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Tlie Coqnctie.,
•■you’re clever nt lira nr ins, t own,”
Sold my beautiful cousin, .Tflsette,
As wo not by tho window alone,
“Hut, say, can you paint a coquette I”
“She**painted already,” quoth Is
“Nay, nay,” said the laughing Lisotle,
“Now, nono of your jolting'—but try
Alul paint mo a thorough coquette.
“Well, cousin,” at once J began
lu the car of the eager Ldsettc,
“I’ll paint you, as well as I can,
That wonderful thing, a coquette.
“She wears a most beautiful face,
(Os counsel said the pretty Lisctte,)
And isn'Hle/lcicnt in grace,
Or oisc she were not a coquette.
“And then, she is daintily made,
(A smile from thodainty Eisette,)
By peoplo expert in the trade,
Os forming a proper coquette.
“She’s the winningest ways with tlie beaux,
(Keep oni said the winning bisette,)
But there isn’t a man of them knows
The mind of tho hcklo coquette !
“Sho knows how to weep and to sigh,
(A sigh from the tender Idsette,)
But iter weeping is all in my eye—
Not that of tho cunning coquette.
“In short, she’s a creature of art,
(O, lot-h ! said Iho frowning Lisottc,)
With merely the ghost of a heart—
-though lor a thorough coquette.
“And yet T could easily prove,
(Now, don’t! said the angry Liscttc,)
The lady is always in love—
In love with herself—tho coquette.
“There—do not bo angry—you know,
illy dear little cousin Lisctte,
You told me a moment ago, „
To p i ini yen'. —a thorough coquette.”
IIS r .“A-Or, NT JOJINSON <»N itur.
Kiita’iurv of mu qnfctnrfc.
We take the following from the Pres
ident's gve it speech at Pelmo/tico’s, in
Now York:
\ V ell t <fe ui.l em f 1 nwit at is said now..?
After the Philadelphia (Convention has
met and pronounced on the condition of
the country, tv hut is now said? Why?
tliat 'these men who met in the ©on
vent mu were insincere; that their pro
fossions were worth nothing and we
were.not to be believed. Gentlemen,
wltat better evidence can 3-01.1 have of
loyally t han these men give? Who has
fought this rebellion with more consist
ency and determination tbau 1 have ?
Who lias sacrificed or sufferred more
for the country? But because my sac
rifices and sufferings have hecu great,
as ah incident growing out of a great
civil war, should T therefore become in
sensible to truth and principle ?
We are told that those, notwithstand
ing their professions of loyally and de
votion to the Union, are not to be be
lieved. But 1 ask you, what better ev
idence you can have of loyalty and de
votionthan profession and action? Who
desires in-this day of political and re
ligious freedom to get up an inquisition,
mid go into the human bosom to search
for motives and opinions. How many
men have lived under this .government,
all ttlong from its origin up to the pres
ent time, ivhohave .Injur I lj r obeyed the
laws, and paid the faxes, and aided the
government, in every whiy way required
of thom, yet who-, perhaps would much t
have preferred to have had -it greatly
modified in form or even to live under a
monarchy? The best evidence that can
be shown of loyalty is .loyal actions, and
when these gentlemen met in Convention
from the North stud South, come for
ward and profess devotion to the Union
and the Constitution, and when their
act ions and professions correspond, who j
ahull doubt them-?'
Have -we reached that, point that all
confidence is lost in men ? If we have,
i tell you that vour Government is not
”1 •■•ong as ;■ tope of ;• and, it has no
weight and ‘will tumble to pieces.
The siuhedvo power of the Govern
ment is iu the confidence which the
people.put in each other.
These men who sat in convention sat
in a city, the professions of whoso peo
ple in times gone by,. were, that they
were a peace loving and a war hating
people. Those men sat at the conven
tion in the interest of peace, and their
professions are doubted. These people
say to them, “we won’t believe you,”
and therefore they present a statu of
practical dissolution: of the Union.
Asa Southern man, though Ido not,
speak hvr ho rn.rut.as a Southern nmnj
(because i first, saw’ tho light of heaven
hi a Southern tv,ate.) thank God, J
feci trial J etilertryn opinions CO-exten
slvc with ttll the States, and with the
people of them all. VV Idle lam a South
ern mail 1 atu a .Northern man also, be
cause I am a citizen of the United
States, and am willing toconcede to
other citizens equal rights with what
I claim for myself.
But I was going to call your attention
to a point: The. Southern. States or
tln-ir leaders proposed a separation.
Now what jv is. "the reason they did
so? The lime had come.to con-:
nuT. our reason mini not mere im
polse. What was the reason or one
of the reasons that the-South gave:
lor desiring separation ? They said
that they feared that the .constitution of j
the United Btat-escould not be enforced, j
and that their rights could not be se- :
cured in the Union. That was the rea- :
son they gave. They said the constitu
tion (’an not be enforced in the Union, j
and therefore we will separate from the |
Union, and will form anew govern- ;
meat for ourselves, and we will take
the constitution of our country and en
force it there. That was separation ;
it was against the Union, and I was al
ways opposed to anything that was op
posed to the Union. T took my position
iu the Somite of the United States, and
assumed then, as I have since, that this
Union was perpetual; that it was a
great magic circle that could never be
broken. But the reason the South gave
was that the constitution could not be
enforced under the existing combina
tion of States, and therefore, that, it
might be enforced, they wanted separa
tion. Tbej 7 attempted to separate, but
they failed ; but while the question was
pending they established for themselves
a form of government, and what kind
of a form was it ? What kind of a con
stitution did they adopt? Was it not
the same old constitution, with some
few variations, the constitution of the j
United States. You know 7 that it was, j
aud that they desired to live under that !
constitution and enforce its provisions j
under a separate government of their I
own. We said no ; you shall remain i
with us, and the constitution of the !
United Stales shall he preserved and
enforced: We fought on until the re-I
hellion was suppressed, and when the ;
armies of the rebellion w ere overcome, j
they accepted tlm terms the government 1
granted them. The government said to j
them, disband your armies and return j
to your original position wi twe Union,
anil -we will receive j 7 ou with open J
arms.
The lime came when their armies
were overcome and disbanded. That
was under the lead of my distinguished
friend on my right. 'Well, they accept
ed the terms of the government, and
what did t hey say ? They said we want
to return. Some of them said we have
been mistaken, and others said, we se
lected the arbiter and the arbiter of our
selection Inis decided against us, and as
1:-nun-able men we accept the decision.
Hut they all say, we want to return.
How will their Qtler be accepted ? Do
we wain a Union again ? ( have said
before, and I now repeat it, I do not
want them back into the Union de
graded and debased. They would not
he lit to form a part of this great Amer
ican family. 1 want, them to come back
with all their manhood.
* * * * Hr -Jf
The Union is essential to us. The
North cannot, get along without the
South,nor the South without the North.
But men say, do you want to be govern
ed and controlled by rebels? I answer,
no. We want to let loyal men in, and
a.me but loyal m u; and l ask here to
tgin, upon what reasonable ground
rests the fear that men coming in Con
gress from tiie South would control the
country to its destruction. Take the
entire delegation titty-eight repre
sentatives—compared with two hun
dred mu! eighty-two. You fear that
fifty eight men will control all the rest.
Mmi say that they will repudiate our
public debt. Now, place these lifty
■ -tht men in the most powerful posi
tion that you possibly can, and you
nave one immured and fifty or one hun
wndming ma
y enough to
serious hartal.
Are we a great people? Are we all
cowards? Did they control you before
the rebellion commenced, and will thev
have any more power now than thev
llatl before? J
l am no prophet, but X predicted-somo
things at the beginning of this rebel- *
lion that have literally come to pass. I
told the Southern people, years' ago, j
that whenever they would attempt to
dissolve the Union, the institution of
slavery w 7 us gone. You, sir, [turning
to Mr. Seward,] know that I made
that argument to Jefferson _Davis. |
You were in the Senate,- and you will
bear witness to the position l then oc
pied. I told them then that the insti- i
tution of slavery liad little or n6 pro- j
teclion outside of the Union. They J
thought differently; they put up the j
stake,you all know how great that stake't
was—and they lost it completely. The
Constitution still exists and the Union
is still preserved—and they did not suc
ceed in escaping from it—and the insti
tution of slavery is destroyed. •
Since its destruction the Southern
States have come up magnanimously
and acknowledged the fact, and have
gone into their State Conventions and
ratified its abolition.
There is another thing. You have
about three thousand millions of dollars
in bonds. How are you going to pre-
serve the credit of them. Will you tell
mehow the security, how the value,
how the ultimate payment of the inter
est and principal of these bonds is to !
be secured? Is it by continuing this
government disrupted, as it is? By
crippling our energies and dividing us ’
up into a half dozen petty States?
