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THEWEEKLYSUN.
SUPPLEMENT
TCESBAY nOKNI\(i, iAH. ‘2B.
si mCIi mllty **»
Deiirered in the House of Representative. Janu
ary 9th, 1873.
I purpose to say something to you to
night on the past, a little on the present,
and something on the future. First, of
the past: A great, an astounding event
has happened in. the recent past. You
know that I allude to the result of the
Presidential election—a result which was
not expected by the party that was victo
rious, a result which was not thought of
by tne party that was vanquished. A
majority of between 700,000 and 800,000
votes was not in the mind of any living
person. It becomes, therefore, a serious
question to know how that result was
brought about. We must explore causes
before we can find remedies. The im
portant question, therefore, is what was
the cause of this astounding result. Sev
eral have been assigned. It was said
there was bribery: tnat the ballot-box
was tampered with; that the nomination
of Greeley was unfortunate; that tne
animosity of the North growing out o.
the war, was aroused. As to the first of
these, gentlemen, the bribery of voter
and tampering with the ballot-box, the;,
are not sufficient to produce so great au
effect. It is too general. It spreads a.l
over the North, not merely into the cities;
not merely into the old settled States, but
from Alaine to California. Bribery could
not produce such an effect as that. Tam
pering with the ballot-box could not pro
duce it. Besides, gentlemen, a good
many days have elapsed since the election,
and no authenticated case of bribery or of
stuffing the ballot-box has come to light.
We cannot lay the effect to that cause.
As to the nomination of Greeley, did
that produce it ? No, gentlemen, the
nomination of Greeley could not give
Grant 750,000 majority. The nomination
of Greeley, so far as it could effect this
election, could effect it only by withdraw
ing Democratic voters. 1 will not deny
that Democratic voters were withdrawn to
some extent, but it was to a most limited
extent. When the ticket of O'Connor and
Adams was pat out, we were in the habit
of shrugging our shoulders and saying it
would amount to nothing, and since we
have seen the votes counted we know
that it amounted to nothing, so far as the
general result goes. It is, however, quite
certain, I think, that it had effects—par
tial effects. Without that disaffection in
the Democratic party, we would have had
Alabama to a certainty, Virginia to a cer
tainty, Louisiana to a certainty, and
Florida to a certainty. But suppose we
had got those States, it would not have
affected the general result. The question
is, what made the North go, in this over
whelming way, for Grant. Gentlemen, it
is because the old war feeling was aroused;
Am I right ia this? It wili be said, one
election had passed away since the war—
that between Seymour and Grant—and
there was not the difference between
them in that race that there was in this.
It is so. Gentlemen, you will remember
when that race was run, the .Republican
party at the North was flashed with suc
cess from every quarter, and it felt a sort
of contempt for the opposition. It did
not arouse itself. And, besides, when the
nomination was made, and the election
came on, a number of Southern States had
not been reconstructed, and could not
vote, and this was known to them. Texas
did not vote. Florida did not vote. Mis
sissippi did not vote, and although Geor
gia voted, she voted at a time when they
said at the North the vote should not be
counted, if her vote would effect a result
against them. It was counted, it is true,
when of no importance. So, in that elec
tion, they felt safe. But when this elec
tion came on, they were in a state of
alarm. In the first place, the Cincinnati
Convention had met and had nominated a
ticket, as Liberal Republicans. That
movement was headed by a number of
distinguished leaders, belonging to the
Republican party. And the party itself
did not know how many of the rank and
tile these leaders would carry off. Then,
on top of that, came the Baltimore Con
vention. The Baltimore Convention ac
cepts the invitation made by the Cincin
nati Convention, to all persons to co-ope
rate who agree with them in principle.
The Democratic party at Baltimore ac
cepts this invitation, and also nominates
Greeley and Brown. They are pat into
the field. These two great events, gentle
men, made the Republican party think
that things were beginning to look seri
ous. Greeley, with the Tribune, having
a circulation of 100,000 daily papers and
I do not know how many weekly, going
into the households of the leading Repub
licans of the North; Forney, a distin
guished man in the party, at the head
himself of a great press, fighting openly
the Republican party in Pennsylvania,
and only looking to see the indications of
public opinion, as to where he would go;
Doolittle, Trumbull and various distin
guished leaders, with others in the Senate,
taking up this movement. The Cincin
nati Convention was a very full one.
