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The Muscogee Democrat, *
AND MERCANTILE ADVERTISER.
By Andrews & Griswold.
Corner of Randolph and Broad streets, ( up-stairs,')
COLUMIHJS.Ga.
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Tol. 111.
3|toMstalL
DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR,
lion. G. W. Towns,
PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTIONS :
Whereas, it is expedient, from time to time, to- set
forth anew the principles upon which our political
faith is based, and the measures for the promotion of
which our party organization is maintained, to the
end that the great landmarks may be kept ever in
view, and remembered amid the changing and excit
ing topics of the day; aad whereas, the present time
presents new features of the political scene, and brings
forward new questions on which we are called to de
cide and act; and whereas, we are firmly convinced
that the welfare of the country and the ultimate pres
ervation of the Union itself, depend in no slight de
gree upon the w isdom arid moderation which may at
this juncture pervade the counsels of the democratic
party, and upon the harmony which may be preserved
among the different sections. And whereas, we,
representing the democracy of Georgia, are as much
as ever persuaded of the truth and importance of those
vital principles for which we have so long contended,
believing them the only rules by which our Govern
ment can be so administered as to secure and perpet
uate the enjoyment of liberty and equality by the peo
ple at large—and believing, moreover, that these prin
ciples can be best carried out by the united and har
monious party action of the democrats of the whole
country. And whereas, in a country like ours, of
vast extent and various and conflicting interests and
sectional attachments and prejudices, union can only
be preserved by mutual concessions and a spirit of
compromises:—
Be it therefore Resolved, 1. That a strict construc
ts nos the Constitution, an equal distribution of ben
efits and burthens by the general government, a Rev
enue Tariff, opposition to a system of Internal Im
provements, to a National Bank, and to any ffiodiflca
tion of the veto power, arc leading and cardinal prin
ciples of the democratic party, and to which they will
strictly adhere.
2. That the democratic party, while it asserts the
right of citizens of any state to settle in any of the
territories of the United States with their property,
yet in the spirit of mutual “concession” in which our
Union originated and by which alone it can be pre
served, we are stiil willing to abide by the provisions
and the geographical line of the Missouri Compro
mise.
3. That we adopt the four following resolutions,
as passed by the General Assembly of Virginia, as
amended.
4. That the Government of the United States has
no control directly or indirectly, mediately or imme
diately, over the institution of Slavery, and that in
taking any such control it transcends the limits of its
legitimate functions by destroying the internal organ
ization of the sovereignties which formed it.
5. That under no circumstances will this body
recognize as binding any enactment of the Federal
Government, which lias for its object tbe prohibition
of slavery in any territory to be acquired either by
conquest or treaty, “ south of the line of the Missouri
compromise,” holding it to be the natural and inde
pendent right of each citizen of each and every state
of the confederacy, to reside with his property of
w hatever description in any territory which may be
acquired bv the arms of the United States or yielded
by treaty with any foreign power.
t>. That this Assembly holds it to be the duty of
every man in every section of this confederacy, if the
Union is dear to him, to oppose the passage of any
law for whatever purpose, by which territory to be
acquired may be subject to such a restriction.
7. That the passage of the VVilmot Proviso by the
House of Representatives of the United States, makes
it the duty of every slaveholding state, and the citi
zens thereof, as they value their dearest privileges,
their sovereignty, their independence and their rights
of property —to take firm, united, and concerted ac
tion in this emergency.
8. That the Democratic party of Georgia will give
their support to no candidate lor the Presidency of the
United States who does not unconditionally, clearly
and unequivocally declare his opposition to the Prin
ciples and Provisions of the VVilmot Proviso.
9th. That the usage of the democratic party, in
meeting in Convention for the purpose of nominating
a candidate for the Presidency of the United States
meets with the approbation, and receives the sanction
of this Convention.
10th. That the present war with Mexico is just
and necessary, forced upon us by the aggressions of
Mexico herself, and calling for support and encour
agement from all patriots of whatever party.