Let me tell j 7 ou, and mark wliat I tell
you, that there is no way by which
these bonds can be ultimately paid, In
terest and principal, than by the con
solidation of our nationality—the per
petuity 7 and completeness of the union
of the. States. Pardon me when T say
I understand this question, and I tell
you that you play a false part uow, and
[yiac into the hands of your enemies
n. -your country when j'ou , aid those
who would keep the Government die
rupted.
Let us unite all Jhe p&tferns of the
j country together, and you .will have
more capitalthan you
evinced a goof! will Tlie ■billows he*
gin to heave, and I tell those persons
that are croaking and seeking imlivid
”ual aggrandizement, or the perpetuity
of a party 7 , that they htW better stand
out of the way; the country fs coming
together again, and they cannot pre
vent it. ,
For, myself, lam content to be guid
ed by the example of the Saviour of
mankind. If 1 have pardoned many,
it lias been because I thought, it was.
.for the best interests of the country,
having found them repentant, and anx
ious to he pardoned.
From the I.Onrlon Times, Aug. li.
Tlie Scenes of Congress—A
Brilisii View.
The closing scenes of the Thirty
ninth Congress of the United States
were hot. out of keeping with its pro
ceedings during the session. The ad
journment was to take place on Satur
day, the 28th of July. Throughout the
night of Friday the House sat disputing
over scores of bills left to the last mo
ment, and towards daybreak it solaced
itself for its labors by introducing into
a measure for conferring certain boun
ties upon soldiers, a clause increasing
their own salaries from three thousand
to Ji.ve thousand dollars a year. Mem
bers agreed with a unanimity never be
fore attained this session, to vote them
selves a 1 minis of two thousand dollars
each for their services to their country 7
in leaving every important question
more unsettled titan it was last Decem
ber. The trade of Legislator, if not the
inos! honored, is likely to be the most
profitable of till pursuit! open to
the unemployed classes of America.
A thousand pounds a year and-a good
mileage fee, the liberty of franking-tifly
quantity 7 of letters and papers through
the post, and “perquisites,’', which are
bounded only 7 by a man’s disposition to
make use of his opportunities, are re
wards of public life which we do not en
j joy in our less favoured country 7 . The
I prospect, or the extra money 7 corning iu
i at the end—for of course this division oi
I profits was all sell led in a caucus beloie
b.aud —-scarcely sufficed to hold the
House together for eight and t-wenty
j hours. Another wild proposal to lent]
j the revolutionary party 7 in Mexico fifty
! millions of dollars, fell to the ground,
and both Houses adjourned, as the re-
I ports inform us.
That most have been a very affecting
1 moment., but. by this time members
1 Imto doubtless recovered" ff-om The
shock to their emotions, and they may
be inclined to ask tbemselv* s what> sin
j gle purpose worthy of the trust confi-
I tied to them they contrived to accom
plish. When they met last December,
i they bad before them the greatest issues
! which ever were at stake, and tlie
j most splendid opportunity 7 for reconcil
ing differences that, after deluging the
■ country with blood for four years, were
j still practically unsettled. There was
i not a man in either Chamber who rose
to the full height of the position. From
first to last the whole business of the
country was placed in the hands of less'
than a dozen persons, whose hatred of
the conquered and prostrate South was
not, perhaps, unnatural, but was pro
foundly antagonistic to the general wel
fare of the country. If a member here
and there protested against this closet
legislation, -the jeers of liis friends or
the remonstrances of his constituents
soon caused him-to waver and fall back
into the compact ranks of the dominant
party. There is scarcely one measure
of public business important to the na-v
lion which has not been trifled with or
altogether neglected. The finances of
tlie country have never received the
smallest, attention. Questions of trade
| and commerce have been left in the
j hands of the most rabid of New Eng
| land protectionists. The currency, the
taxation, the position ot the Govern
j raent in reference to its loans and other
liabilities—these and other subjects of
j similar consequence have been passed
! over almost unnoticed. The Southern
States are exactly as they were eight
months ago, with the exception of Ten
nessee, which has crept into the Capi
tol in a manner that cannot be gratify
ing to the pride of her citizens. Much
might have been done for the West,
with its incalculable riches, hut all its
best interests were expressly legislated
against by Mr. Morrill and his friends.
Protection lias been made more firmly
than ever the corner-stone of American
commerce, and five-sixths of the coun
try 7 have been deliberately sacrificed
by and on behalf of the other sixth. It
has been one of the most extravagant
and improvident Congresses ever
known—an idle, unpractical, and frivo
lous one, sacrificing everything to old
prejudices. Its debates have been sin
gularly poor and weak, and a desperate
struggle for party power, terminating
with indifferent success, is all that the
historian will find to piece on--record iu
Us history.
Prussia —A Change. —The World
says that on the 18th of June, 1866,
Prussia was a state of some twenty mil
lions of people, inhabiting a territory
curiously divided and broken up, so as
to expose its very heart to attack. But
this is now to be changed. Prussia, by
the obliteration of the divisional lines
which heretofore broke up Northern
Germany, becomes a consolidated and
homogeneous monarchy, embracing
nearly thirty millions of inhabitants,
stretching across Central Europe from
the Rhine to the Oder, holding the keys
of the Baltic on both sides of the Danish
peninsula. Her complete military’-or
ganization, which lias enabled her,
while keeping her treasury in a better
condition than that of any oilier power
in Europe, to put on foot suddenly an
army second to none in the world in
point of efficiency, and to but two in the
world in point of number, will at once
lie extended not only over the whole of
the territories which she is about to ab
sorb, but also over all the lesser States
i>i which she is about to assume the do
mestic supervision and the diplomatic
control. Jn short, from being the most
open open to attack of the great powers
n | Europe, Prussia, by the peace of
Prague, is on the point of being made
one ot the most securely aggressive of
nationalities. And this change in her
attitude is to take place under tlie in
spiration and authority of a great minis
ter, who, three months ago, was the
most unpopular man not only in Prus
sia but in Germany, and who now stands
armed with the glory of Gitschin, andof
Koniggrats, and ready to extend
throughout Germany the same haughty
and defiant, policy by which he lias al- ;
ready mastered the destinies, without
winning the affections or the confidence,
of the Prussian people.
The steamer Montana struck a snag
at Bassett’s Creek, Bigee river, on Sun
day last, about 100 miles above Mobile,
and sunk in seven feet water. Passen
gers, and most of the freight saved'.
< Mr. Seward'ii Speech. - j'
Iu resppnse. to repeated loud ealls, \
Mr. Seward epoke as follows:
When they were leaving Washington
he was warned that the President.might
be assassinated.in Baltimore. [Shame,
shame. J .On a former occasion, he, (AJr*
8.) lmd sent his son, but now like a true
New Yorker, he had come himself.
Well, they found friends and not ene
mies in Baltimore. [Cheers.] When
they left Baltimore they came-on to
Philadelphia,-which was the only city
which had withheld its hospitalities
front the President. She had no May 7 -
or, no nothing, no police, -and every ,
man was himself a lord ; so .he skid,
“Blessed is the city tliat can dispense
with a government.” [Laughter and
applause. 1 It rhounded him of those 1
lines of Milton—
Now let us sing, long lire the King,
And G-ilpin, Umj£ live he;
And when ho next doth ride a'ra.ee,
Alay I be thereto see.—
He would parody it thus:
Ijoiuf live my friend-AlcMichail,
And the President, lons five he;
A nd when we meit to ride Strain,
May he be there to see. -
P treat Applause ]
They came to New" York, anti here
they were, uot admonished to lie-on their
guard against anybody, except those 1
who would scorn them Tor the love of ,
j liberty and of the Union. [Cheers.]
| The President saw.that alt were lriciuls,
however-. j
"We come to you here with this gos
pel Os peace. iLeognize your friends and
forgive yotar enemies. They tell us this j
1 won’t,do. They tell us it is altogether
too much. Stick to your friends, but :
never forgive your- enemies. Well,
hut these enemies of oQrs are our broth- |
| reu, and they 7 have been subjugated :
; they been subjected, aud they are
1 penitent, and they desire restoration.
The answer is still: Do not. folgive
your enemies, but keep them down.
Well, gentlemen, I recollect the Scrip
ture commandment, which is, that “If
i ye love j 7 our brethren only what do ye
! more thaii the Pharisee,” and, remem
bering that, I have come to the conclu
; aion tliat when these republican mem
j hers of the United States, under the
i constitution of the United States, do the
i works of loyalty 7, aud take all the obli
| gatioiis which we arc willing to take
| upon ourselves, admitting tliepi back to
; the Union is consistent with Christiani
i ty and the constitution, and my im
j pression is that they who oppose both
' the constitution of the United States
1 sard Christianity, will find it a hard road
Ito travel. [Laughter, j Such hard
I roads are unnecessary, especially when
| they 7 don’t lead anywhere. [Cheers.]