They saw all this. They began to take
fright. You saw that as soon is the Bal
timore Convention was over, they sallied
forth with their best orators everywhere.
The Cabinet ministers came out to stump
it. There was nothing of that sort in the
old race. It went a.ong quietly. They
carried the election before by three hun
dred thousand and odd. They felt per
fectly safe. But when the Cincinnati
Convention made this nominalion, and
these leaders took tinor independent po l
tion. they did nut know the extent ot the
division. The question vith them was,
“What shall we do to keep our party in
power?" They had, gentlemen, but one
string to pull, and that was the war string.
And they pulled it. i key needed it every
where, and the text on which they
preached was this : “ Here is a second
rebellion; a second rebellion ! Will you
bring this people into power ?” This
aroa.->ed the war feeling. You know that
every where, all over the North, this was
the text on wnich they spoke, and they
spoke it in every county, in every pre
cinct and in every town. They were iis-
tsned to, and these speeches had effect,
and many of those Democrats who had
been willing to vote for Seymour and
Blair, in the previous election, because
there was no danger of a second rebellion.
were wrought upon by these appeals, and
they went in and voted for Grant. This,
gentlemen, in my opinion, is the cause of
that tremendous majority that spread ail
over the North, every w here, in city, town
and country. They even came down here
and made appeals to the colored people,
saying that the success of the ticket would
be the success of the Democratic party,
and if the Democratic party succeeded in
the race, they were to be put back into
slavery. The Cincinnati platform put
forth thi3 as a leading feature—concilia
tion, amnesty, and the removal of disabil
ities, which was accepted by the Demo
cratic party. But they came and said,
“No amnesty v no shaking of hands across
the bloody chasm ! We are not yet ready
to make friends! Put them on proba
tion!" Weil, now, this gentlemen, in my
humble opinion, was the cause of that
great majority for Grant. I do not be
lieve that bribery, or corruption, or what
is called the '‘Straight-Out Movement,
had any appreciable part in producing it.
It only Lad some locsi effect, in several
of the States. I hsvx the kindest feelings
for those gentlemen, the kindest in the
world. But their eonduet did seem to be
very much like that of the Jews, who
allowed Jerusalem to be taken bv the hos
tile army because, they said. Moses' law
forbade them to fight on the Sabbath day
[Cheers and laughter.] Whereas Moses'
law did no such thing. These gentlemen
said that Democratic principles would not
allow them to vote that ticket. But I
think I shall before I am done show this
to be a mistake. The great cause of the
defeat was the arousing, at the North, of
the old war feeling. You cannot other
wise account for the immense majority.
No small cause will do it.
It is said that the action of the Balti
more Convention was a mistake. I say
that it was no mistake. Gentlemen, I in
sist that it was the action of wise men.
I take the position that the action of the
Baltimore Convention, in this particular
case, is in accordance with the usages of
the Democratic party and per *e wise and
proper. First, is it in accordance with
the usages of the Democratic party ? The
Democratic party started in 179 ti, witn
Thomas Jefferson. The administration
of John Adams began in 179(1, with Thom
as Jefferson as the Vice President. Du
ring that administration, in 1798, the
alien and sedition laws were passed.
Soon afterwards the Virginia resolutions
of 1798 were adopted. Un these resolu
tions the Democratic party was formed,
called at that time the Republican party.
At the same time was formed another
party, caiied the Federal party. In louO
Jefferson came into power, and the Re
publican party w ith him. Now, I say that
the principle which they adopted and
acted upon then and ever after, was this,
to receive a:l accessions trorn aii quarters,
whether of persons or property ; ask no
questions, put the parties coming in upon
no probation, requiring no indemnity for
the past, no security lor the future. They
said, “ Come, gentlemen, co-operate.
That is ail we ask. We will meet you.
