by our State
to tlie common cause ; to extend aid to
j those who are disputed, and those whose
protectors fell iff the war, are the noble
purposes of your proposed Association.
1 wish you God speed in this good w ork,
f congratulate myself that I have been
permitted to participate in these holy
I objects, and I pray that God may bless
| them to the fullest exteut of your wish
:es I thank you, gentlemen, for the
courtesy you have extended to me, and
for the kindness with which you have
received me.
Oar Xationnl Finances—S eller Irani
Secretary VtcCullach.
New York, Ang. 23.—1n reference
to an invitation to attend a dinner of
financiers and others in Boston, Secre
tary McCulloch sent a letter declining
the courtesy with the following re"
marks:
“Although it was hoped that ere this
the currency of the country would have
been brought nearer to the specie stand
ard, I am sure the people have cause
for congratulation that our finances are
in so healthy a condition as they are.
Since March, 1865, the war has been
brought to a successful conclusion. Im
mense armies have been disbanded; ev
ery soldier lias been paid before being
mustered out of the service; all matur
ing obligations of the government have
been satisfactorily provided for; while
the national debt is nearly $250,000,000
less than was estimated it would he at
the present time, and the reduction of
it has averaged for the past year more
than $10,000,000 per month. If no oth
er nation ever rolled up a debt so rap
idly, none certainly ever commenced
the reduction of its debt as soon after
the cessation of a war.
If our curcncy is depreciated, we
have so far escaped the financial trou
bles that usually exist among nations
at the close of expensive wars, and
which there was reason to apprehend
would happen to us at the termination of
the great war in which we have been
engaged.
If the business of the country is con
ducted upon a changing and unsettled
basis, it has been subject to no severe
revulsions. If our taxes are heavy,our
resource? are almost unlimited, while
the disposition of the people to bear
cheerfully their burdens is a surprise
even to those who have the greatest
confidence in the honor and good faith of
a free people.
In my opinion the people of the LTni
ted States are to make republicanism
illustrious among nations by establish
ing the fact that their securities arc the
safest, and that the people who impose
taxes upon themselves are the most
jealous of their national credit.
I do not,however,disguise the fact that
great, financial difficulties are still to be
overcome. Our present prosperity is
rather apparent than otherwise. We
are measuring values by a false stand
ard. We are, in fact, exposed to all
the dangers which attend an inflated
and irredeemable currency, which di
minishes labor, the true source of na
tional wealth, and stimulates specula
tion and extravagance, which led inva
riably to thriftlessness and demoraliza
tion.
Before the country becomes again
really prosperous, the specie standard
must be restored, prices reduced and
industry stimulated; the product of the
country increased; the balance of trade
between the United States and other
nations cease to be against us; all the
great interests of the country cared for
and protected bj- wise and impartial
legislation. You will pardon me for
writing so long a letter, and acknowl
edging the receipt of your very courte
ous invitation.
I remain very truly, your obedient
servant, 11. McCulloch,
Secretary of the Treasury.
Expulsion of Caravajnl from Mala
inot-ns Confirmed-—Forced I.oan by
the Sen’ Commander.
New Orleans, Aug. 22. —The Rio
Grande Courier, of the 16th aud 17th,
confirms the expulsion from Matamoras
of the Governor of Tamaulipas, General
Caravajal, by the garrison of Matamoras.
They appointed Colonel Zeresovelo
Canales his successor, and refer the
matter to President Juarez.
The Courier says General Jose de la
Janza is also in Brownsville, following
his superior officer. Cortinas is still
about Mier and Reguesa.
The new commandant at Matamoras
made two forced loans, one on Saturday
of $25,000, and another oa Thursday
following of SIOO,OOO.
Proclamation by the President.
THE “INSURRECTION” DECLARED AT AX j
END.
Whereas, by proclamations of the fit
t.eeuth and nineteenth of April, eighteen
hundred and sixty-one, the President ot |
the United States, in virtue of the power
vested in him by the" Constitution and
the Laws, declared that the laws of the
■United Staten were opposed, and the
execution thereof,obstructed, in the
Stales of South Carolina, Georgia, Ala
bama, Florida, Mississippi; Louisiana,
and Texas, by eombinationa too power
ful to tie suppressed by the ordinary
course of judicial proceedings, qr by
the powers-vested in the Marshals by
law ;
And whereas, by another proclama
tion made on Hue sixteenth day of Au
gm i, in the same year, in pursuance of
an m i of o’ingress approved July thir
teenth, one thousand eight hundred and
sixty one, Che inhabitants of the States'
.of Geo, ji; t South Carolina, Virginia,
North Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama,
L.iui-ia.ua, Texas, Arkansas, Mississip
pi,, aud Florida, (except the inhabitants
of that party of the State of Virginia
lying west of the Alleghany Mountains,
and except also the inhabitants of snch
1 other parts of that State, and the other
| States before named as might maintain
a loyal adhesion to the Union and the
1 Constitution, or might be from time to
time occupied and controlled by forces
of the United States engaged iu the dis
. persion of insurgents) were declared to
be in a slate of insurrection against the
United States;
And whereas, by another proclama
tion, of the first, day of July, one thou
sand eight hundred and sixty-two, is
sued in pursuance of an act ot Congress,
approved June 7th, in the same year,
the insurrection was declared to be still
existing in the States aforesaid, with the
exception of certain specified counties
in the Slate of Virginia ;
And whereas, by another proclama
tion, made on the second day of April,
one thousand eight hundred and sixty
three, in pursuance of the act of Con
gress of July thirteen, one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-one, the excep
tions named in the proclamation of Au
gust sixteen, one thousand eight hun
dred and sixty-one, were revoked, and
the inhabitants of the States of Georgia,
South Carolina, North Carolina, Ten
nessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Ar
kansas, Mississippi, Florida and Vir
ginia, (except the forty-eight counties
of Virginia, designated as West Virgin
ia, and the parts of New Orleans, Key
West, Port Royal and Beaufort, in
North Carolina,) were declared to be
still in a state of insurrection against
the United States;
And whereas, by another proclama
tion of the fifteenth day of September,
one thousand eight hundred and sixty
three, made in pursuance of the act of
Congress approved March third, one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three,
the rebellion was declared to he still ex
isting, and the privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus -was, in certain specified
cases, suspended throughout the United
Slates—said suspension to continue
throughout the duration of the rebellion,
or until said proclamation should, by a
subsequent one to be issued by the
President of tlie United States, be modi
fied or revoked ;
And whereas, the House of Represen
tatives, on the twenty-second day of
July, one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-one, adopted a resolution in the
words following, namely:
Resolved, By the House of Represen
tatives of the Congress of tlie United
States, that the present deplorable civil
war has been forced upon the country
by the disunionists of the Southern
States, now in revolt against the consti
tutional Government, and in arms
around the Capital; that in this nation
al emergency, Congress, banishing all
feelings of mere passion or resentment,
w r ill recollect only its duty to the whole
country; that this war is not waged
upon our part in any spirit of oppres
sion nor for any purpose of conquest or