I -Now, let me tell you, once for all, I
! am in favor of ail the wars [cheers and
j laughter] tliat the nation shall require,
; But I want tlie nation to put itself into
! the attitude of marching into the field
with two legs ; I don’t want to start
| with one leg. And so I am impatient
! to have Union, because I am not, confi-
J dent that we shall conquer all the na
I lions with one lame leg. They are talk-
I ing about guarantees. They say in
1 about two years they will all accept the
: terms, and then they will come into tlie
; Union. Well, the time has come for
, the President, I think, and for us who
1 are associatedwith him, to ask gitaran
j tees of the other side. What guarantees
' have we that if Tennessee shall humble
i herself in the dirt, and North Carolina
i aud* South Carolina, and eat the leek,
j and give up .forty representations, to he
| given back yvhen they allow the negroes
| to vote, what guarantees have they that
[ they will admit them then? I don’t
! see any.
I Mr. Seward then mentioned throe
I things required to admit the Southern
j Suites into tlie ' Union, which he said
were, abolition of slavery, abolition of
the rebel- debt by their own organic law,
j and the abolition of secession, now,
: henceforth and forever. [Cheers.] If
all would accept, these terms the Union
would be Vestnve l. [Prolonged* np-
I plausc’.]
Tlie PiijtAi Cguestiitsi.
Paris [Aug. 14] ( orresponcljm-e JjoadonTimes.
The Temps Attributes on line aurlfoii
ty of' private information front Rome, a
plan of conduct to the Pope, which has,
at all events, the merit of originality 7.
After announcing his intention to the
Catholic world ill a solemn encyclical,
his Holiness is to address a letter to'the
Emperor Napoleon, proposing to deliv
er over to him as Grand Yiea.vtheßtat.es
of the Church composing the provinces
which Italy annexed pursuant tSj his
• teewefc, and -svhvcli annexation the
French Government, originally disa
vowed. The motives of the Holy Fath
er for taking that step are the dangers
menacing the temporal power and his
unwillingness, in spite of its weakness,
to abandon the ‘patrimony of St. Peter’
to the revolution.
And as it cannot defend by itself the
possessions secured to it by the two
founders of the Carlovingiau dynasty,
the papacy has no alternative ~but to
leave them in the hands of the succcs
of Pepin—of the Catholic Prince par
excellence —namely his Most Christian
Majesty the Sovereign of France. The
original giver would thus resume uutil
better days come, the guardianship of
those possessions, and as the Pope is
spiritual Vicar of Christ, so the Empe
peror Napoleon would become the tem
poral vicar of the Pope.
The Temps does not vouch for the
correctness of this news; but it say r s:—
It must be admitted that, the subtlety of
the Court of Rome lias more than once
produced results quite as unexpected.
We doubt, however, whether it would
definitely adopt a scheme which would
have no other object than to make riie
French Government responsible to Ca
tholicity for the events which may
hereafter happen, not without detri
ment to tlie Holy See.
* * * If to these characteristics of
[lie Italian nation we add very large
material resources and the productive
ness, of a rich soil, not as yet taxed to
near its power, we shall have collected
the promise of a powerful kingdom,
such as may fairly .expect to wield an
European influence and to constitute
one of the great Continental Powers.
There can be no doubt that the soil
of Italy ift capable of vast improvement
by 7 the application to it of modern agri
cultural science. The farming is in
large parts of the country very had ;
the noblemen take no interest in their
estates. They seldom go to see them,
and hardly even looked into the rolls
which tell them what estate they 7 have.
The system of underletting deprives
the proprietor of interest in Iris proper
ty, and subjects the estates themselves
to a fixed routine, which never alters
and never expands. But a now regime
will give improvement a fair chance ;
and with increased resources, a fine
army, an enthusiastic population And a
cool headed and able government, we
may expect Italy ultimately to rise to
her proper place among tlie Powers o*
Europe.
The Returning Tide of Specie.—
The annexed paragraph, from a late
number of the New York Herald , pos
sesses interest for a large class of read
ers :
The financial items by the Atlantic ca
ble which we publish to-day are of the
highest importance. FirsU it appears,
that even in Paris, there has sprung up
a surprising rush for American liver
twenties and seven-thirties ; and next,
that the steamer Scotia, which left
Liverpool yesterday, is bringing over a
shipment of £IIO,OOO in British gold,
or over tJt'iOO.OOO, to this country. We
had supposed that the late araival of a
similar shipment was a sporadic case,
anexpemrieuu' venture, merely as a
speculation. But iioc.i this second
shipmen aitci this simultaneous demand
for our Government securities in Paris,
we may fairly infer that larger causes
are at work on the other side than mere
exceptional ventures by daring specula
tors. We can hardly avoid the conclu
sion that fears of a general European
war will exist, even in Paris, notwith
standing the peace between Austria,
Prussia, and Italy, and Napoleon's
repeated -assurances that the empire is
at peace ; and that accordingly, hold
ers of money on the-continent are turn
ing to the United States, as the safest
country for the security of their invest
ments. If this is the true view of the
case, then Mr. Secretary McCulloch
may look forward hopefully to an early
appreciation of his greenbacks to the
gold standard ; and we may also pre
pare for the possible contingency of a
general European convulsion, financial
and political.
The widow of the late Stephen A.
Douglas, formerly a Miss ’Cutts," and j
now remarried to Major Williams, an
officer of the Federal army, will be
present at the dedication of the monu- '
ment Jo be erected in Chicago to the 1
memory of her first consort. 1
Tlie Downfall of Stanton.
The New York World, commenting
upon the brute who controls the War
Department, and who a year ago dis
tinguished himself l>y buying up Avit
nt**ses ifi oiqfer to hang a woman, says j
that Sejanus now feels the rope arouml l
his neck, and it will not be long before l
his hapless bod} 7 will be dragged swift- I
l} 7 and f.ciirvily' through all the kennels j
ot Rome by the eager hounds aud amid 1
the exultant shouts, of the very fiioh
which so lately hailed him as the very j
incarnation of the “Spirit of the Lord.” !
The New York Tribune thus hastens |
to slip the noose over the wretched .|
creature's head :
“There was a time When Mr. Stanton
could have retired without descending
from his proud position*; We regret the
I fadj hut that- time .has passed. The j
: Secretary 7 has stooped,- atxl cringed, and :
.paltered, ami truckled, till be may how j
ite-kicked out, wit-h perfect safety to the ;
kicker And yet. there is a lower depth
of debasement which even he may wise- j
iy-'avoid ; and that will be sounded if
lie now accepts a second-elass -mission
bvstowed on him in scornful pity for
bis downfall. We have nothing to say
as-to t her-propriety of offering it; but
our respect for tlie memory ot what Mr.
Stanton has been impels the hope that
i lie will spurn the proffer' and stand
forth a freed man.”
As he tumbles headlong under the
! vigorous hauling of Greeley, the Inde
pendent rushes swiftly upon him with
uplifted foot :
: “He does not love Mr. Johnson, or
his policy 7. The secret of his conduct
is this : he was brutal during the war,
as he is- time-serving now, and be is
afraid to leave the company of the
i President. 80 long as be stands with
Mr. Johnson lie is sure of protection
against copperheads who hate him. Can*
1 Congress, or the radicals outside of it,
protect him ? I suppose- not. Mr.
f btanton perceives the fact, aiiiPmeaMs
j to save himself from persecution, if he
.can —caring more tor the immediate
■ present than for the future.”
j Another Speech.— President Johu-
S son thus spoke to a serenading crowd,
in NeAv York ou the 25fth:
There was now a great groundswell
coming, that would teach traitors in the
North that the .Union of the. States must
be preserved. He.lmd begun in 18G1 to
oppose any encroachment upon that
Union; and had continued to fight
such attempts at the Southern portion
of the circle. Now there were those
wlip made attacks upon (he magic cir
cle, bad passed around to the other ex
tremity 7; should he name them? [‘Yes
and hang them too.’] They 7 had nam
ed him and denounced him hi the legis
lative department of the government as
a traitor, when he, as the executive of
the nation, was determined to do his
duty under the constitution. They
were the traitors, having extended their
arms to the archives of State, and tram
pled the'eonstitution of their fathers un
der foot, When these things were told
to them by himselfon tbe anniversary
of tlie birthday; of the fatlior of our coum
try, why i*. was “undignified” and
“unbecoming” though as right for them
to charge him with being a traitor and
with' having abandoned the party that
erected him. He challenged to-day the
whole Congress in the Aggregate, with
the exception of those who stand by the
constitution, to come forward and put
their finger on the 'slightest variation or
departure in his course from the resolu
tions passed at Baltimore, upon which
hu/was elected.