Be brothers, but you shall not dictate. ”
Now, lets run down the history of the
Democratic party to this time. Jefferson
staid in 8 years. What did he do ? He
got you the Louisiana Territory, as it was
then called, bat now Louisiana, Arkansas
and Missouri, and across to Oregon. He
stretched the constitution a little to do it,
but he did it. The party was catholic and
large and willing to take strength from
any quarter and strength ia any way con
sistent with law, and with the constitu
tion. It accepted the act. Thus we ac
quired an empire with the mouths of the
Mississippi and the Columbia, and nearly
aii the inhabitants, which though not
numerous were of great worth.
He went out and Mr. Madison came in,
and in 1812 we had the war with Great
Britain. The New England States were
violently opposed to the war. The New
England States constituted the strength
of the Federal party. This opposition
was so violent that they called a conven
tion at Hartford, and were ready to se
oede; and, ia fact, passed resolutions
looking to secession, but these resolutions
did not meet with the acquiescence of
the whole party. Avery considerable
number of them abandoned the party,
headed by John Quincy Adams. The war
went on, and ia 1815 terminated very
tnuch to the honor of our country. Mr.
Madison was President. AYhat did he do ?
He appointed John Quincy Adams, the
son of the President who signed the alien
and sedition laws, his first commissioner,
to negotiate the treaty of peace with
Great Britain at Ghent. We had a good
treaty. The commissioners came back.
Madison went out of office and Monroe
was put in. What does he do ? He
makes this very same John Quincy Adams
his first minister—his Secretary of State.
That was a strange cabinet to men of this
day. John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State; Win. H. Crawford, of Georgia,
Secretary of the Treasury ; John C. Cal
houn, Secretary of War. It looks won
derful to us of this day that these three
men could sit in the same cabinet.—
“But,” as said the Democratic party,
“ask no questions of tne man that comes
and says he will act with it. Co-operate,
co-operate. Yon shall be a brother. We
will put you on no probation—you must
not dictate. You shall be equal with us,
but not atfove us." Here was the cabinet.
Monroe's administration went on. Ha
had been elected by so heavy a vote, and
the Federal party had got into so much
disrepute bv its opposition to the war and
by trie Hartford convention, that after
Monroe’s election it just disbanded itself
and disappeared from history. Yon never
see the name :>gain as a party. Monroe
was elected again in 1820, a most remark
able election. He got every vote of the
Electoral College except one. It is Said
by those of that day that Lis last term
was a term in which there were no par
ties. Certainly there were no parties by
name, ail were Republicans. He obtained
the whole vote oi the Union—two hun
dred electoral votes out of 201 —the one
being for John Quincy Adams, then a Re
publican. Ah claimed to belong to tne
Republican party, and the consequence
was that in 1524, when the next Presiden
tial election came on, there were four Re
publicans running for President. An
dress Jackson of Tennessee, John Quincy
Adams of Massachusetts. Wm. H. Craw
ford of Georgia, and Henry Ciay of Ken
tacky. Jackson got 99 votes, Adams 87,
Crawford forty-one, and Ciay thirty
seven. None Lad enough to elect him.
The election had to go into the House,
and although Jackson had a majority in
the electoral College, Adams received a
majority of the States. Clay s States vot
ed for him and he was elected President,
though in a minority fetor- toe people.
Remember, I am not saying this now us
intending any imputation on Mr. Clay.—
By no means, by no means. John Quin
cy Adams was at that time in Monroe’s
Cabinet, and in the highest place in the
Cabinet. He was a Republican, and it
was a fair thing for Republicans to go for
him. Clay going for him, was put in his
Cabinet as his Secretary of State. It was
seen, however, that the strength of Jack
son was very great, and preparations were
immediately made for the next race in
1828. Jackson was a candidate, Adams
was a candidate. Then the race came on.
The last days of the administration of Mr.
Adams, the protective tariff bill of I>2B
was passed, which was exceedingly disa
greeable to a large number of the Repub
lican party, and especially to those living
in the South. They opposed it venement
iy, and Mr. Adams' friends at the North
were equally zealous in its favor. This
caused a spilt. The Republican party
which before had known no division, was
divided. Some went for Adams, some
for Jackson. Those who went for Adams
called themselves Federal Republicans.