11th. That the thanks of the whole country are
due to the gallant officers and men of our Army, Navy
and Volunteer serv'cefor the glory with which they
have covered our arms, and the heroic valor with
which they have sustained their country's cause on
the battle-field.
11th. That in the Administration of James K. Polk
we recognize a wisdom and a devotion to the true
principles of the Constitution which call forth our ad
miration for the man, and demand of us a steady and
zealous support of the measures of his administration.
Whig candidate far Governor :
HON. DUNCAN L. CLINCH.
PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTIONS.
The committee believing it necessary to reiterate
the often declared princif'.es of the Whig party,
which have been so faithfully carried out, and so tri
umphantly vindicated in the administration of the Go
vernnent, recommend to the Convention the adoption
of the following Resolutions :
1. Resolved, That his Excellency, Gov. Crawford
is entitled to the ardent and unqualified admiration of
the people of Georgia, for the skill and ability with
which he has administered the government of the
State—bringing order out of confusion--developing
State resources, and resuscitating State credit.
2. That bis successful administration is a faithful
illustration of the practical benefits resulting from
Whig priuciples, and we confidently anticipate from
the lion. Duncan L. Clinch, a continuance of these
benign influences.
3. That yielding to our admiration and gratitude
for the distinguished services of the great Captain of
the age—Gen. Zachary Taylor—with whose charac
ter are inseparably associated the modesty of merit,
the coolness of bravery, and the devotedness of patri
otism, and being assured of his identity with us in
principle, we cheerfully respond to the general and
spontaneous acclamation of the American people, in
now recommending him as the next President of the
United States.
4. That the thanks of the people of this State and
of the United States are eminently due to the officers
and soldiers of our army in Mexico, both regulars and
volunteers, for their gallant conduct and lofty bearing
during the existing war.
5. That the Hon. John C. Calhoun is entitled to
the thanks of the people of Georgia for his independ
ent and patriotic course in the Senate of the United
States, in reference to our recently disturbed foreign
relations.
6. That we are opposed to the Wilmot Proviso, so
called—and that all legislation by Congress restrict-1
MUSCOGEE DEMOCRAT,
,
AND MERCANTILE ADVERTISER.
• +* ** ; .3c
u LITTLE GOVERNMENT A3 POSSIBLE ; THAT LITTLE EMANATING FROM AND CONTROLLED BV THE PEOPLE, AND UNIFORM IN ITS APPLICATION TO ALL.”
ing the right to hold slave property in the territories
of tiie United States, is unequal, unjust and unconsti
tional.
7. That a committee of seven be appointed for the
purpose of communicating to the Hon. Duncan L
Clinch his nomination as the candidate of the Whig
party for Governor, and that they publish his reply.
®- That an Executive committee of one from each
judicial district be appointed for the purpose of acting
for the party in any emergency, and generally pro
moting the cause, between the adjournment of the
Convention and the election.
On motion of Mr. Sanford of Greene, the report and
resolutions were unanimously adopted.
SPEECH OF
Hon. Ben Hardin, of Kentucky.
Mr. Chairman : I have a few more remarks
to make, and then, for the present I shall say no
more. I have been a whig, according to the
common acceptation of the term, and still firmly
believe in the great principle that the labor of
America must be protected from the pauper labor
of starving Europe. 1 have served the whig
party for eighteen years. I lack only two years
to make the number Jacob served Laban. I have
fought the whig battles everywhere—in the Sen
ate of this State, in Congress, and all over this
State, as you all know. Wherever the whig
drum tapped, to fall into ranks, I was there. In 1
calling the roll, when my name was called, I
answered, here am I, ready to do your bidding,
as far as a gentleman can do. If the <*vhigs
said, ride over the State and speak to the people,
that they may hear our principles discussed, be
come converts, and he of our party, I did so ; and
never hesitated one moment.