Hejitul refused to obey t-lieui who had
abandoned those principles and refuse and
to give his saiiciion to what is called the
Freedmen’s Bureau bill; which propos
ed to tax the people nearly fifty mil
lions to.support what they assumed to
he freed men. What is that hill? Those
of Us Avho contended for emancipation,'
uot only for the black, but for the white
man,'and a good deal pf that kind was
needed when they looked at this bill.
What was it? Nothing more or leSs
than the transferring of four millions of
slaves from their original masters to a
neiv set of task masters, with the United
States to pay all the expenses, and the
task-masters" under government reap
all the profit.
A Nice Question Raised —Senator
Trumbull, who is now perambulating
Illinois, to procure a re-election,, is re
ported to haA'c said t here
* ‘sßut j r ou cannot cast these
eleven States out of the Union ! An
drew Johnson was not elected by 7 these
eleven States, which had no voice in
the couueils of the nation; but we
thought his election a valid election.
If y 7 ou cannnot legislate when eleven
States were out of the Union, then his
ejection was not valid, and Andrew
Johnson is not to-day the President of
the United States. ”
While Senator Trumbull seems to
scout the idea that eleven States can be
cast out of the Union, this paragraph
and others of his late speeches, as well
as those of other Radical leaders, con
tain vague threats that look to getting
rid of President Johnson in some man
ner. Those ivho have closely watched
Radicalism need no argument to con
vince ' them that the Congressional
majority would not hesitate to employ
even tlie means hinted at, if by 7 so do
ing Mr. Johnson can be hurled from
his seat. During the war Ul2 dominant
party in the North regarded the Consti
tution as binding when it suited their
purposes, but not otherwise. The
Radicals have to re-enact the role.
But this raises another nice little
question in which tlie Northern and
Southern Conservatives feel an interest.
It the Radicals are forced to attempt to
prove Andrew 7 Johnson an unconstitu
tion President because eleven of the
States failed to participate in his elec
tion, wriiat becomes of Congress ?
Memphis Argue.
| Hollywood Memoriae Association,
Richmond, Virginia. —We are much
gratified to learn that an executive com
mittee has been appointed by the lady
members, to arrange preliminaries for a
■ grand bazaar, to be held in Richmond,
Ya., in February next, for the benefit
of the above association. The organ
ization is. as follows: Mrs. Lewis N.
Webb, President; Mrs. Lewis D. Cren
shaw, Mrs. James Lyons, Mrs. Dr.
| Haxall, and Mrs. Robert W, Ould, Vice
Presidents ; Mrs. C. Jenuett, Treasurer;
; Mrs. William Brown, Secretary; and
! the members of the Committee are Mrs.
; Dr. C. G. Barney, Mrs. L. D. Cren
shaw, Mrs. Jefferson Archer, Mrs. Lucy
Walker, Mrs. Benjamin Smith, Mrs.
Thus. W. Doswell, Mrs. Dr. Higgin
! botham, Mrs. T. Breckenbrougli, Airs.
Chas. McGruder, Mrs. James B. Mc-
I Murdo, Miss Isabella Webb, Miss Liz
zie Nicholas', Airs. R. W. Ould, AHs.
: James Lyons, Airs. Dr. Haxall, Airs.
Win. N. Bell, Airs. Alfred Harris, Airs.
Johu Purcell, Airs. W. Al. Elliott, Airs.
' Thomas Ellis, Airs. Win. Jenkins, Aliss
R. Meyers, Aliss Mary Shcrrnrd, Aliss
! Jennie Ritchie.
; 'l'be ladies of Richmond manifest a
great zeal and unanimity of purpose,
j which augurs .well for the success of the
1 enterprise, and they earnestly invite
1 the co-op'eration of all persons in all
: parts, of the' South who may be able to
i assist by tliei.' contributions or influence,
! in realizing a Aum worthy of the sacred
cause to which these noble ladies have
devoted their bc-Ct energies.— New Or
leans Times.
The Meeting in -/he Mayor’s Par
i eor. —This meeting, which has been
i described in sensation telegrams to the
North as part of the rebc and conspiracy to
I “break up a legally con stituted State
j-. Convention and murder Union citi
| zens,’’ consisted of about , c orty of the
most respectable merchants New
i Orleans, of all shades of fornK ’f politi
cal opinion. So far from coni ’octing
and arranging for an attack on the 'Con
vention, the almost unanimous con elu
sion arrived at by that meeting w. ' 8 i
i that it should pursue its course unim
! lested without even so much as an ap
peal to the courts in the premises, for it
was hoped that the new members to be
elected under the Governor’s proclama
tion, and those of the old members who
were known to be loyal to the Presi
dent and the Constitution would ope
rate as a sufficient check on the Radical
element in that body. It was not be
i lieved by the majority of those present
that the Governor would sanction the
revolutionary measure said to have been
proposed by Henderson, of “manufac
turing a quorum should one fail to as
semble,” though two of the minority
feared that if the old rump of the Con
vention began to legislate at all they
would rush into the wildest excesses
without waiting for the return of new
members.— N. 0. Times.
Major-Gen. Marmadube, of Missouri,
was in Montgomery on Friday,
WE ARE COaiKS!
BY BRICK POMEROY.»
Respectfully dedicated to New 7 Eug
tand fimatics and their endorsers in the
spirit of New 7 England Christianity 7.
AVe are coming, toots of tyrants!
From prairie anil from glen,
To bring back a happy Union
Or die like lighting men?
\Xe lire coming from the wheat fields
Os the broad and generous West,
To drive New England Union haters
To regions of the— blest. .
We are coming, not tor vengeance,
But to battle for the Right,
And to teach jrmifantin’g hypocrites
That we dare you to the fight!
W« are coming tor our banner,
From which you siole oleven.sUrs!
And we’ll have it, by tho Eternal!
. Or wo’H have still othsr wars.
And we want theCoxstitctiox
As it was in days of yore.
And every State in the Union
Represented on the floor.
Winie men lo govern white men , Jan
As in the days of Washingtos,
Or you’ll find tho years of bloodshed
Have hardly yet begun.
AVe are coming, people robbers,
’• Enough to form a nation
Oi mon for equal taxes
Or a general Repudiation!
And if our wants you heed not,
Wo’ll march once more to the sea,
And send New England traitors
To the home where they ought to be. _
LaCrosse, Wisconsin, ISOS.
NATIONAL RESTORATION.
INTERESTING AND IMPORTANT LETTER
FROM HENRY AVARJ) BEECHER. j
Tlie True Basis «ntl Wetliotl of Na
tional I'royress.
Letter </ Invitation fratn *he Special
GUfrimittse of the SoUiers' <ad Sailors'
Coiva ilion, to be held at Vlcielancl,
Ohio , Sept. 17. ,
New Wednesday Aug T oy
To lien y WaiyL.Beocher:
Dear ami Ra ere mi Sir:
signed bet, I -fi'j.p..
ecutive Committee of the
Convention of Soldiers and raauors J
who honorably served duri”K f lle late ;
war for the Union, as a.ej&ciai commit- 1
tee to AYait upon you, and 'request your |
consent to serve as Chaplain ot the Con- i
ventiun, which will be held at. Cleve ;
iaml. i.lfiioj 011 the 17th of next month.
Youj, lias been s,elected by the.
Ex.:* ative Committee limn sincere ad
adinium of your character, and as ihe
euiy tribute wythia their powej. to pay
i'u a. knoivledgement of your noble de
votion tp the cause of the Union, aud
yotir earnest ana .nuceasin^; efforts in
behalf of our «-id»er« and saiMrs during
the w r ar. L
The Executiye'-xtoml»illee also find
in your course since the termination oi’
the struggle substantial 'harmony 7 w’ith
the views to rvnich they desire to give
effect in the Convention—yoar elo~
quence and the just wei=sit ot your
name bejug employed to enforce upon
1. the country a generous and mag'nani
-1 rnous policy 7 toward the people of the
lately rebellious*"States,, and a prompt
reconstruction of the Unity, under the
i Constitution a? the be£t means of re
gaining the national tranquility which
the country 7 so much needs, and re-ad
justing the 1 ights*>f all sections, under
the new 7 order of things, on a basis of
law, order, Christian brotherhood and
justice.