Those who went for Jackson called them
selves Democratic Republicans. That is
the time when the word Democracy got
into the parly. There were Federal Re
publicans and Democratic Republicans.—
The election came on in 1882, and Jack
son was elected over Mr. Clay by a very
large vote —219 to 49. From tLat time
the name Federal Republicans disappears
from history. The word Federal seemed
to be fatal to success.
In 1832 South Carolina, in convention,
passed an ordinance nullifying the tariff
act of 1828. On this Gen. Jackson issued
against the ordinance a proclamation
maintaining propositions and avowing
purposes that were extremely offensive
to those holding the doctrine of nullifica
tion. Shortly afterwards Congress passed
a law caiied the Force Bill, giving to the
President the power to execute the tariff
act by the use of the army and navy if
necessary. This, with the proclamation,
so enraged the cniiifiers that they formed
themselves into a separate party, under
the name of the nullification party, and
turned upon Gen. Jackson s administra
tion with great fury. The main part of
the Democracy, however, still adhered to
him. After a heated debate in Congress,
the question of nullification was in ics3
compromised. This of course put an
end to the nullification party. But it was
so exasperated with Gen. Jackson and aii
who supported him that, instead of re
turning to the Democracy, it kept up its
separate organization and opposition,
merely assuming the name of State
Rights instead oi nullification. It nom
inated a candidate for President—Hugh
L. Yi bite, of Tennessee. The Democrats
nominated Mr. Van Burec, the Whigs
Gen. Harrison. Vac Baren was elected
by a strong vote over Harrison and White,
as also over Mr. Webster, for whom Mas
sachusetts voted. White got only two
States—Tennessee and Georgia. It thus
became apparent that the State Rights
party was too weak for separate existence.
It disbanded, the larger part joining the
Whigs, bat a considerable portion, includ
ing almost all of South Carolina (which
had voted for Wilie P. Manghum), return
ed to the Democratic party. Georgia
then had nine members of Congress. Six
of them joined the Whigs. Then Col
quitt, Cooper and Black, and a large num
ber of other very intelligent gentlemen
in this State joined the Democrats : but
the bulk of the party here united with
the Whigs. Now. Mr. Calhoun had been
for four veai-s the bitterest opponent
probably that Jackson Lad; but when
Van Bureu came in. and as a substitute
for the United States Bank, which
La i just expired, proposes an inde
pendent Treasury system, what does
Mr. Calhoun do? Frankly supports
tho measure and was its ablest advocate.
And what does the Democratic party do
with Mr. Calhonn ? Accepts him, takes
him to its bosom, asks him no questions,
requires no indemnity for the past, no se
curity for the future, puts him on no pro
bation. He becomes one of us. a broth
er ; and so of Colquitt, Cooper and Black
and their followers.
In 1840 came that whirlwind which
put in General Harrison and Jno. Tyler.
The Democratic party was super
seded by a small vote. How long
did General Harrison live ? A month.
They say tnat office-seekers killed
him. They would not let him sieep
day or night. At ail events, the old man
died in a short time after he got in.
What then ? Tyler succeeded to his
place. The party was not homogeneous.
There were States' rights and latitudi
narian elements in it—strict construction
ists and laiitndicarian constructionists.
Tyler was nominated to represent the
States’ rights element. When General
Harrison died he came into pow er. The
Whigs being in power, introduced a bank
bill and pas>ed it through both houses. It
went to John Tyler ; be vetoed it, much
to the disgust of his party. They read
his message, and they tnought they would
try him again ; and they introduced an
other bill, shaped a little differently, and
they carried it to him. He vetoed that.
Then they denounced him everywhere.
But what did foe Democratic party do?
They took up Tyler. They supported
Lim. Gen. Jackson had made war on tie
bank and the party with him. And when
Tyler comes, in and takes the same posi
tion, they support Tyler and ask no ques
tions. it is said Tyler was a President
without a party. T rue there was no Tyler
party, but me Democratic party support
ed ujUi. The veto of these bids is the
first eveut in Tyler - administration. But
there is another. Texas, during his ad
ministration, had achieved her independ
ence from Mexico, or perhaps before. It
was in 1836 I believe, when the battle of
San Jacinto was fought. At all events,
during his administration, she applied to
be admitted as a State into this Union.