subjugation, nor purpose of overthrow
ing of interfering with the rights or es
tablished institutions of those States,
but to defend and to maintain the supre
macy of the Constitution, and to pre
serve the Union with all the dignity,
equality and rights of the several Spates
unimpaired; and that as soon asflhese
objects arc accomplished the war/miglit
to cease ;
And whereas, the Senate of
ted States, on the 2oth day of July, one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-one,
adopted a resolution in the words fol
lowing, to-wit:
“Resolved, That the present deplo
rable civil war has been forced
j upon the country by the disun
| iouists of the Southern States, now in
1 revolt against the Constitutional Gov
ernment, and in arms around the capi-
tal; that in this national emergency,
Congress, banishing all feeling of mere
; passion or resentment, will recollect on
ly its duty to the whole country; that
the war is not prosecuted upon our part
in any spirit of oppression, nor for any
purpose of conquest or subjection, nor
purpose of overthrowing or interfering
with the rights of established institu
tions of those Slates, but to defend and
maintain the supremacy of the Consti
tution and ail laws made in pursuance
thereof, and to preserve the Union with
all the dignity, equality and rights of
the several States unimpaired, that as
soon as these objects are accomplished
the war ought to cease;”
And whereas, these resolutions,
though not joint or concurrent in form,
are substantially identical, and as such
have hitherto been and yet are regard
ed as having expressed the sense of
Congress upon the subject to which
they relate;
And whereas, the President of the
United States, by proclamation of the
thirteenth of June, 1865, declared that
the insurrection in the State of Tennes
see had been suppressed, and that the
authority of the United States therein
was undisputed, and that such United
States officers as had been duly com
missioned were in the undisturbed ex
ereise of their official functions;
And whereas, the President of the
United States, i>y further proclamation
issued on the second day of April, one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-six,
did promulgate and declare, that there
no longer existed any armed resistance
of misguided citizens or others, to the
authority of the United States, in any
or in all the States before mentioned,
excepting only the State of Texas, and
did further promulgate and declare that
the laws could be sustained and enforced
in the several States before mentioned,
except Texas, by the proper civil au
thorities, except Texas, by the proper
civil authorities, State or Federal, and
that the people of the said States, ex
cept Texas, by the proper civil authori
ties, State or Federal, and that the peo
ple of the said States, except Texas, are
well and loyally disposed, and have
conformed, or will conform, in their
legislation, to the condition of affairs
growing out of the amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, pro
hibiting slavery within the limits and
[ jurisdiction of the United States ;
And did further declare in the same
proclamation that it is the manifest de
termination of the American people
that no State, of its own will, has a
right or power to go out of or separate
itself from, or be separated from the
American Union ; and that, therefore,
each State ought to remain and consti
j tute an integral part of the United
i States ;
And did further declare in the same
| last-mentioned proclamation, that the
several aforementioned States, except
ing Texas, had, in the manner afore
said, given satisfactory evidence, that
they acquiesce in this sovereign and im
portant resolution of national unity ;
And whereas, the President of the
United States in the same proclamation
did further declare that it is believed to
he a fundamental principle of Govern
ment that the people who have revolted,
and who have been overcome and sub
dued, must either be dealt with so as to
induce them voluntarily to become
friends, or else they must he held by ab
solute military power, or devastated, so
as to prevent them from ever again
doing harm as enemies, which last
named policy is abhorrent to humanity
and to freedom ;
And whereas, the President did in the
same proclamation further declare, that
the Constitution of the United States
privides for constituent communities on
ly as States, and not as Territories, de
pendencies, provinces or protectorates ;
And further, that such constituent
States must necessarily be,'and by the
Constitution and laws of the United
States are, made equals, and placed up
on a like footing as to political rights,
immunities, dignity and power with
the several States with Which they are j
united;
And did further declare, that the ob
servance of political equality as a prin
ciple of rig® aud justice is well calcula
ted to encojirage people of the before
named States, except Texas, to he, and
to become more and more constant aud
preserving in their renewed allegiance ;
And whereas, the President did fur
ther declare that standing armies, mili
tary occupation, martial law, military
tribunals, and the suspension of the
writ of habeas corpus are, , in time of
peace, dangerous to public liberty, in-
individual rights of
the oitiz'&fi, Vioutraiy to the genius aud
spirit of our free institutions, and ex
haustive ofTfor national resources, aud
ought not, therefore,' to be sanctioned,
or allowed, except iu cases of actual
necessity, for repelling invasion or sup
pressing insurrection or rebellion ;
And the President did further iu the
same proclamation declare that the pol
icy of the, Government of the United
States trom'the beginning of the insur
rection to its overthrow and final sup
’ pressiofi, had been conducted in confor
mity with the principles in the last
named proclamation recited ;
Wherert, the President, in said proc
iamatiifo the 13th of June, 1806,
upon therein stated, and
before recited, did then and thereby pro
claim the insurrection, which heretofore
existed jam the several States before
namedjfxcept Texas, was at an end,
and waslienceforth to be so regarded ;
and
Whereas, subsequently to the said
second day of April, 1866, the insurrec
tion iu the State of Texas has been com
pletely and everywhere suppressed and
ended, aud the authority of the United
States lias been successfully and com
pletely established in the said State of
Texas and now remains therein unre
sisted and undisputed, and such of the
proper Uuited States officers as have
been duly commissioned within the
iimjttpf the said State are now in tlie
exercise of their official
functions;
And whereas, the laws can now be
sustained and enforced in the said State
of ToTas, by the proper civil authority,
State or Federal, and the people of the
other States before named are well and
loyally disposed, and have conformed
or wit! ooniorm in tlieir legislation to
the i miditioii of affairs growing out of
the amendment of the Constitution of
the tinted States, prohibiting slavery
within the limit s%nd jurisdiction ofthe
United States;
And whereas all the reasons and con- ;
elusions set forth in regard to the seve
ral States therein specially named now
apply equally and in all respects to the
State of Texas, as well as to the other
States which had been involved in in
surrection ;
And whereas, adequate provision has
been made by military orders to enforce
the execution of the acts of Congress,
aid the civil authorities, and secure
obedience to the Constitution and laws
of the United Statet within the State of
Texas, if a resort to military force for
snch purpose should at any time become
necessary;
Now therefore, I, Andrew Johnson,
President of the Uuited States, do here
by proclaim and declare that the insur
rection which heretofore existed in the
State of Texas is at an end, and hence
forth so regarded in that State, as in the
other States before named, in which the
said insurrection was proclaimed to be
at an end, by the aforesaid proclamation
of the second day of April, one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-six.