In the cull for the Convention, which
the undersigned hare the honor to
transmit lierewitlfj"Voirwill see fully 7 set
forth the motives which actuate the
military and naval defenders of tlie
Union in their present unusual course
of taking part, in a political movement;
and it is our Uipe, as we have ahvays
looked to yoiMn the darkest days of the
way for inspitaUdir; aid aud the cheer
ing sympathy of a noble heart—tliat
you will consent to invoke the Divine
Blessing ripen the Convention of the
Soldiers and Sailors of the United
States who served during the late re
bellion and w 7 Jio approve the restoration
poljey of President Johnson and the
principles announced by the recent Na
tional Convention of, Philadelphia—the
first Convention since 1360 in which all
the States of our beloved Union were
represented.
Hoping an early 7 and favorable reply,
we have the honor to be, w ith very pro
found respect for your character, and
sincere gratitude for your powerful and
generous efforts jp of the milita
ry the country
.luring the||P^AvSt7^
Youi o'friend ; ffft.l servants,
Ciias. G. Halpine,
Brevet Brig. Gen., Chairman.
H. W. Slocum, Maj. Gen.
Gordon Granger,
Major General.
Committee.
| REV. HENRY WARD REECHER’S REPLY.
Peekskill, Thursday, Aug. 30,1860.
Onus, G. Halpine, Brevet Brigadier Gen
eral ; 11. Slocum, Major General;
Gordon Gr %gcr, Major General, Com
mit ee :
Gentlemen : I am obliged to you
for the invitation which you have made
to me to act as Chaplain to the Conven
tion of Sailors and Soldiers about to
convene at Cleveland. I cannot at
tend it, but I heartily Wish it and all
other conventions, of what party soever,
success, whose object is the restoration
of all the States late in rebellion to their
Federal relations.
Our theory of Government has no
place for a State in the Union. It is
! justly taken for granted that the duties
and responsibilities of a State in Federal
relations tend to its political health, and
!to that of the whole nation. Even Ter
] ritories are hastily brought in,' often be
-1 fore the prescribed conditions are ful
| filled, as if it were dangerous to leave a
| community outside of the great body
| politic.
Had the loyal Senators and Represen
j tatives of Tennessee been admitted at
| once on the f»*emb!ing of Congress,
! and, in moderate succeession, Arkan
| sas, Georgia, Alabama, North Carolina
| and Virginia, the public mind of the
South would have been far more healthy
| than it is, and those States which lin
; gered on probation to the last would
I have been under a more salutary in
fluence to good conduct than if a dozen
armies watched over them.
Every month that we delay this
healthful step complicates the case.
The excluded population, enough un
settled before, grow more irritable ; the
army becomes indispensable to local
governments, and supersedes it; the
Government at Washington is called to
interfere in one and afioiher difficulty,
and this will be done inaptly, and some
times with great injustice—for our Gov
ernment, wisely adapted to its own
proper functions, is utterly devoid of
those habits, and unequipped with the
instruments w-*TTi; fit a centralized gov
ernment to exercise authority in remote
States over loca. affairs. Every attempt
to perform such duties has resulted in
mistakes which have excited the nation.
But whatever imprudence there may he
: in the method, the real criticism should
be against the requisition of such duties
j of the General Government.
The Federal Government is unfit to
| exercise minor police and local govern
'■ ment, and will Inevitably blunder when
jit attempts it. To keep a half score of
! States under Federal authority, but
j without national ties and responsibili
ties; to oblige the central authority to
govern half the territory of the Union
by Federal civil officers and by the
army, is a policy not only uncongenial
j to our ideas and principles, butpre-emi-
I nently dangerous to the spirit of our
| Government. However humane the
I ends sought and the motives, it is, in
fact, a course of instruction, preparing
our Government to be despotic, and
familiarizing the people to a stretch of
authority which can never he other than
dangerous to liberty.
I am aware that good men are with
held from advocating the prompt and
successive admission of the exiled States
by the fear, chiefly, of its effect upon
parties and upon freedmen.
It is said that if admitted to Congress,
t jj e Southern Senators and Represent
y,ij] coalesce with Northern
Dem oerats and rule the country. Is
this nation, then, to remain dismember
ed to sc ' rve t * se ent * s °f parties ? Have we
learned uo wisdom hy the history of the
last ten y eß rs, m which this course of
sacraficing ' , the n; \ tion . t 0 G>e exigencies
of parties p Itmged U 8 mto rebellion and
Even admit tl,e l lowcr would pass in
to the hands c'l !l , P ar ‘Y made up of
Southern men, . » and hitherto dishon
ored and misle d Democracy of the
North, that powe ? c ™ ld DOt x. be !? sed
just as they please a nd; war has chan
ged, not alone ins stations, but ideas.
The whole counti 7 k* s .advanced.
Public sentiment is e waited far beyond
what it has been at a. former peiod.
A acvr party would, like a river, be
obliged to seek its channels in the al
ready existing slopes and forms of the
continent.'
We have entered anew era of liberty.
The stylo of thought is freer and more
noble. The young men of our times
are regenerated. Tlve great army has
Iteen a school, and hundreds of. thou
sands of men are gone home to preach
a truer and nobler view of human rights.
AJI the .industrial interests of society
are moving with increased wisdom
toward intelligence rand liberty. Ev
erywhere, in churches, in literature, in
natural sciences, in physical industries,
in social questions, as well as in politics,
the nation Ibels that the Winter is over,
and anew Spring iutjigs hi the horizon
ahd works through all the elements,
In this happily changed and advanced
condition of things no patty of the ret
roghde can maintain itself. Everything
jparclies and parties must march.
I hear with wonder and shame and
scorn the fear of a few that the South
once morq in adjustment with the Fed
eral Government will rule this nation !
The North is rich—never so rich ; the
South is poor—never before so poor.
The population of the North is nearly
doule that of the South. The industry
of the North, in diversity, in forward,
ness and productiveness, in all the ma
chinery and education required for
manufacturing, -is half a century in
advance of the South. Churches in
the North crown every bill, and schools
swarm in every neighborhood ; while
the South has but scattered lights, at
long distances, like light-houses twink
ling along the edge of a continent, of
darkness. In the presence of such a
contrast, how mean and craven is the
fear that the South will rule the policy
of the land ! That it will have an influ
ence, that it will contribute, in time,
>i *t important influences or restraints,
to believe. But if it rises
control of
y'< because the Nona
prosperity, and li.-iOMed
interests, refuses to ois-
I ciiarge its share of political duty. In
| such a case the South not only will
I control the Government, but it ought to
I do it. .
A It is feared, with more reason, that 1
the restoration of the-South t-o her full
indepedehee will be detrimental to tire
freedmen. The sooner that we dismiss j
from our minds the idea that, the freed- |
men can be classified and separated [
from the white population, and nursed |
and defended by themselves, the better:
it will be for them and us. The negro 1
is part and parcel of Southern society.
He cannot be prosperous while it is un
prospered. Its evils will redound upon
him. Its happiness and reinvigofafion
cannot be kept from his participation.
The restoration ot the South to amica
ble relations with the Nortli, the reogaiv
zation of its industry, the reinspiration of
its enterprise and thrift will-all redound
to the freed men’s benefit. Nothing is
so dangerous to the freedmen as an un
settled state of society iti the South.
On hiuv comes all the spite and auger
and caprice and revenge. He will be
made the scapegoat of lawless and heart
less men. Unless we turn the govern
ment into a vast military machine there
cannot be armies enough to protect the
freedmen while Southern society re
mains insurrectionary. If Southern so
ciety is calmed, settled, and occupied,
and soothed, with new hopes and
prosperous industries, no armies will
be needed. Riots will subside, lawless
hangers-on will be driven off or better
governed, and a way will be gradually
opened up to the freedman, through ed
ucation and industry, to full citizenship,
with ail its honors and duties.
Civilization is a growth. None can
escape that, forty years in ihe wildciv
ness who travel from the Egpyt of igno
rance to the promised land of civiliza
tion. Tlfe freedmen must take their
march. I have full faith in the results.
If they have the stamina to undergo the
hardships which every uncivilized peo
ple has undergone in their upward pro
gress, tin;}' will, in duo time take their
place among us. That place cannot be
bought,, nor bequeathed, nor gained by
sleight of band. It will come to sobri
ety, virtue, industry and frugality. As
the nation cannot be sound until the
South is prosperous, so on the other ex
treme, a healthy condition of civil so
ciety in the South is indispensable to
the welfare of the freedmen.
Refusing to admit Toyal Senators and
Representatives from the South to Con
gress -w ill not help* the freedmen. It
will not secure for them the vote. It will
r.ot protect them. It will not secure any
amendment of our constitution, howev
er just and wise. It will only increase
the dangers and complicate tlie difficul
ties. Whether we regard tho Avhoie
natioD, or any class in it, the first de
mand ofqur time is entire reunion !