Tyler was in favor of it but the party
that put him into power was oppos-d to
it. The Democratic party was in favor
of it. As I said, it was willing always to
take accessions of every sort, when it
coaid do it consistently with principle—
take men, take land. They supported
Tyler in the treaty or arrag-ment by
which Texas was admitted into tne Union.
We received her. We did not ask cow
her independence had been obtained —
whether it was by fiUibustering or legiti
mately. We received Texas and support
ed Tyler. The last act of ins administra
tion was the admission of Texas. And,
gentlemen, though he was a President, as
they say, without a party, that will be the
biggest admistrariou probably in our his
tory, with the exception of Mr. Jeffer
son s. He had no party, but he was ever
afterwards a Democrat, and he died in
the odor of sanctity in the Democratic
party.
Inen came Mr. Polk. Mr. Polk’s elec
tion was a surprise upon his own party as
cinch as upon the other party. Anew man.
he came into the administration with the
Texas question left to him as a legacy.
There was a quarrel between Mexico and
the United States upon certain points.
One was whether Texas was independent
or not ; and if independent, where the
boundary was, whether it was the Rio
Grande or the Nueces. Mexico said it
was the Nueces and we saM it was
the Rio Grande. A good deal of nego
tiation took place. Alter a while it wa>
communicated to Mexico that we had
sent a minister plenipotentiary to sett!-.-
all the question. They would not re
ceive him. Another was sent, they would
not receive him. Then Gen. Tayl r » -
ordered to advance to the Rio Gra-d-.
He took his position opposite Mil u r.-s
He sent a party of cavalry cp the river
for the purpose cf reconneiterin-. an 1
tne Mexicans came over and c.
them. This was communicated to Mr.
Polk, and he said to Congre-.-.
“War exists by the act of Mexico." Then
a general ferment arose. The question
was upon a matter of fact, whether
the declaration of the President
was true in this particular or n ::
whether it was by the act of Mex
ico. Upon that question there r.j a
great and hot debate. Some of the b*—t
men took position against Mr. Polk. Mr.
Calhonn himself was again-t Liai. L
tingoiahed gentlemen of tt.is State w- e
against him. What did the Dem rat.
party do ? Gentlemen, it li-: ced to them
with tne most perfect respect, cut with:-uc
the smallest degree of assent. On the
contrary, it went on and conquered Mex
ico. When the army had tnaen tne City
of Mexico, they soiu, “Withdraw ycur
armies—don't take any land from Mexico.
It isn't right.' The other party —the
Democratic party—said, “We will Lave
more land. And they took a smaii qtirr
tity—about three hundred thousand - quart
Bines—the whole of California and Ne »
Mexico. The other party said, “X >1 it is
wrong—immoral to do that. Wa heard
them with respect-perfect respect. But
as the Mexicans made the war, we availed
ourselves of tne laws of war. and took
this land. Now, gentlemen, just look at
the results. We have gone to the P-a.ifi?.
by one great railroad. Two others are
going there—one north of the present
road, and one south of it, on the line of
32 degrees. We are on the Pacific. San
Francisco looks over on Canton Califor
nia looks over on CL;ls The United
States look over upon aii Eastern Asia ;
That is the fruit of the Democratic policy
in regard to the Mexican war l [Cheers.]
This line of the 32J* —why. gen :> men.
when that line is completed the rnm-rce
of the Eastern World will rush thr.it;* h
Atlanta. No snow units there . X L, L
mountains to climb 1 Ail tL year a: . t;. i
they can run their trains day and night.
And they have to come through Georgia,
and through Atlanta! Y’ou are on the
line of the 32d. Remember, if the coun
sels of Csl'aonu and others had prevailed,
yon would never have had this great
thoroughfare.