And I do further proclaim that the
said insurrection is at an end, and that
peace, order, tranquility and civil au
thority now exist in and throughout
the whole of the United States of Amer
ica.
In testimony whereof, I have hereun
to set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this
twentieth day of August, in
the year of our Lord one thou
[seal ] sand eight hundred and sixty
six, and oftlie independence of
the United States of America
the ninety-first.
ANDREW JOHNSON.
By the President:
Wii. H. Seward, Sec’y of State
Reports of Military Officers Concern*
Ingr tlie New Orleans Riot.
In tlie New York papers of the 25th
we find the following correspondence:
Executive Mansion, i
Washington, July 30, 1866. )
To Andrew J. Herron, Attorney Gen
eral of Louisiana, New Orleans:
You will call on General Sheridan, or
whoever may he in command, for suffi
cient force to sustain the civil authority
in suppressing all illegal or unlawful
assemblies wiio usurp or assume to ex
ercise any power or authority without
first having obtained the consent of tlie
people of the State. If there is to he a
convention, let it be composed of dele
gates chosen fresh from the people of
the whole State. The people must first
be consulted in reference to changing
the organic law of the State. Usurpa
tion will not be tolerated. The law and
the constitution must be sustained, and
thereby peace and order.
Andrew Johnson.
New Orleans, July 30—9 P. M.
To the Secretary of War:
A serious riot has occurred here to
day. I have been m full consultation
with the city authorities, and have kept
my troops well in hand for such an
emergency. The riot commenced un
expectedly, and before the troops could
reach the scene of action a number of
persons were killed and wounded. I
have felt compelled to declare martial
law, and have appointed a military
Governor of the city. All is quiet now.
Several prominent gentlemen connect
ed with the Convention are killed or
wounded. A. Baird,
Brevet Major General.
New Orleans, July 30.
Hon. E. M. Stanton:
Sir—l have the honor to inform you
that a very serious riot has occurred
here to-day. I had not been applied to
by the Convention for protection, but
the Lieutenant Governor and the May
or had freely consulted with me, and I
was so fully convinced that it was
strongly the intent of the city authori
ties to preserve the peace, in order to
prevent military interference, that I
did not regard an outbreak as a thing to
be apprehended. The Lieutenant Gov
ernor had assured me that even if a writ
of arrest was issued by Court, the Sher
iff would not attempt to serve it with
out my permission, and for to-day,
they designed to suspend it. I charter
ed a steamer to be at Jackson Barracks,
three miles below the city, at an early
hour in the morning, and a tug to be
ready to bear orders to the command
ing officer of the First Infantry station
ed at that point.
At 11:30 A. M., Lieutenant Governor
Voorhees came to see me, and, after
conversation, he feeliDg confident at the
time of the ability of the police to pre
serve order, I proposed to briug to the
city four companies an hour in advance
of the supposed meeting of the Conven
tion, at 6 o’clock P. M., to bo kept in
readiness, in case they should be re
quired to keep clear the streets in the
vicinity of the hall in which the Con
vention was to meet. He agreed with
me that it would be very desirable, but
left, not apprehending difficulty.
At 12 o’clock M. I drove to see Judge
Howell, President of the Convention,
to request that arrangements might be
made lo keep any crowd that might as
semble to protect the Coi ventiou, out
of the streets, so as to avoid an acciden
tal collision. When I reached his house
I learned that the Convention was to
meet at, 12 o’clock, and that he had
gone to it.,
Returning to my headquarters, I soon
received a letter from the Lieutenant
Governor, informing me that large par
ties of negroes M ere collecting from all
quarters and coming into the centre of
the city, yet he M T as not sure of his in
formation. HoM r ever, I at once sent
for the troops. Very soon afterward I
learned that a riot had taken place near
the Convention hall.
I sent a staff officer to investigate the
facts, and on his return he reported
having met Judge Howell, who said the
Convention had adjourned for want of
a quorum, but would meet again at half
past three in the afternoon. This reas
sured me, but I again sent to hasten the
arrival of the troops.