Once united, we cap, by schools,
churches, a free press and increasing
free speech, attack each evil and secure
every good.
Meanwhile, the great chasm which
rebellion made is not filled up. It grows
deep and stretches Avider ! Out of it
rise dread spectres and threatening
sounds. Let that gulf be closed, and
bury in it Slavery, sectional animosity
and all strifes and hatreds !
It is fit that the brave men, who, on
sea and land, faced death to the save
the nation, should now, by their voice
and vote, consummate what their swords
rendered possible.
For the sake of the freedman, for the
sake of the South and its millions of our
fellow countrymen, for our own sake,
and for the great cause of freedom and
civilation, I urge the immediate reunion
of all the parts which rebellion and war
have shattered.
I am truly yours,
HENRY WARD BEECHER.
Belle Boyd —Her Appearance ns
“ Pauline.”
A correspondent of the Mobile Adver
tiser, in a letter dated Liverpool, July
21, writes as follows :
I had the pleasure last night of wit
nessing Miss Belle Boyd’s rendition of
the character of Pauline in the Lady of
Lyons. The announcement that the
“Confederate heroine” would appear
for one night only, and as an especial
favor to Mr. Cowper, (a _talented young
actor of the Koyal Amphitheatre,)
whose benefit came off last night, filled
the spacious building to its utmost ca
pacity. By “going early,” 1 managed
to obtain a seat where a tolerable view
of the stage could be had, and a portion
that every word uttered by the actors
could he distinctly heard. The play
itself is one that I never greatly admired,
and do not at present remember of hav
ing been particularly pleased at any
representation of it that it had been my
fortune to witness, but if the fine points
in the character which Miss Boyd un
dertook last night were ever brought
out, she did it. In the scene where
Melnotte (Mr. Cowper) unmasks him
self, as it were, ami reveals his true
condition in life to tier, she “brought
the house down” in thunders of ap
plause. At tiie conclusion of the piece
she was called for vociferously, and ap
peared in answer to the long continued
summons, accompanied by the gentle
man in whose favor she had consented
to play. Mr. Cowper, in her name,
thanked the audience for their kindness
toward a novice; and remarked for
himself, that he hoped that so good a
beginning would he followed up by the
fair debutante, and prophesied a reputa
tion, equal to that of auy of the bright
galaxy of stars that have from time to
time graced the English stage. One
would think that a woman who has
faced shot and shell —who has endured
hardships almost incredible in the ser
vice of her co’antry—who has led by
the nose some astute Federal officers,
one would imagine that such a woman,
brave and noble in thought and action,
would be the last to exhibit timidity
before a favorably inclined audience.
But this fault—for fault, it. would be
styled—was the only faint drawback
that could be perceived in the general
excellence of Miss Boyd’s acting; And
this same timidity (or it may have been
nervousness) only, added, in the eyes
of many, to the charm that seemed to
lie in her every word and gesture ; but
of course early newspaper paragraphical
critics will not so note jt. No announce
ment has been made as to whether Miss
Boyd is to adopt the stage as a profes
sion, but, it is thought by many that she
may be induced to turn her unquestion
able historic talent to pecuniary advan
tage. Another feature of the evening
that was prominent, and one that must
have been grateful to the reelings of the
brave-hearted girl, was the loud ap
plause from the unusually large number
of Americans assembled to witness her
appearance.
Senator PanoD!) in Maine.
The Hon. Lewis E. Parsons was one
of the speakers at a conservative mass
meeting held in Bangor, Maine, bn the
2;ld ult. nis remarks arc -reported as
follows by the Boston Post:
Mr. President and Fellow-Citi
zens: Need I say* to, you on this occa
sion With what heartfelt gratification I
am permitted lu re to hail you, the fel
low-citizens of the United States artel of
the Stateoi Maine... It is now a little
more than six years since I first-as well
as last had the honor to address the eit-'j
izens of. this extreure-Stato of the Uni- j
ted States. Then as well as now I came j
to address the people of the State in lie- |
half of the Union. Then the mutter-'
ings of the storm which lias swept over i
us were beginning to be heard. I at
tempted then to warn you, as those who
were there present (and some are pres- '
enthere) that the storm was gathering
down ou the gulf in the midst of the i
prosperity which then surrounded us. J
But it was in vain that I endeavored to
lift up my voice in warning. A species |
of political blindness Seemed to possess '
the minds of the people, not only in
the city of Portland, where I then met
the people in public, but all over the i
land. The people seemed to think it
impossible that such madness as an at
tempt at civil Avar could possibly suc
ceed in the then happy United States of
America. And truly, my friends, it did
seem impossible; it did seem as if such
madness, such folly, could not be arous
ed. But God, who permits nations as
Avell as individuals to work out their
OAvn punishment by giving a loose reign
to their own evil passions, iu Iljs Avis
dom permitted us to take to ourselves
the bitter cup of civil Avar, and to im
brue our hands in the blood of our breth
ren. And for four long years we met
them under the glorious old flag of our
fathers, not as in days past, but in the
heated contest of arm*. And the fierce,
hot blood of the people of the South was
fired by the false representations of the
sincere purpose or tuose who mislead
them..
Fclloay citizens, I appear before you j
to-day not, as I understand it \y;is rep
resented of me last night, asa meimrv*-;
of the rebel Congress; I regret that the i
distinguished gentle in an was so mista-!
taken. No, gentlemen, I come among j
you almost as a stranger—lmt not a ;
stranger, altogether, thank God, but ns !
one who feels to day that he lias a right 1
to stand up in the State ot Maine, and j
speak to you [applause]; and I trust
that that fight, never may cease, to Amer
icans Korth or South, East or West.'
But I regret, 1 repeat, that the distin
guished gentleman should have, been so
misinformed. I never held -office un
der the Confederate Government in
i any form, and never sought for any.
j The gentleman Avas -worse mistaken
! in other things Avhich lie announced
on that '[occasion. Governor Parsons 1
; here entered upon a course of remarks
! upon the present status of the people of
j the South, their feelings and their pur-
I poses, stating that what he should say
i of his own personal knoAvledge he
| should liold himself responsible for to
i.hold good, and when speaking ou the
information of others lie should speak
what he believed to be true, and that
upon which lie shaped liis own conduct. ;
It was claimed during these remarks that
during the war, a large portion j
of the South continued firmly of the
opinion that the States had no right to j
secede from the Union, and that the i
result of an attempt to secede would be
the destruction of those Stales making
the effort; and that, further, this large
portion of the people of those States
tor the most part continued firmly in
that opinion throughput the Avar, and |
Avhatever participation llierc was iu it
was irresistible nnd in no way affected
their regard for the Union ; and also
that while, during the war, the armies
were arrayed against each other, this
portion of the people had to suffer in
common Avitli those with Avliotn they
were surrounded, and still were not dis
posed to complain of the people of the
North jn their attempt to maintain the
authority of the Government. But
.Avlien the clash of arms had ceased,
these: men then expected that each ill- j
dividual would stand and answer for j
himself before the tribunals of the law j
for the part which he had taken; that
those who had taken part in the rebel- !
lion would have to answer for their
part, and that those aa the other hop A !
who hail opposed all that, and used j
every effort in their power to resist and I
prevent it, would have to answer l’ov j
their part too: The speaker described
tlic bringing about of tlie contest ot
arms as a matter by no means antici
pated among the great mass of the
| Southern people at the time when the
ideas of secession were being urged be
fore them. Davis liad said that, there
Avould be no fighting, and so had the
,orators who spoke on that side. The
means taken in different States to carry
the ordinance of secession were advert
ed to. It had been said ‘by some
that if the South was allowed to send
their representatives to Congress these
States would send tlie_.sume rebels. The
speaker considered, however, that the
people of the Southern States possessed,
in common svitli other people, a whole
some amount of selfishness : and that
it would hardly be reasonable to sup
pose that the South would send the men
I back to discharge their duties in Con
gress who had worked the ruin of the
people. And yet, said the speaker, it
seemed to suit certain politicians to say
this. In Mississippi not one of the men
chosen as representatives was one of
those-who voted for secession. In Ala
bama it was. the same. The speaker
closed with a forcible appeal never
; to forget, whatever might be the result
of the responsibilities resting upon the
people throughout the land, the fraternal
relations which each and every one
owed.