I have not found fault, as some whigs have
done, with the administration for the present
war. In the management of that war, much
praise, I think, is due the administration. The
question was fairly put to the American people
in the Presidential election, between Mr. Polk
and Mr. Clay, whether Texas should be annexed
or not? I was, in that election, as all Kentucky
know, for Mr. Clay, and against annexation. I
said, in all my speeches on that occasion every
time 1 addressed the people, if we annexed Tex
as to the United States, ice annexed Texas with
the limits and boundaries as the Texan Con
gress claimed—that is, to the Rio Grande; and
that it amounted to a pledge of national faith to
contend for it as Texas claimed to hold. The
people ot the United States elected Mr. Polk,
ihat election was decisive of the question.
Congress knew what the public will was, and
in obedience to that—upon the true principles of
a Republic, that the will of tH© people should
govern—passed the act annexing Texas. What
was Mr. Polk bound to do? He knew the will
of the people and Congress. He was bound to
obey their will. How could that be done ? In
no other way than to take possession of the
country. That possession could only be taken
by a military force, and he was bound to use the
necessary force. These opinions I expressed
last summer was a year ago, when I told the
only son I had left alive, if he wanted to see war
and know it, and for war to know him, now was
the time to join the army. That Mr. Polk was
obliged to send our army to the Rio Grande, and
then the Mexicans would fight or cease to be a
nation. My son commenced his preparations
in August, 1845; left in September of that year,
and there he lias been ever since.
We are not to forget, Mr. Chairman, that a
Republic never has a large army in times of
peace. It is a Government of the people’s own
choice, and a large army is not required to com
pel obedience to the laws. All other Govern,
ments are Governments of the few, controlling
and oppressing the many. Such Governments
require a large army in times of peace. The
regular army of Russia amounts to about one
million of men ; Austria, four hundred thousand;
Prussia, two hundred and fitly thousand, France,
four hundred thousand, and Great Britain, at
least two hundred and fifty thousand. When
these Governments choose to go to war, they
are ready in a moment.
A Republic, such as the United States, when
she goes to war, as we did in the late war with
Great Britain, our army has to be made and cre
ated after the war commences. But when ano
ther nation goes to war with us, as Mexico did,
we can make no preparation until the commence
ment of the war. The very form of our Govern
ment forbids, The first gun that was fired—the
first blood that was shed in this war, was war
itself. That was the act of Mexico. There was
no alternative left for the Administration but to
fight, and create an army at the same lime.
Last May the war commenced near the mouth
of the Rio Grande—three thousand miles from
the seat of our Government. This is now the
13th of January—about eight months. What
has the administration done since then up to this
time ? The acts of the administration challenge
our praise. They display vigor, activity and
energy in the execution of the plans of the Gov.
eminent, which plans are formed with judgment
and good sense. I mean common sense, as
contra-distinguished from learned book sense.
To prove the truth of what I have said, let us
take a brief and rapid survey of the operations of
the war, and what has been achieved. We
have sent part of our army into Upper Califor
nia, a distance by land, of four thousand miles;
another part went by water a distance of 17,000
miles. We have, conquered and now got pos
session of that country—a country that will
measure at least 450,000 square miles. Another
part of our army has been sent through a desert
wilderness one thousand miles. That part has
conquered new Mexico. We now possess it.
We have conquered all the disputed country east
of the Rio Grando ; not less than one hundred
and fifty thousand square miles. The extent of
our conquest on the west side of the Rio Grande,
from all the information I can obtain, cannot be
less than two hundred thousand square miles.
One half of the whole of Mexico is conquered,
and now possessed by the troops of the United
States. Three desperate battles have been
fought, and splendid victories achieved. One of
them has no parallel in the annals of either an
cient or modern history. All this has been done,
and an army created within the short space of
COLUMBIjS, Georgia, Thursday Evening, July 15, 1547.
e:ght months. There is no blame since the
Presidential election. All has been done since
then in obedience to public will—and well done.
I am not for refusing either men or money to the
administration; but I will, with my feeble voice,
encourage them to prosecute the war with all
our power, until we conquer peace in the city of
Mexicd itself; for there it must be conquered.