Immediately after this the riot assum
ed a serious character. The police aid
ed by citizens, became the assailants,
and, from the evidence, I am forced to
believe exercised great brutality in
making their arrests. Finally, they at
tacked the Convention hall, and a pro
tracted struggle ensued. The people
inside the hall gave up. Some who sur
rendered were attacked .'afterward, and
brutally treated. Quite a large number
were injured; I cannot now say how
many.. Governor Hahn, Dr. Dostie, Mr.
Fish, and perhaps other members of
the Convention, were among tire num
ber- • •• ,
On the arrival of the troops I soon
cleared the streets and quiet was re
stored. From the evidence of bad feel
ing on the part of the citizens and of
sympathy with them on the part of the
police, I felt compelled to declare mar
tial law in the city and appoint a mili
tary Governor, from which I hope good
results will ensue. I inclose .herewith
copies of my correspondence with the
Mayor,, and of a dispatch the Lieutenant
| Governor claims to have received from
I the President. I regret that no reply to
• my dispatch to you, of Saturday, lias
i yet reached me. Gen. Sheridan is still
absent in Texas.
“I am, sir, very respectfully your
obedient servant, “A. BAIRD,
“Brevet Major General.”
Office U. S. Military Telegraph, )
Headquarters War Department. j
The following telegram was received
at 6:15 P. M-, August 1, 1866 :
“New Orleans, La., Aug. 1, 1866.
“To L. 8. Grant, General:
“You are doubtless aware of the se
rious riot which occurred in this city,
on the 30th ult. A political body, styl
ing itself the Convention of 18'o4, met
on the 30tli for, it is alleged, the purpose
of remodeling the present Constitution
of the State. The leaders were politi
cal agitators and revolutionary men, |
and the action of the Convention was i
liable to produce breaches of the public !
peace. I had made up'my mind lo ar
rest the head men if the proceedings of j
the Convention were calculated to dis- j
turb the tranquility of the department, j
but I had no cause for action until they j
committed the overt act.
“In the mean time official duty called
me to Texas, and the Mayor of the city
during my absence suppressed.the Con- |
vention by the use of the police fotee, j
and in so doing attacked the members ;
of the Convention and a party of two ;
hundred negroes, with firearms, clubs j
and knives, in a manner unnecessary !
and atrocious as to compel me to say :
that it was murder. About forty whites
and blacks were thus killed, and about
I one hundred and sixty wounded.
“Everything is now quiet,
it best to maintain a military
cy in the city, for a few days, until the
affair is fully investigated. I believe j
the sentiment of the general communi- !
ty is great regret at the unnecessary
cruelty, and the police could have made
any arrests they saw fit without sacri
ficing lives.
“P. H. SITERIDAN,
“Major General Commanding.”
Office U. S. Military Telegraph, )
Headquarters War Department, j :
The following cipher telegram was
received at 6 P. M., August 2, 1806,
from New Orleans, Louisiana, August
2,1860:
Office tJ. S. Military Telegraph, (
Headquarters, War Department. j
The following telegram was received
at 10 P. M., August 3, 1866 :
“New Orleans, La., Aug. 3, 1860.
“To General U. S. Grant, Washington,
D. C.:
“I have the honor to report quiet in
the city, hut considerable excitement in
the public mind. There is no inter
ference on the part of the military with
the civil government which performs
all its duties without hindrance. I
have permitted the retention of the
Military Governor appointed during my
absence, as it gives confidence and
enables the military to know what is
occurring in the city. He docs not in
terfere with civil matters.
“Unless good judgment is exercised,
there will be an exodus of Northern
capital, and Union men, which will be
injurious to the city, and to the
whole country. I will remove the mili
tary Government in a day or two.
“I again strongly advise that, some
disposition be made to change the pres
ent Mayor, as I believe it, would do
more to restore confidence than any
thing that could be done. If the pres
ent Governor could be changed also, it
w T ould not be amiss.”
P. H. Sheridan.
1 “Washington, Aug. 3.
“To Maj. Gen. Sheridan, N. O.:
“Continue to enforce martial law, so
far as may be necessary to preserve the
peace, and do not allow any of the civii
authorities to act, if you deem such ac
tion dangerous to the public safety.
Loose no time in investigating and re
porting th causes that led to the riot and
the facts which occurred.
U. S. Grant General.”
“Maj. Gen. Commanding.”
Office U. S. Military Telegraph, )
Headq’es War Departm’t \
The following cipher telegram was
received at 4-30, p. m., Aug. 0. 1806:
New Orleans, Aug. 6, 12 M.
“To His Excellency, Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States:
“I have the honor to make the follow
ing reply to your dispatch of August 4:
Avery large number of the colored peo
pie marched in procession on Friday
night, July 27, and were addressed from
the steps of the City Hall by Dr. Dostie,
Ex-Governor Hahn and others. The
speech of Dr. Dostie was intemperate
in language and sentiment. The speech
es of the others, so far as I can learn,
were characterized by moderation. I
have not given you the words of Dos
tie’s speech, as the version published
was denied, but from what I have learn
ed of the man I believe they were in
temperate. The Convention assembled
at 12 m., on the 30tli, the timid mem
bers absenting themselves because the
tone of the general public was ominous
of trouble.
“I think there were about sixty mem
bers present. In front of Mechanics’
Institute, where the meeting was held,
there were assembled some colored
men, women and children, perhaps
eighteen or twenty, and inside the In
stitute a number of colored men, proba
bly one hundred and fifty. Among
these outside and inside there might
have been a pistol in the possession of
every tenth man. About one o’clock
in the afternoon, a procession of, say
sixty to one hundred and thirty colored
men, marched up Barroune street and
across Canal street toward the Conven
tion, carrying the American flag. These
men bad about one pistol to every ten
men, and canes and clubs in addition.