Greeley Sane on One Subject—
Some AdvuMs to Young Men.—ln the
course of a*ong article on the recent
Labor Congress, Greely utters the fol
lowing, in which there is little that may
be safely disputed :
“The Congress evinced more wisdom
than is usual in Congresses in its em
phatic depreciation of strikes; hi urg
ing co-operation as the true remedy for
many evils now affecting labor ; iu re
commending the formation of Mechan
ic’s* Institutes and-Reading Rooms, and
in advising workingmen who find work
scarce or remuneration scanty to hie to
the public kinds and become settlers
thereon. Os course, the indolent and
shifties& will plead that they have not
tlie means, though three-fourths of all
the farms in our country were first set
tled by men as needy as they are. 80,
far, this Congress is bravely right. But
it should have gone a step further, and
urged our young, unmarried working
men to practice greater frugality and
thrift, so as to be able to settle outlie
public lands (or elsewhere) whenever
they choose. At present, our young
mechanics squander iu dissipation sums
that will keep them poor all their after
lives. Any single man with a good
trade ought to save at least SSOO by the
time he is twenty-five years of age
r (which is as early as it is wise to mar
ry ;) and with SSOO so saved and in
vested iu United States securities, he
never need talk ot “the alarming en
croachments of capital on the l ights n(
the industrial classes,’ or any bosh ol
that,sort tor the rest ol'his life. It is
not, capital—it is the grog-shop, tlie
beer-saloon, the billiard-room, tlie cigar
[ store, the gambling-den, tlie sink of pol
lution, whence encroachment on “the
rights of the industrial classes’is most
to be apprehended, and tiiat needs to be
crushed, if the laboring class in gen
eral, but especially the young men,
could be kept out of these dens of ini
quity and induced to save their earn
ings, they might very soon be indepen
dent of capital and able, by co opera
tion, to employ and direct their own
labor; dealing directly Avitli each oilier
and paving little or nr tribute to any
■ capital fjnt their own. And* until they
can be made tn s*iv this truth, avi* fear
that they will hold congresses to little
purpose; yet we trust they will con
tinue to hold them, and that each may
prove as- Avise aud reasonable as that
held last week.
The Emperor Napoleon’s fete day on
the loth of August Avas very brilliant,
but marred by one sad accident. After
i the fireworks a crash occurred at the
Place de la Concorde, in which nine
' persons were killed and fifty injured.
The day was, as usual, marked by a
| large number of pardons andcommuta
i turns of the sentences of military and
1 other offenders, and also by lionofs con
i ferred. 1
The Lowell Mills.
The great corporations of Lowell are
11 iu number, with an active total capi
tal of $14,000,000, or oft an average,
more than $1,100,000 each. The num
ber of spindles employed is 408,708;
and the looms 11*858, manufacturing
1,002,500 yards of all kinds of goods
Aveekly. The consumption requisite to
keep these Avorks in. motion, amounts
to 004,000_lbs. of cotton, and 100,000 61*
cleaned avool m the six working days.
The number of the operatives is no less
than 12,615, consisting of 8,218 woolen
aud 4,397 men. Not only has the effi
ciency of the Works been carefully
guarded, but every precaution has been
taken to shield them from lire and to
protect the safety of the operatives at
work, The buildings are of solid brick
with slate roofs, amlso arranged that all
the devices known to modern invention
can be brought to bear to extinguish
conflagration. Moreover, acting upon
the modern idea, that-places of daily in
dustry should, if possible, be made at
tractive to the eye, as Avell as agreeable
to the general physical well being, the
grounds surrounding the mills have
been handsomely laid out iu parterres
and Avalks, Avitli grass plots and orna
mental trees, beds of floAvers and plan
tations of grape vines.
Conspicuous among the factories', is
the Appleton Works, producing the j
celebrated sheetings and shirtings |
quoted under their title, of dimensions
from 14 to 20. The Company have |
three large mills with a capital of S7OO,- j
000 engaged.
The Boot is another celebrated Com
pany, running no less than five mills,
with a capital of $1,200,000,, and pro
ducing 14 sheetings and shirtings, as
well as from 80 to 40 print cloths.
Tlie Hamilton Company has five mills
and oue print manufactory, turning out
delaines, flannels, prints, tickings,
sheetings find shtrtinirs from TO t.o r>3,
and employing a capital of $1,200,000.
.The Lawrence Company lias five
mills and a dye house, with a capital of
*¥,500,000, manufacturing some of our
most substantial sheetings, shirtings,
printing cloths, cotton and merino ho
siery, and other articles in that line.
This concern is rapidly winning unb-
A'crsai r.i,
The Lowell Company
ning, one carpet, and one fine worsfeu j
mill, and turns out sheetings, carpets, j
and stiffer goods. Its capital is fully !
$2,000,000 and is well applied, as the ;
reputation of tlie fabrics aUd the posi- I
tiou of the concern amply testify. The 1
Lowell machine shop lias a capital of
$600,000, working 4 shops, a smithy,
and a foundry. This, Corporation man
ufactures locomotives, tools, mill-work,
cotton machinery, etc., and supplies an
immense demand Avitli some of the
finest engineering master-pieces in the
world. The Lowell Bleachcry bleaches
and dyes all descriptions of cotton
goods. * This is a most ably and success
fully conducted establishment, Avitli
$300,000 capital.
The Massachusetts Company has a
capital of, say, SIBO,OOO, running six j
mills and turning out sheetings, shirt
ings, and drillings from 12 to 20 of a
very celebrated and favorite quality.
The Merrimack looms up superior in j
extent and resources among the rest,
with a capital of $2,500,000, running a j
large print works which has become
famous throughout the country, and six
subsidiary mills. It is hardly necessary
to ment ion that its prints are from 30 t o
37, so noted are they in every part of
the United States.
The Middlesex, with a capital of
$750,000, lias four mills and a dye house,
and manufactures broadcloths, doe
skins, cassimeres, and shawls.
The Tremont has two mills only, but
takes a wide field,' producing flannels,
sheetings, shirtings, cassimeres, and
drillings, with a capital of $60,000, and
iu the diversity of its resources, aptly
illustrate the wonderful industrial range
of the busy manufacturing hive at Low
ell .—Meccan tile, Journal.
The Personels of the Presiden
tial Party. —ln the New York Tri
bune we find .them thus described :
The personal appearance of tlie prin
cipal members of the Presidential party
is generally familiar. When they ar
rived in New York yesterday afternoon,
all looked dusty, and, to a certain ex
lent, travel-worn. The President,
dressed throughout in plain black,
smoothly shaven, mote anxious app'a- j
rently than gratified, listened to the ad- I
dress of Mr. Stewart Avitli h%» h«*d-i
thrown somewhat forward, evidently in
deep thought. ITis hair is sprinkled
with gray, but there is the semblance at
least of fire in his eyes-and vigor in his
body. There is persistence in bis face,
obstinacy, perhaps ; a look of that un
mitngable and powerful perseverance
which .grows by resist ance ; some kind
liness ; evidently a man easily managed
by those avlio praise liberally,* but utter
ly intractible when criticised. lie
smiled when the address aVus comple
ted, evidently pleased.
William 11. Seward stood by the side
of the President, apparently unconscious
of what.bad been uttered. Tlie con
trast betAveen the. two men was great.
One large anil dark and fresh ; the oth
er small and pale and Avan ; the one
anxious, the other careless as to what
was passing ; but both evidently pon
deriug, in a different way, the same
subject. Tlie deep, heavy scar, re
ceived at tlie time Johnson Avas made
President, is still plainly visible. The
Secretary stood beside his chief, and
seemed lost to the present, Avitli his
eyes turned iuAvard, rather than upon
outward objects.
Gen. Grant, with his imperturbable
manner, was yesterday precisely as wc
have so often seen him, Avitli one excep
tion. He was not smoking. Dressed
in his usual style, a regulation hat, mi
nus the decorations authorized in Army
Regulations, a military coat, bearingon
the shoulders the insignia of his rank,
and dark pantaloons, there was little in
bis appearance to attract attention.
His beard cut short, lips compressed,
despile the agreeable smile that rippled
over his .almost expressionless face," a
manner utterly and permanently quiet,
a countenance far beyond tlie roach of
agitation, lie looked as if he Avould not
be disturbed. if * the. world crumbled at
Ins feet.
Secretary Welles is tall, and wears a
long gray beard, Avhich harmonizes
Avitli the color of his hair* and adds
somewhat to the peculiar owlishness of,
his. great spectacled eyes. He is a pic
ture of conservatism.
Admiral Farragut is tall, slender, and
looks every inch a man. There is
somewhat Lear-like in his face, anil his
eyes slioav the intrepidity and undaunt
ed courage that made him the licro lie j
He Avore a cap and coat, bearing
the m.ak of his rrtnkHn the navy, and 1
stood among his companions above
them all. Farragut Avould attract at
tention in a croAvded thoroughfare, but
his lace would never .say that he loved
war, though it is one that an enemy \
might fear Avhen anger flushed it or
kindled into a flame the latent fire of,
the eyes which give it an expression so
kindly and so genial.