The American character must not sutler now in
the eyes of the world, by withdrawing to the east
side of the Rio Grande, and adopting a defensive
war. The inarch of our armies must be onward,
or the moral power given to our troops by the
three great victories gained, will be lost.
The opposition to the war says it will cost us
blood and treasure. Be it so. When we are
insulted and attacked, are we not to tight ? Shall
we permit the honor of the United States to be
tarnished, because it may cost us blood and mon
ey to prevent it? I answer, no. What is fifty
millions compared with the renown we have
won ? Nothing.
Blood has been shed I know. Our officers
and men have been prodigal of their lives; but
we have, and their relations have, the melan
choly consolation to know that they died in a
blaze of fire upon the fields of their glory. What
did the last war with Great Britain cost the
United States? Heavy expenses and disburse
ments were made during the war. Our funded
public debt increased from about thirty-nine mil
lions to one hundred and twenty-three millions, I
besides a floating debt, not funded, of near fifty
millions. It may be asked, what did we gain
equal to the money expended, and blood shed ?
I answer, we gained a grdat deal. We told
our people we would not be insulted. We told
the same to the nations of this earth. We as
sured our own people that they could fight well
and courageously, upon the ocean and the land.
The same great tale was told the crowned heads
of Europe And, above all things, we informed
the world that we could fight through a bloody
and tremendous war with the most powerful na
tion on the earth, and when it was over, return
to a peace establishment again, which gave the
lie to the predictions of the Kings of Europe.
What has Kentucky gained by this war ? She
has added honors to her great reputation, hereto
fore won in many a bloody field, where heroes
fought and contended—man to man—as we had i
i to do in our desperate conflict with the Indians, j
Kentucky is a noble State—filmed for valor,
without boosting—famed for Courage, without
rashness or temerity. Her sons are always
ready for the fight, and rush to the Hold of battle
—where they never falter in the hour of danger ;
but can look death iu the face without turning
pale. Major Barbour, who bravely dared and
nobly died at Monterey, was a Kentuckian; so
is McClung ; so is Butler ; so is Taylor. The
reputation of Kentucky for orators in Congress
and heroes in battle, is known to the world. Her
glory is seen by the people of this whole earth—
bright shining as the sun. Kentucky’s renown
and glory have no night.
I am not one of those, when my friend or na
tion is fighting, to coolly look on, and then stop
to enquire who is in the right, when the battle
is raging and blood is pouring out at every pore.
No, Sir, 1 will see the war over first, and then
perhaps I may enquire. I will never quench
the fiery courage of my friends or my nation, by
saying you or we are wrong in this a flair. No;
I will sl|out and hurrah for him or them, and to
nerve the arm that is doing battle, declare that;
he or we are in the right, and even if the oath is I
not warranted by the fact, as Sterne said with
Uncle Tolily u'hen he swore, the accusing Angel ;
will shed a tear on the Book, and blot it out for
ever.
PIERItE I‘JTOIS;
OR, MOT 11 E R AND SO N.
A TOUCHING SKETCH.
In the year 1809, Pierre Pitois was sergeant
of the 12th regiment of the line, then quartered
in Stratsburg. lie was a native of that half sav
age, half civilized part of Burgundy, known un
der the name of Morvan ; and his comrades nev
er spoke of him but as a tough customer. Al
ways the first and the last to fire, he had the re
putation of liking two tilings in the world—the
smell of powder and the whistling of bullets.
Now, one fine day, our friend Pierre took it
into his head to address a letter to his Colonel,
in which he asked leave to go and see bis aged
mother, who was dangerously ill. He added
that his father, being seventy.eight years of age,
and suffering under a paralytic affection, could
not be of any use in nurse tending the poor wo- j
man, and he pledged himself to return as soon !
as the health of his mother should be restored, i
The Colonel’s reply to Pierre’s application
was, that as the regiment might at any moment j
be ordered to take the field, no leave of absence
could be obtained.
Pierre Pitois submitted. A fortnight elapsed ;
a second letter was received by the Colonel, in
which Pierre informed him that his mother had
died without the consolation of giving her last
blessing to her only child, and in which ho again
solicited leave of absence, saying thal ‘he could
not state his reasons for this request—it was a
family secret,’ —but earnestly imploring bis Col
onel not to deny him this favor.