While crossing Canal street, a row oc
curred. There were many spectators
on the streets, and their manner and
tone toward the procession was un
friendly. A shot was fired, by whom
I am not able to state, but I believe it
to have been by a policeman, or some
colored man in the procession. This
led to other shots, and a rush at tlie
procession. On arrival at the front of
the Institate there were some throwing
of brickbats by both sides. The police,
who had been held well in ham), were
marched to the scene of disorder. The
procession entered the Institute with
six or eight remaining outside. A row
occurred between a policeman and one
of these colored men, and a shot was
again fired by one of the parties, which
led to an indiscriminate fire on the
building, through the windows, by the
policemen. This had been going bn a
short time, when a white flag was dis
played from a window of the Institute,
whereupon the firing ceased, and the
police rushed into the building.
From the testimony of wounded men
and others, who were inside the build
ing, the policemen opened an indis
criminate fire upon the audience until
they had emptied their revolvers, when
they retired, and those inside barrica
ded the doors. The door was broken
in and the firing again commenced,
when many of tiie colored and white
people either escaped through the door
or were passed out by the policemen
inside, but as they came out the police
men who formed the circle nearest the
building fired upon them, and they were
again fired upon by the citizens who
formed the outer circle.
“Many of these were wounded and
taken prisoners, and others who were
prisoners and not wounded were fired
upon by their captors and citizens.
The wounded were stabbed while lying
on the ground, and their heads beaten
with brick-bats. In the yard of the
building whither some of the colored
men had escaped and partially secreted
themselves, they were fired upon and
killed or wounded by policemen. Some
men were killed and wounded several
squares from the scene. Members of
the Convention were wounded by the
policemen while in their hands as pris
oners—some of them mortally.
“The immediate cause of this terrible
affair was the assemblage of this Con
vention. The remote cause was the
bitter and antagonistic feeling which
has been growing in this community
since the advent of tire present. Mayor,
who, in the organization of his police
force, selected many desperate men,
and some of them known murderers.
People of clear views were overawed by
want of confidence in the Mayor and
fear of the thugs, many of w hom he had
selected for liis police force.
“I have frequently been spoken toby
prominent citizens on this subject, and
have heard them express fear and want
of confidence in Mayor Monroe ever
since the intimation of the last Conven
tion movement.
“To. U. S. Grant, General, Washing-
ton, D. C. :-
“The more information 1 obtain of
the affair of the 30th, in this city, the
more revolting it becomes. It w T as no
riot; it was an absolute massacre by
the police, which was uot excelled in
murderous cruelty by that of Fort Pil
low. It was a murder which the May
or and police of the city perpetrated
without the shadow of a necessity.
Furthermore, I believe it was premedi
tated, aad every indication points to
this.
“I recommend the removal of this
bad man. I believe it would be bailed
with the sincerest gratification by two
thirds of the population of the city.
There lias been a feeling of insecurity
on the part of the people here on ac
count of this man, which is now so
much increased that the safety of life
and property does not rest with the
civil authority but with the military.
•‘“P. H. Sheridan,
“Major General Commanding.”
“I must condemn the course of seve
ral of the city papers for supporting, by
their articles, the bitter feeling of bad
men. As to the merciless manner in
which this Convention was broken up,
I feel obliged to confess strong repug
nance. It is useless to attempt to dis
guise the hostility that exists, on tire
part of a great many here, toward
Northern men, and tlua unfortunate af
fair has so precipitated matters, that
there is now a test of what shall be the
status of Northern men; whether they
can live here without being in constant
dread or not; whether they can be pro
tected in life and property, and have
justice in the courts.
“If this mat ter is permitted to pass
over without a thorough and determined
prosecution of those engaged in it, we
may look for frequent scenes of the
same kind, not only here but in other
places. No steps have as yet been ta
ken by the civil authorities to arrest the
citizens who were engaged in this mas
sucre, or the policemen who perpetrated
such cruelties.
The members of the Covention have
been indicted by the Grand Jury, and
many of them arrested and held to bail.
As to whether the civil authorities can
mete out ample justice to the guilty par
ties on both sides I must say it is my
opinion, unequivocally, that they can
not. Judge Abell, whose course I have
closely watched for nearly a year, I now
consider one of llio most dangerous
men that we have bore to the peace and
quiet of the city. The leading men of
the Convention King Cutler, Hahn
and others—have been political agita
tors, and are bad men. I regret to say
that the course of Gov. Wells has been
vacillating, and that during the late
trouble he xvas shown very little of the
man. P. IT. SHERIDAN,
“Major-Gen. Commanding.
Washington, August 24.
“To Major General Sheridan, Com
manding New Orleans:
“We have been advised here that
prior to the assembling of the illegal and
extinct Convention elected in 18(54, in
flammatory and insurrectionary speech
es were made to a mob, composed of
white and colored persons urging upon
them to arm and equip themselves for
the purpose of protecting and sustain
ing the Convention in itft illegal and
unauthorized prodeecling, intended and
calculated to upturn and supercede the
exising State Government, of Louisiana,
which had been recognized by the Gov
ernment of the United States.
Further, did the mob assemble and
was it armed for the purpose of sustain
ing the convention in its usurpation
and revolutionary proceedings ? Have
any arms been taken from persons since
the 30th ult., who were supposed or
known to be connected with this*nv*b?
Have not various individuals been as
saulted and shot by persons connected
with this mob, without good cause and
in violation of the public peace and good
order ? Was not this assembling of this
Convention and the gathering of the
mob for its defense and protection, a
main cause of the riotous and unlawful
proceedings of the civil authorities of
New Orleans ?
“ Have steps been taken by the civil
authorities to arrest and try any, and all
those engaged in this riot, and those
who have committed offences in viola'
tion of law ? Can ample justice be met
ed by the civil authorities to all offend
ers against the law ?
“Will General Sheridan please fur
nish me a brief reply to the above in
quiries, with such other information as
he may be in possession of. Please
answer by telegraph at your earliest
convenience. ”
“ ANDREW JOHNSON. ”
Maine.
Democratic Convention at Bangor—Res
olutions Indorsing President Johnson's
Policy — Congressional nominations —
Th Post-office and Revenue Appoint
merits.
Bangor, Me., Thursday, Aug. 23.