The Fate of the South Under |
Radical Savay.— -A few of our South
ern cotemporaries who. opposed the rep
resentation of tlie Southern States in
the Philadelphia Convent ion me assail
ing with much bitterness the platform j
of principles adopted by that body. To
show the impolicy of such a course, and
the importance of assisting the North
ern conservatives to overthroAv the
Radicals at the approaching elections,
avc would call (heir attention to the fol
lowing remarks of the London Times:
“II Mr. Sumner and his followers win
the day to such an extent as to place
the next Congress under their control,
the Southern States must prepare to re
main taxed and unrepresented for ten
years to come—for that, be it remem
bered, Avas the distinct plan lakl before
the House last session. They must en
dure all the misfortunes of a paralyzed
trade, the threats of confiscation, and
such treatment generally as only men
could administer who are still smarting
under the sense of bitter party and per
sonal injuries.
A correspondent writes from Fort
Abercrombie, Daeotah Territory, under
tlie impression that lie has found Para-!
disc. He sets forth the charms of that
part of the world as follows:
“No income tax ; no infernal reve
nue ; no spies to see if you treat a friend
on Sunday; no special police; no dog
tax, school tax or bounty fund. And,
to en. 4 Avith, the Indians and half-breeds
can’t tell One greenback from another,
so all our ones are tens.”
* Her Portrait.
1 know a gtrf.Wlth teeth of pearl,
And shoulders white m enow ;
Bho live*—a'h, Wert,
I must not tell—
Wouldn’t yow like to know 1
ller sunny hair Is wondrous lair
And wavy iu its flow ;
Who made it less
Duo lflttle tress,
Wouldn’t you liko to know I
Her eyes, are blue (eolostlal hue!)•
And day.ilinit in their alow ;
On whom t hey boom
Withmeltinggleam—
AVouldn’t ydu like to know?
Her lips are rod, and finely wed,
Elko roses ero they blow
What lovor alps
Tboso doAvy lips —
Wouldn’t you like to know ?
Her Angers are like lilios lair,
When lillies fairest grow ;
Whose hand they press
AVith fond caress—
Wouldn’t you like to know ?
Her foot is small, ami hath a fall
Eike-snow-flakes on tho snow ;
And where she goes
Beneath the rose—
Wouldn’t you like to know?
She has a name, tho swootost name
That language can bestow;
’Twoukl break the spell
If I should tell —
Wouldn’t you ltko to know ?
The Issue of Rations In the South-
Letter from Maj. den. O. O. Howard.
War Department, )
Bureau R. F. & A. L., >
Washington, Aug 27,1860, J
Editor National Intelligencer:
Dear Sir—Sundry comments upon
the late order from this Burern reduc
ing the issue of rations having appeared
in the various journals, some of Avhich
reflect upon the President, I Avould be
glad to have you publish the enclosed,
letter.
Having recommendc.d the course an
nounced in the order above alluded to,
whether wisely or unwisely, I am wil
ling to assume the responsibility attach
ing to it.
Tl cn p o ♦f* 111 y,
O. O. Howard,
Maj. Gen, Comm’r.
The foiloAVing is the letter referred to
in Maj. Gen. Howard’s letter:
War Department, i
Bureau R. F. & A. L., >
Aug. 17, 1860. J
Hon. E. M. Stanton," Seat..< >ts War;
Si ß —ia vieiv of tlie fact that charges
afe constantly made by a large number
of prominent citizens in the South and
elscAvberc, that persons arc fed by
the Bureau in idleness, and in con
sideration ot the statements made, by
the Inspectors, Gens, Steedman and
Fullerton, implying that the people avlio
labor for support are rendered idle by
the promise or hope of rations from the
Government; and further, considering
that the crops are sufficiently matured
already to prevent actual starvation, I
recommend that, on and after the first
of September next, the issue of rations
be stopped, except to the sick in regu-
I larly organized hospitals, and to the or
! phan asylums for refugess and freedr
j men already existing, and t hat the State
! officials, who may be responsible for the
j poor, be carefully notified of this order,
so that they may assume charge of such
i indigent refugees and freedmen as may
not be embraced in the above excep
tions.
Very respectfully, .
Your obd’t servavt, f.
O. O. Howard,
Maj. Gen. Com’r. a
Approved, to take effect Ist October
E. M. Stanton,
Aug. 23, 1866. Sec. of .War.
Official: James Eldkidge, A. A. G.
Correspondence.
Macon, Ga., Aug. C, 1866
To His Excellency, Andrew Johnson :
Sir—The citizens of Macon approv
ing your policy of restoration, and ap
preciating your noble efforts in the
cause of constitutional liberty, beg leave
to tender you a bale of cotton—tlie first
of tlie new crop of 1866—as an humble
testimonial of their gratitude to you, for
your efforts in preserving the equality of
the States, and restoring peace and quiet
to a distracted country. The unfortu
nate war through which we have passed
hasdcstroyed our Avealth, paralyzed our
commerce, and enervated our people ;
yet, we feel assured, that if vom-efforts
fto restore the Union 'shall bcJfrowned
with success, confidence wilU'ie restor
ed, our people will resume, with re
newed energy, their accustomed a\'oca
tions, our fields will yield an Abundant
harvest, and our commerce will whiten
with its sails the waters of our oceans.
Renewing our allegiance to the Con
stitution of our country, and thanking
you again for your stand in defense of
constitutional liberty and the equality
of the States.
We are, with feelings of profound
| respect,
Yours, very truly,
Hardeman & Starks,
•T. B. Ross & Son,
Knott & Hoaves,
Mitchell & Smiths,
, Committee.
EXECUTIVE MANSION, )
Washington, D. C., Aug. 27, I860.)
j , Gentlemen : I have the honor to ac
knowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 6th inst., and the Bale of Cotton,
I “the first of the crop of 1866.” I am
deeply grateful to the citizens of Macon
for the kind and truly encouraging
words they have spoken through you to
me. Please convey to them, also, as
surances of rqy great interest in, and
warmest wishes for, the success of the
! Southern people in the growth of the
J great staple of the South, upon which
soiuiimately depends their commercial
prosperity.
With high esteem,
Your obedient servant,
Andrew Johnson.
To Messrs. Hardeman & Sparks,)
J. B. Ross & Sod, | Com.
Knott Howes,
Mitchell A Smiths,
Revo'i.t at Sing Sing.— A blood}' af
fair occurred at the New York State
prison on the 27th. Thirty convicts at
tempted to escape, and made a desper
ate struggle to attain their object.
One of the guards tints describes tlie
scene: “Tire first intimation I had of
the revolt at the prison, I observed some
twenty or more convicts all in a heap
behind the lime shed, having just come
from the South Foundry ; 1 immediate
ly ran to my heat, got my musket and
revolver, and returned ; when I got
back to my position I saw one oft lie
guard, a man named Griflin, shooting
at the convicts as fast as he could load
and fire. The convicts then ’•tin tovmL
my post; I raised my musket to my
shoulder and warned them to halt, but
they did not mind me. I shot immedi
ately and saw one man fall. The head
ones then stopped for an instant, when
Stafford, brandishing a huge knife,
yelled to them to follow him. As he
came toward me lie yelled, “Kill the son
of a 1) h. Cut his heart out.” I
then drew my revolver and snapped it
at the advancing party four times,Jbut
it would not go off. The convicts were
then within three yards of me, the stones
flying about me like hail. At this iunc
ture 1 was obliged to leave my post and
retreat, which I did, falling back to the
railroad. I then turned again and snap
ped my revolver, but it would not go
off. The convicts were still pursuing.
I retreated rapidly down the railroad
track until I got near a quarry where
some laborers were at work when 1
cried for help. The laborers came from
the quarry armed with their drills when
the convicts were compelled to halt.
Just at this moment Stafford was shot
dead by one of the guards who was hur
rying to my assistance, and then the
combat ended, and all hut one of the
conspirators were retaken. Another
convict was mortally wounded, and
several were shot severely. None of
the guards were seriously hurt.”
At the reception, of .the radical dele
gates at Philadelphia JEx Governor
Hamilton is represented to have spoken
as tollows:
He said he had not time to address
the citizens of Philadelphia as lengthy
as he wished this evepiug, but heartily
indorsed the sentiments expressed by
the gentleman from Pennsylvania,
Prepare your heart and your arms, too,
perhaps, for another conflict. [Cries of
“Wc arc ready !"] You know the wick
ed clement that has produced this feel
ing, -and it is with deep regret that I
make this prediction, after the sad and
gloomy events of the last four years.
But are we to ignore our friends "North
and South f Whatever have been my
prejudices in the past, I am not willing
to ignore the black mas any longer.