Pierre’s second letter was as little successful
as the first. The poor fellow’s captain merely
said, —‘Pierre, the Colonel lias received your
letter; he is sorry for the death of your old mo
ther, but he cannot grant the leave of absence
you require, as the regiment leaves Stratsburg
to-morrow.’
‘ Ah! The regiment leaves Stratsburg; and
for what place, may I ask you ? ’ said Pitois.
‘For Austria,’replied his officer. ‘We are
to see Vienna, my brave Pitois : we are to fight
the Austrians. Is not that good news for you ?
You will be in your clement, my fine fellow ! ’
Pierre Pitois made no reply; he seemed lost
in deep thought. The Captain caught his hand
and shaking it heartily said—
* Why do you not speak, man'? Are you deaf
to-day ? I am telling you that in less than a
you are to have the pleasure of a set to
With the Austrians, and you have not a word of
thanks for the good news ! Nay, I believe you
hiave not even heard me.’
‘ Indeed, Captain, I have heard every word,
ahd I thank you with all my heart for your news,
which I consider very good news.’
*■ f though* you would,’ said big officer.
‘But, Captain, is there no chance to obtain
the leave of absence ?’
* Ary. you mad?’was the reply. ‘ Leave of
absence the very day before taking the field ! ’
‘ I nqver thought of that,’ said Pierre. ‘We
are thei on the point of taJD.Sg the field; and at
such a time, I suppose, it is never given ? ’
‘ It is never even asked.’
‘lt is duite right—it is never even asked. It
would have the appearance of cowardice. A Veil,
then, I wBl not press it any more ; I will try and
get on without it.’
‘ And you will do well,’ replied the captain.
The next day, the twelfth regiment entered
Germany, and the next, Pierre Pitois deserted.
Thiee months after when the twelfth regi
ment, having reaped in the field of battle an
abundant harvest of glory, was making its tri
umphal entry into Stratsburg, Pierre Pitois was
ignominiously dragged back to bis corps by a
brigade of gens d’armes. A court martial was
instantly called. Pierre Pitois is accused of hat -
ing deserted at the very moment when his regi
: inent was about to meet the enemy face to face.
The court presented a curious spectacle. On
one side stood forth the accuser, who cried, —
‘ Pierre Pitois, you, one of the bravest men in
the army, you on whose breast the star of honor
glitters, you, who have never incurred either
punishment or censure from your officers, you
could not have quitted your regiment—quitted it
almost on the eve of battle—without some pow
erful motive to impel you! This motive the
court demauds of you, for it would gladly have it
in its power—if not to acquit, you, which it ought
j not perhaps either to or to desire—at least to re
commend you to the Emperor’s mercy.
On the other side stood the accused, who an
swered,‘l have deserted without any reason,
without any motive, Ido not repent: if it were
to do again, I would do it again—l deserve death
—pass sentence.’
And then came some witnesses who deposed.
‘ Pic i •re Pitois is a deserter, we know it is a fact,
but we do not believo it.’ And others averred,
‘Pierre PitoiU is mad ; the court cannot condemn
a madman. He must be sentenced then, not to
death, but the Lunatic Asylum.’
This last alternative was very nearly adopted,
for there was not any one in the court who did
not consider the desertion of Pierre Pitois as one
ol those singular occurrences beyond the range
of human possibilities, which, while every one is
forced to admit as a fact, no one can account for,
or comprehend. The accused, however, plead
ed guilty most positively, and was most pertina
cious in his demand for the just penalty of the
law to be inflicted upon him. He so boldly and
fearlessly avowed the crime, continually repeat
ing that he did not regret it, that at length his
firmness assumed the character of bravado, and
left no room for clemency. Sentence of death
was therefore pronounced.
Pierre Pitois heard his sentence read with the
most steady unflinching gaze. They warmly
urged him to plead for mercy, but he refused.