The mass meeting of Democrats and
others of Eastern and Middle Maine in
favor of the principles of the Philadel
phia Convention which assembled here
to-day, was numerously attended Hon.
R. D. Rice, of Augusta, presided, Fer
nando Wood, who was advertised to
speak, did not appear. The princi
pal speakers were Judge Rice, Sen
ator Doolittle, and Gov. Parsons, ot
Alabama. They spoke earnestly in
favor of the conciliatory and peace poli
cy of President Johnson, and in support
of tlic platform and address adopted at
Philadelphia. The speakers were freely
applauded.
The following resolutions were adopt
ed :
Resolved, That the parmount issue,
and the issue that absorbs all others at
the present time is the immediate ad
mission of all the States to the exercise
of all their rights under the Consitution,
especially of their ri dit of representa
tion in Congress.
Resolved, That the action of Ihe late
Philadelphia Convention, in its resolu
tions and address to the people, having
in view solely the attainment of this
great object, demands and should re
ceive the united and cordiitl Support of
all patriotic meu, without reference to
past party association and views.
Resolved, That in our coming election
we will vote for no man for office who
does not openly and avowedly indorse
and support President Johnson’s policy
of restoration and the resolutions and
address of the Philadelphia Convention.
About three thousand people were
present. The meeting was harmonious
and enthusiastic. A large meeting was
held in the evening.
The coalition have nominated G. M.
Weston for Congress in this district.
It is understood that the Bangor Post
Office is to he given to Gen. C. K. Mil
ler, and the Colleetorship of Internal
Revenue to Gen. ,T. H. Butler of Hamp
den. The present incumbents arc to
bp removed fur their opposition in
President John on’s policy.
On Thursday afternoon a negro was
brought inlo town who had just been
murdered by another negro, some six
miles below here, on the Atlanta road.
From what can be ascertained, the
murdered negro had six dollars and a
half, the night before. This was known
by the murderer, and lie selected the
first opportunity to kill him and possess
himself of the money. The unfortunate
negro was shot through the abdomen.
The murderer is still at large. —A tlanta
Bra.
Negro Disturbance in South Caro
lina. —A white man and a negro got
into a fight, recently in Greenville,
South Carolina. The negro struck the
white man with a stick, and the white
man stabbed him. Thereupon the ne
groes mustered in large numbers and;
threatened to burn the town, and did
succeed in burning several stables and
barns in the vicinity. Peace was event
ually restored .by the evident determin
ation of the white people to put down
lawlessness by force, if necessary, and
by the active exertions of some of the
more intelligent and respectable freed
inea,
Cotton.
The Richmond Times, one of the
ablest papers on our exchange list, has
some thoughts on this subject—thrown
out, in a very light manner, however—
well worthy of sincere reflection in the
cotton region. It is beginning to think
that cotton is a nuisance and ought to
he abated. It lias brought us info a
world of trouble, the end of which we
have not seen. If we had not been a
cotton producing people we should
probably have been permitted to have
seceded peaceably, and no one would
have thought us' worth fighting for.
But, unfortunately for us, we could not ,
like that animal pursued by the hunters
for the rare perfume which it carried
with it, cast off cotton and thus save
ourselves. If we could have gotten
riu of cot top with slavery, we should
have removed that, powerful incentive
which now actuates the hordes of Fede
ral plunderers, who seem to regard the
South as a golden goose to be killed for
her eggs. Without cotton wc should
uot have had Union Generals liberating
slaves with one hand and stealing the
products of their labor with the other.
Nor would we now have a Radical con
spiracy striving through tariffs and all
kinds of plunder schemes to oppress
| Southern whites just in proportion as
! they hypocritically profess to benefit the
Southern blacks.
The disposition recently manifested
by Congress, and not yet abandoned, to
impose the heaviest burdens of taxation
on an impoverished section, should be
gin to open the eyes of our people as to
the means by which to meet this extor
tionate spirit. There are some advan
tages in being poor, and if some future
tax upon cotton shall diminish its pro
duction, though we shall be a poorer
people, yet we shall to a much greater
extent than now he exempt from spoli
ation and persecution. Tbere are two
very good reasons why cotton should
continually decrease in cultivation;
first, the worthlessness of free negroes
in the cotton-growing States as reliable
laborers; secondly, the disposition to
tax cotton to death, which the Con
gress, which has just adjourned, exhib
ited. Let us try very light cotton crops
for a year or two. We are confident it
will have a most wholesome influence in
national politics. We have enough
provocation for the experiment. Wc
have very urgent need for breadstuff's,
and we hold that it is more necessary to
feed a man than clothe him. Wheat
and corn are bringing very remunera
tive-prices, and as we are nearer to the
sea than the grain-growing States of the
North, we can afford better to raise
them for exportation. If our Northern
neighbors want cotton, let them come
down South and enter into partnership
with the Freedmen’s Bureau in its cul
tivation. By this means we shall re
ceive their labor and capital, and when
they get here they will discard “human
ity” and “philanthropy” and make Cuf
l'ee work like he never did before.—
Vick:burg Herald.
Special dispatches to the New York Times.
Washington, Thursday, Aug. 28.
FULL RESTORATION OF HABEAS CORPUS.
A general impression prevails that
the President will issue a proclamation
revoking Mr. Lincoln’s proclamation of
Sept. 15, 1863, which suspended the
writ of hab as corpus in certain specified
cases. It is generally supposed that the
writ continues to be suspended until
revoked by such proclamation. These
opinions are erroneous. The Peace
Proclamation, issued on the 20tli inst.,
declared that the rebellion was at an
end, and that peace and civil authority
now exist through the United States.