These three railroads will tarn the com
merce of China and ail E is’.ern Asia, with •
Europe and the West, through North
America. This is the truit of that ;r. .-
ciple upon which the Democratic party
acts. Jefferson st i ted the acquisition of
territory. Tyler followed Jefferson, and
Polk followed Tyler : and you see the
result—Louisiana. Texas, Jlisscuri, ami
all West from the 32d parallel to the p:
In 1848 the Democratic party began to
quarrel over the territory we Lad q ,ir- .
ed from Mexico. The South insisted the: ;
under the Constitution she had the right
to go into the territory with her slaves.
The Whig party of the North w.-s op
posed to it. Tho Democratic party hung 1
back. The debates were fierce and sool.
assumed a sectional turn.
There was a wing that opposed any
compromise and went out and out for !
free soil. That was led by V m Barer-
He became a candidate for the Presiden
cy in 1848. Cass was another and he was
nominated upon Conservative opinions
in respect to the territories. Mr. Van
Baren ad his friends withdrew from the
party and went to Buffalo and formed j
what was called the “Free Soil Party.’
When the election came off in 1848. Van
Baren was stroug enough to carry oti
nearly three hundred thousand votes. The :
result was Taylor went in between him
and Cass and was elected. In 1849 Gen. :
Tayior took his seat. He did not live
long. Fiilmoie succeeded him. His ad
ministration was an uneventful one, I do 1
not remember any measure of importance
due to his administration. But ir
closed its proclivities and inc.inat. i.
which was against nltraism. Tha . eu; 1 =
of the country ascertained that the Whig
party at the North was. m the main, a
Free Soil party. This was ascertained u.
1852 by the nomination which they man
They nominated G.-n. Scott who re, re
sented the Free Soil element.
That was too strong for the Southern
men, and they said they would not
for the ticket, and amongst them two ol
oar distinguished men, Mr. Toombs a .u
Mr. Stephens, and Air. Faulkner of Ytr- :
gicia, and others. They protested in a '
card and said they would not vote for |
Gen. Scott, because he had been nomina
ted by th.s element in their party I t, e .
Levs the • voted for ?dr. Webster, n,
aid not vote lor sc«n. In= e. e t; .
ofi and Pierce Was e.co'e.i. ln-u „„
Whig party *!lsapp«-,rr~l. it v! :.ieU
tWt> parts- i. life Ui .j . a*. t£c
North joined :ne .an riuieo n-- 8-i..crs
an. 1 the unite! t ragmen'..-* lined tt, s
mine oi Republicans, ana iu tc.’.n uuu..-
Bati-il Gen. Fremont, ihe geiiticn-en of
the v*hig party Ninth coatd uni -a. j 1114 .
and so me *.t tilein joint-*! the iViuo ia.,,
party, and others oi then*, witn aom- „t
tne North, fonneu anew party, called b*
them the American party, aid by Us, i[
dert-si iu, the Know N tump party ihe,
took Fillmore for tneir stan-iaru heart.
It was found by the result that tne Ameri
can party was wean. Fillmore received
only some MO,OOO vot-s, whilst Freaio&t
received more than 1,300.000. I hat »«,
an extinguisher upon the American par y
and tnat party disbanded. The gentle
men of the South, with some excetiLi .us
realm- i the name of Whigs.
In the canvass some distinguished
W mgs acted with the Democratic partv
against the Know Nothings, and anion'./
tnein was Mr. stepaena. He was the
foremost maxim tee State of Georgia iu
the fight, and thus rendered great service
: to the Democratic party. Mr. Ster.ceL,
! and Air. Toombs, of Georgia, ami t j. ( *
ernor Wise, of Virginia, did m-re than
any three other men to break down tho
American party at the South. What Jm
we f Yv e took tuem in as equals and
honored theta. \Ye asked them no ques
tions. Wnigs from 1840. Before that, 1
| believe. Nuliinerv: after that states Rights
men, a—d when the American party wa,
formed the jr.-t et.p.ised it and tne Demo
cratic party took them a.king no
questions about tee past.