As every one guessed that at the bottom of this
affair there was some strange, mystery, it was de
termined that the execution of Pierre should be
delayed. He was carried hack to the military
prison, and it was announced to him that, as a
mark of special favor, he had three days given
him to press for pardon. lie shrugged his
shoulders and made no reply.
In the middle of that night on which was to
dawn the day fixed for his execution, the door of j
Pierre’s dungeon turned softly on its hinges, and
a subaltern officer advanced to the side of the
camp bed on which the condemned was tran
quilly sleeping, and, after gazing on him some
time in silence, awoke him.
Pierre opeued his eyes, staring about him, and
said—‘The hour, then, is at last come ! ’
‘ No, Pierre,’ replied the officer; ‘ it is not yet
the hour, but it will soon come.’
‘And what do you want with me until then'?’
‘ Dost thou not know me, Pierre ?—No matter;
I know thee well. I saw thee at Austerlitz, and j
bravely did’st thou bear thyself. From that day,
Pierre, 1 have had for thee a regard no less
warm than sincere. Yesterday on my arrival
at Stratsburg, I learned thy crime and thy con- I
demnation. I have prevailed on the goaler, who j
is a relation of mine, to allow me to scle thee ;
and now that 1 have come, I would say to thee,
Pierre, it is often a sad thought to a man about
to die, that he has no friend near him to whom
he,might open his heart, and intrust with some !
sacred commission to discharge when he should i
lie no more. If thou w ilt accept me, I would be :
to thee that friend.’
‘ I thank you, comrade,’ replied Pierre, briefly \
and coldly.
* Why, hast thou nothing to say to me ? ’
‘Nothing.’
‘What, not one word of adieu to thy sweet
heart—to thy sister ? ’
‘A sweetheart!—a sister! I never had
either.’
‘ To thy father ? ’
‘Heis no more. Two months ago he died in :
my arms.’
‘ Thy mother, then ? ’
‘ My mother ’ —and Pierre, whose voice sud
denly and totally changed, repeated,—‘my mo
ther I —Ah, comrade, do not utter that name, for
see, how I have never heard that name—l have j
never said it in my heart, without feeling melted i
like a child ; and even now', methinks, if I were i
to speak of her— ’
‘ What then ? ’
‘ The tears would come—and tears do not be
come a man Tears! ’ continued he, ‘ tears
when I have but a few hours to live—ah! there
would not be much courage in that! ’
‘ Thou art too stern, comrade. I think I have,
thank God, as much courage as other people
and yet I should nut be ashamed of weeping, if
1 were to speak of my mother.’
‘ Arc you serious ? said Pierre, eagerly seizing
the officer’s hand, * you a man and a soldier, and
not ashamed to weep ? ’
4 When speaking of my mother? Certainly
not. My mother is so good, so kind ; she loves
me so much, and I, too, love her dearly.*
‘She loves you and you love Jier? —ph ! then
£ may, indeed, tell you 14. ‘ full • it j
must have vent, and, however strange my feel
ings may appear to you, I am sure you will not
laugh at them. Listen, then, for what you said
just now is quite true. A man is glad, when
about to die, to have a heart to which he can
pour out his own. Will you really listen to me,
and not laugh at me ? ’
‘Surely I will listen, Pierre—a dying man
must ever excite compassionate sympathy.’
“You must know that, since I came into the
world I never loved but one being—that being
was my mother. But her I loved as none love
—with all that was in me of live and energy.
While yet a babe, I used to read her eyes, as she
read mine; I guessed her thoughts, and she
knew mine. She was the heart of my heart,
i and I the heart of hers. I have never had either
j sweetheart or wife ; I never had a friend, my
j mother being every thing to me. Well, 1 was
summoned to take arms, and when they told me
1 must leave her, in a paroxysm of despair I de
clared that they might drag me limb from limb,
but never should they take me from her alive.
With one word spoken in her holy fortitude and
strong courage, she changed my whole purpose.
‘ Pierre,’ said she, ‘you must go—it is my wish.’