This, by the t erms of the act of March
3, 1863, and by the terms of Mr. Lin
coln’s proclamation, above cited, re
stores the writ of habeas carpus in the
United States, except as to certain
cases in which by act of Congress cer
tain persons, contractors, &c., are liable
to be tried by military tribunals; and
it is questionable if the writ is not like
wise suspended in this class of cases, as
the constitutionality of the act authori
zing the t rial of these civilians by mili
tary courts has been doubted, and#e
mains to be deci&sMp the United States
Supreme CqxulJj
CONVERSION SEVEN-THIRTY
jtt-tes. v
The Seven-thirty Treasury No'tes,
dated Aug, 15, 1864, are convertible in
to six per cent, five-twenty yefu/ bonds
under the act of March 3, ljpo. The
interest on the bonds
May 1, 1866, to the date J
thirty to --nine the
coupons due Aug. 15,
detached sufficient currency /rm!sU.ac-
company the notes to pay the accrued
interest on the bonds, otherwise suclL
accrued interest will be deducted from
the principal of tlitj notes. All notes
payable to order must be indorsed by
the payer in blank, or to the order of
the party transmitting them for conver
sions who must indorse such notes over
the signature as follows: “Pay the Sec
retary of the Treasury for redemption.”
All notes indorsed by administrators,
executors or assignees, or per attorney,
must be accompanied by certificates of
the power of the indorsers. About five
million of the notes have been conver
ted within the past month.
APPOINTMENTS.
The following appointments were
made to-day by the President: Frank
lin Carter, Postmaster at Lima, N. Y.,
in place of Ira Godfrey, removed;
James H. Anderson, Collector of Eighth
District, Ohio; S. G. Hicks, Assessor
of Eleventh District, Illinois; Asa Faulk
ner, Collector Third District Tennes
see ; Plenty E. Massey, Collector of
Fourteenth District, of Ohio; Thomas
11. Benton, Assessor of Sixth Dis
trict, Iowa; Daniel H. Winfield,
Collector Fourth District New Jer
sey ; Jas. H. Butler, Collector Fourth
District, Maine; George S. Cooper, As
sessor Fourth District, Michigan ; Gen.
Cyrus O. Loomis, Assessor Second
District, Michigan ; J. Crockett Sayers,
Assessor Sixth District, Kentucky;
Tlios. A. Staples, Collector of Customs,
Machias, Me.; Isaac D. Jones, Post
master, Fairfield, lowa ; Martin L. Nor
ton, Postmaster, Grass Valley, Cal.;
Chas. Case, Postmaster, Waukegan, 111.; ,
Martin Boyd, Postmaster, Springfield, |
Mo.; Capt. Schofield, Assessor Eighth
District, Ohio; C. K. Miller, Post
master, Bangor Me.
Lawlessness in Blount County,
Ala. —The Ely ton (Ala.) Herald lias
been furnished with the following par
ticulars of a serious disturbance which
occurred recently in Blount count}’, Ala.
Blount county lias within its limits
quite a number of men of the Jack Ham
ilton stripe, who recognize neither law i
or order:
The Sheriff had summoned a posse of
three men—Jo. Jeems, Green Jones
and John Murphy, the latter nothing
but a lad in age—to go to a certain
neighborhood and get a mule that, had
been fraudulently taken there sometime
since. The posse obeyed the summons,
went to the place where the mule was
supposed to be, found it there and re
turned it to the sheriff'. They did not
accomplish it, however, without a hard
fight, for a band of fifteen men, threat
ened to rescue the mule, and return it to
the man from whom the posse had just,
taken it; a tight ensued in which three
of the men who were resisting the law
were mortally wounded, while the posse
escaped unharmed. During the fight
the Shf iifs men got out of ammunition,
anil th. ’rst man named above charged
through the fifteen, went to a house,
provided himself with requisite ammu
nition, returned and by dint of hard
fighting the determined posse drove
their opponents from the field. We un
derstand that this same band forced the
Tax Assessor to disgorge the taxes he
had collected from some of them on pis
tols, etc., and that they have drawn a
“deadline” over which the Sheriff is
not allowed to go, except at the peril of
his life. W e give the facts as they were
told to us, and do not doubt their au
thenticity.
In response to the proposition under
discussion among the people of Ten
nessee, to call a Convention of the State,
to make the government of the State
represent the popular will, the brute
Brownlow, in the last number of his
Whig; declares that if the Convention.,
should be attempted, he will call out the
“loyal militia” and put it down or die
in the attempt. There is little danger
of his placing his beastliness in danger.
He would observe a respectful distance
from the probable scene of action.
From> the Philadelphia Sunday Mercury,* l
* Sl* Tear* Aye. .
ago the stars ami strlnes
-i.oY^ 0 proud and freo':
without an army on the land,-
Or navy on tho sea, v
* Constitution was ouf* truirto,
tI? “S?* "P° n the ;
Life, liberty and justii-o then,
Were iree to ono and all.
Six years ago our State was free
From negro equality’s alarms :
And in the place of national debts, •*
We cherished national charms,
lhen tho Union blessings came to us.
In place ol “ Union duns,” ’
And Congress sent out garden seed
In place of guarding guns.
Six years ago wo had no use
For “Plovort guards and clowns,”
With lag brass eagles on their caps,
Parading through our 'owns.
A police sergeant with his sepia,l
Os hall a dozen men,
Was quite enough by day or night.
To quell a riot then.
Six years ago the press was freo,
And men could speak their mind,
Nor had the “habeas corpus writ”
Been kicked clear out behind.
We had no saucy negroes then
To crowd our Senate Halls ;
Nor did we ever read about
Amalgamation balls.
Six years ago a wench would wed,
With “Pomp” or “Sambo” freely,
But now she wants a “Stevens,”
A “Sumner” or a “Greeley :”
Far o’er the spirit of their dream
Has swept a mighty wave ;
The negro is the master now,
The white man is the slave.
Six years ago tho sunny South
Had not been made a waste ;
Nor had the flag of Liberty
Been'torn in angry haste, «
But Union, peace and harmony -Jr
Found refuge in our land ;
And tho warm fond ties of fellowship
United us as a band.
Six years ago a note on bank
Was just as good as gold ;
Nor did wo have to put a stamp
On everything we sold.