I bel *ermortal questm'.s ;o?came in no
and more aggravated, the debates on them
more and more angry. The Democratic par
ty itself was beginning to be divided. In
l'Ld.the Convention oi the Democratic par
ty at UUdrle-ton met and debated, lliey
could not decide, adjourned to Baltimore,
• and there split in two —the Northern pan
going to IWugia-s, the Southern part to
Brec-kearidge, and there was a race. Now,
you. r- :j.Wuber, gentlemen, there was
not*ody at the South but Breckemnlge,
and the old VvTiig or American party had
to vote between Douglass and Breckeii
ri ige. It was a thin vote, s foregonecou
; elusion, that Breckinridge womi carry
the vote. Many of them voted for Breck
enridge.an i I suppose a great many stayed
at home. [A Voice, they voted for John
; Beii._ Oh! yes. there was John Beil, of
Tennessee, most of the American party
vrted for him— tne Democratic party
: being thus divided, AL. Lincoln, al
though getting a minority of the whole
vote, ran between and became President.
And then, the Democratic party south.
Unsatisfied, rev ived to secede and did
secede. What then? Tne other party,
generally, were opposed to secession.
; ssorne were in favor of it, but as a general
thing, they were opposed to it. But when
the war Came on. I ask you, gentlemen,
■v .3 there any division here between
Whigs and Democrats theu ? The Demo
! crata we:e in tha majority, but did not
tney give the Whigs equal positions ? Dia
they not follow the traditions and usages of
the party ? They did.
The war went on for four years. At tho
end of that time, secession was conquer
ed. What then? In I«ti8 we had a Preo-
I idemial election The Northern Demo
■ crats and the south era Democrats met in
Conventional New York and reunited. Ihe
i oid Democratic party wu reformed. Han
cock and Hampton walked down the aide,
arm in arm. It was a sight that drew
down the house. No indemnity on either
side asked for the past, no security for
the future. Act together. Agree aa long
: as we can. Now let us take a retrospect,
l'he Democratic party starts in 17'*8, with
Jefferson, it runs, one continuous current,
down to the secession war of 18*50. Theu
the war is an obstacle to it. and the wa
ters part. The war is an island. When
the war is over, the wat. ri come together
again. They are now together. \v e ac
cepted them. They accepted us. asking
no questions, imposing no terms.
In 1872. there is another convention—
an immense convention—of the the Dem
o 'rat;? party at Baltimore: every Stats
in the Union represented and fully rt-pre
sented. The question was, “What snali
we do ?” In 18t»8, Seymour and Blair
had been beaten over 300,000 votes. ih=
four intervening years had done the Dem
ocratic party no good, rather weakened
than strengthened it. What could we do
Me, if we were in power, thought we
conld benefit the country. The question
was how to get there, ’ihe North said
“We cannot elect a Democrat for Presi
dent ” That was the unanimous opinion
-—“There is no chance to elect a Demo
crat.” The Cincinnati Convention had
been held. They had laid down a plat
form, and in their last resolution, invited
the co-operation of all persona That wa=
considered. Tbe platform was looked over.
It was determine! that the platform was not
inconsistent witn Demociatic prineip.es
and that the invitation should be accepted,
because, upon tfc« best information they
had, they thought this movement, headed
by Doolittle and -.ther leading men.
and bv the Tribune and ti.e Press, other
strong men at the North would be aoie to
produce some defection. Ihev si>oke so
berly at Baltimore —did not make am
great promises, lnay tnought tma course
would bring ns three, four or five per
cent, from toe Re; nbli.au party. I hey
prom!>*-d » • tv,- New York. Connecti
cut. No.* ,rs*»v and Indiana; no further.
They sa.d we had a s-sei chance for Cali
fornia a chance tor Nevada : a chance
for Penns; ivania.
i. ;s New York had goue for &ey
roottt 10,000 majority; Indiana had
gone against turn by 10,000 majority;
Connecticut by 3,n*> or 4,0*0; New Jer
sev and California were about a tie. ' *
thought we canid carry the South except
two or three small States. It was nothing
I ntaslate-and-pencil business. If wecou.J
earrv the South and get these States we
would win. They told us. We cannot en
sure yon anv State in the Noith so; s
Democrat. What were we to do? Dut
of power: at the mercy of the Republican
party —and here at the South we zno*
what that means —the only question was.