I knelt before her, and I said, ‘ I will go, mother.’
‘ Pierre,’ she added, ‘ thou hast been a good son,
and I thank God for it; but the duties of a son
are not the only ones a man has to fulfil. Eve
ry citizen owes himself to his country ; it calls
thee—obey! Thou art going to be a soldier;
i from this moment thy life is no longer thine own
I —it is thy country’s. If its interests demand it,
I lay it down cheerfully. If it be the will of God
: that thou shouldest die before me, I should weep
i for thee my heart’s tears, but I would say, ‘ He
! gave, and He has taken away, blessed be the
I name of the Lord ! ’ Go now, and if thou lovest
j thy mother, do thy duty.’ Oh, how precious
i those holy words ! I have never forgotten them-
J ‘ Do thy duty,’ she had said : now, the duty of a
; soldier was always and in all things to obey ; and
in all things, and always, 1 obeyed. It was to
go straight forward, to face danger without hesi
tation, without ts ncooerd thought.; J wont
siraight forward, faced danger without hesitation, j
without a second thought. Those who saw me i
thus, as it were, seek to meet the bullets, said, j
‘ There is a brave fellow ! ’ They might have |
better said, ‘There is a man who loves his mo- 1
ther! ’
“ One day a letter brought me the tidings that
she was ill—my own dear mother; I longed to
go to her. I asked for leave of absence ;it was
not granted. I remembered her last words :‘ If
thou lovest thy mother, do thy duty.’ I submit,
ted. A little after, I heard that she was dead.
Oh ! then my senses forsook me ; at any risk I
determined to return to the country. Whence
proceeded so ardent, so impetuous a desire to
see the place where my mother had just died ?
I w ill tell you ; and as you have a mother as she
loves you and as you love her, you will under
stand me. . . .
“ We peasants of Morvan are a simple and
confiding race; we have not received the in
struction, nor attained the knowledge, that they
have in the cities, hut we have our beliefs, which
the townsfolk call our superstitions. What mat
ters the name ? Be they superstitions or beliefs
we have them, and clever would beman that
could uproot them. Now one of these beliefs to
which we cling the most is that which attributes
to the first flower that blooms in the grave mould
such a virtue that he who gathers it is certain of
never forgetting the dead or never being forgot
ten by them. Belief, how dear 1 how sweet!
Wiith it death has no terrors ; for death without
forgetting or being forgotten is but a sweet sleep
but calm repose after long toil. That flower—
I panted to see it bud ; I panted to gather it; 1
abandoned my post and went on my way. Afler
ten days of a long and weary march 1 reached
my mother’s giave. The earth seemed yet
fresh; no flower had appeared. I waited. Six
weeks elapsed and then one lovely moring I saw
a little blue flower— 1 Forget-me-not.’ As 1
plucked it, I shed glad tears, for me thought that
little flower was my mother’s soul; that she had
felt that I was near, and under the form of that
flower had given herself to my heart once more.
“There was nothing more to detain me in the
country, for my tiither had soon followed my mo
ther to the grave ; but I had plucked my precious
flower, what more did 1 want ? I remembered
tny mother’s charge—do thy duty ! I sought out
the gens tVarmcs, and I said, ‘ I am a deserter,
arrest me!’.... And now I am to die, and if, as i
you have assured me, 1 have in you a friend, 1 ,
die without regret, for you will do lor me the j
only service 1 require. The flower which at 1
the risk of my life I plucked from the grave is :
here in a little case next to my heart. Promise
me that you will see that they do not take it
from me. It is the link that binds me to my
mother, and if I thought it would he broken, oh!
1 should not have courage to die Say, do
you promise to do what 1 ask of you'! ”
‘ 1 promise,’ said the officer.
‘ Your hand, that I may press it to my heart;
you are very kind to me; and if the Almighty
God were in his omnipotence to give me life a
second time, 1 would devote it to you,’
The friends parted.