But now ’tis stamps on all we get,
Or give, or sell, or buy ;
They tax us now becauso wo live,
And stamp us when we die.
Six years ago the Democrats
Were masters in the House,
And every person, North and South.
Was quiet as a mou.-
But now the Abolition Ciew
Have undertook the job ;
The negro is their “hobby hone,"
Their object is to rob.
The Philadelphia Convention nail
Secretary Stanton—Wen. (irnnt ami
the Kadicals.
Washington, Aug. 19.—1 tis a nota
ble fact that the delegations from nearly
all the States to the Philadelphia Con
vention, in one form or another, have
used their influence to effect the remo
val of Mr. Stanton from the War De
partment. Some of the delegates wait
ed upon the President in a body to urge
the matter ; others deputed their chair
man or committees of three and five to
speak lor them. The desire among
those supporting the President seems
universal that one more heartily and
unquestionably in sympathy with the
policy of the Administration than is
Mr. Stanton, should be put at the head
of the War Department. It thus be
comes notorious that he does not pos
sess the confidence of the administra
tion party. Indeed, it is openly charged
on the streets and in the hotels that lie
is simply a spy on the Cabinet for the
Radicals.
That the President is disposed to de
fer to the general desire of his sup
porters for a change in this department,
seems probable from the intimation that
the mission to Spain is to he tendered
to him. Mr. Stanton’s position is one
that appeals loudly for sympathy. In
the present, state of feeling in the coun
try lie has reason to fear personal *Tn
sult, if not violence, should he come out
from his official position as plain Edwin
M. Stanton. Moreover, he would
doubtless be at once involved in au end
less labyrinth of litigation because of
bis possibly necessary though neverthe
less harsh and severe measures towards
individuals in the loyal States during
the war. This consideration has un
questionably, been very influential in
inducing the President to retain him in
the Cabinet until some official vacaucy
abroad should occur or could be made.
Probably the first intimation the public
will receive of any actual change in this
office will be coupled with the announce
ment of Mr. Stanton’s sailing for Eu
rope. The presence of General Grant
and his chief of staff at the interview
between the President and the Commit
tee of the Philadelphia Convention, is
by no means lost sight of. It has been
a prominent topic of conversation to
day, and is accepted by all parties as in
dicative of the distinguished G neralls
sympathy with the Plii lade I nli va
rment. The Radical uuliesit^S
jtlirew him overboard, as t ■WH
available to them. This class!'
of Grant as a conservative isfortifieefoy'
the announcement that, he as
Admiral Farragut, will accompany the
President on his trip to Chicago. In
view of this loss to them of their promi
candidate, the Radicals have again pick
ed up Gen. Thomas, and are crowding
ing him into prominence for the Presi
dency.—Cor. iY. Y. Herald.
Tlie Monroe Doctrine—Letter from
Secretary Seward.
New York, Aug. 22.—A letter from
Secretary Seward to Gen. Kilpatrick,
Minister to Chili, is published, setting
forth the policy of the United States
concerning war in adjoining republics.
He says we maintain that the republican
system which is accepted in any one of
those States shall not be wantonly
assailed, and that it shall not be sub
verted as an end of a lawful war by Eu
ropean powers.
In wars waged between nations in
friendship with ourselves, if they are
not pushed (take the French war in
Mexico) to the political point mentioned,
we do not intervene. Spain assured us
that she would not carry her war with
Chili to that point, and we are ready
now and henceforth to hold Spain to
this agreement, if found necessary.
Mr. Seward at some length shows
that this policy is one of strict neutrali
ty for friends—one which has governed
the United States from the time of
Washington.
iven-
L the
Been
il.ac-
The Tax on Cotton Yarns.— Messrs.
Cleghorn and Herring, of this city, re
cently addressed a letter to Commis
sioner E. A. Rolliu, Esq., of the Tax
Bureau, making inquiry in reference to
the tax on cotton yarns, spun prior to
July 13th, and also on manufactured
goods made from cotton yarns. The
following is the reply :
Office of Internal Revenue, <
Washington, Aug. 10, 1866. )
Gentlemen: Your letter of August
7th, in relation to Cotton Yarns and
Cloths has been received :
In answer, I have to say, that Cotton
Yarn on which the tax had not accrued
prior to July 13, 1866, is exempt from
tax, though manufactured prior to that
date.
Under the general provisions of Sec.
04 of the new law, manufacturers arc al
lowed to deduct from the value of Cloths
which they make, the cost of taxed
Yarn used in its production. Satisfac
tory evidence, however, must be pre
sented to the Assessor, that such Yarn
has actually paid tax or duty, for, by
the new law, domestic Yarn for ,wtav
ing, Ac., is exempt from tax.
Very respectfully,
Thomas Harland,
Deputy Commissioner.
Correspondence Memphis Argus.]
Grenada, Miss., Aug. 21, 1866.
Editors Argus: A difficulty occured
six or eight miles from this 'jMj
Saturday afternoon, resulting in -'■H
death of Mr. Thomas J. Robinson,
tire bands of bis brother-in-law, Mr.
Ed. P. Williams. Family troubles are
assigned a» the cause. Mr. Williams
came to town and surrendered himself
to the civil authorities, and was placed
under $5,000 bonds for his appearance
to answer.
It is becoming a common thing for
negroes, when out at night, to find
themselves seized by their new friends
(?), the soldiers of the Bureau, and
robbed of what money they had about
them. Several cases' of that kind oc
curred last night. These soldiers make
a habit of coming to town iu squads,
armed to the teeth, and, though they
have not attempted any insolence to
wards the whites of late, they think it
one of their peculiar privileges to abuse
the colored people. Fine “protectors”
indeed!
The Commissary General of Prison
ers has issued an order that claims
against the fund under charge of his*
office (moneys recovered from the rebe
authorities, taken from the United
States soldiers while held as prisoners
of war,) will he received until Oct. 1
1866. Claims made after this date will
n<st be considered.