The next day dawned. They had arrived at
the place of execution ; and already had the fatal.
sentence been read, when the low murmurs
which ran through the ranks, suddenly changed
into a most deafening shout. ‘The Emperor ! t
Long live the Emperor! ’
He appeared, dismounted from his horse, then
i with his short, quick step he walked up to the j
[condemned. ‘Pierre,’said he to him. Pierre j
gazed at him and. made an effort to speak, but a :
sudden stupor seemed to overwhelm him. —*j
‘Pierre,’ continued the Emperor, ‘remember
your own words of last night. God gives thee |
life a second time—devote it not to me but to
Book & Job Printing Office,
, y Andrews A 6riaM t
cornvT of fyimldlph and Broad streets, (upstairs.)
W.--1 Wand HUNTING,
suefc as Bill floods, Post Bills, Handbills, Circhlar.
Cords. Pamphlets, Checks, Bills of JoiJing, Bills
/ Eachang*, Minutes, and Blanks of cccnj
description,
tr,#r liSr.r-- a suylr vi .trt, m raiiou* ctTc-rt
Inks, or in gold, silver sad Bronze,
J -P at the very lowest rales. XI
1 jancc. She, too, is a kind and good mother!
Love her as thou did’sf love thy first—thine own.’
He then turned to depart, and greeting shou*> of
admiring love followed him till he was out of
sight.
Some years after this a captain of the Old
Guards fell mortally wounded on the field o?
Waterloo.
Amid the 3in of baitle he was h*4rti to struct
in his death pangs—
‘ Long live the Emperor! Franco forever!
My mother ! My mother! ’
It was Pierre Pitois 1
Fifteen days later from Europe.
Decline in Brcadstuffs —Advance in Cotton.
The Cunard steamer Caledonia , arrived at
Boston on the 4th inst. bringing dates from Liv
erpool to the 19th ult.
American Flour was selling 38 to 40s. per
barrel ; the last steamer quoted it at 42 to 435.
Indian meal was 23 to 245. per barrel ; Indian
corn at 47 to 525. per quarter, the last steamer
left it at 625.
Cotton —New Orleans ordinary to middling,
was sjd. to 6£d ; good to fair, 6|d. The market
firm.
The armed intervention of the British Gov
ernment in the affairs of Portugal, had excited
warm debates in the British House of Commons
and the French chamber of Deputies.
The Ten Hours’ Factory Bill received the
royal assent, by commission, on the Bth inst.
The British Parliament was expected to ad
journ on the 10th of July.
The lords of the treasury have ordered Man
dioca flour and foreign hulled barley to be ad
rnitted without paying duty until the Ist of Sep.
tember next.
All attempts to reconcile the differences be
tween the Queen of Spain and her husband, had
j failed.
The Grain crops throughout every part of
Europe, are most encouraging. A German pa
per states that the potato rot has appeared near
Heidelberg, and that the potatoes affected by
the disease become decomposed sooner than
was the case last year. *
The French Government has ordered that
scientific men in all the departments shall ex
amine microcscopieaffy, every fortnight, the
growing potatoes in the several districts, with a
view to discover if the plant he again tainted,
and the cause of the disease, if it should again
appear.
The free importation of all sorts of Grain into
France has been extended to the 31st of Janu
ary, 1948.
A large commercial house in Marseilles has
failed, owing to a tall in the price of grain. A’-
so two stockjobbers have been apprehended for
j endeavoring to bribe the man at the Telegraph
i to obtain more speedily the quotations of the
’ public funds at Paris.
Measures have been taken in Edinburgh to
erect a statute of the late Dr. Chalmers.
1 he Spanish papers state that alarming corn
ri .ts occurred on the 27th ult. at Aviles, in the
Asturias. The mob threw stones at the sol
j diers, who fired and wounded nine of the riot
| ers, whose object was to prevent the exportation
j of some corn.
A premium of £IOOO has been offered by the
Royal College of Chemistry, for a discovery by
means of which iron, when applied to the ordi
nary purposes, may be rendered as little liable
to rust as copper.
The King of Belgium is reported to be in a
very precarious state of health; which with the
advanced age of the King of the French, creates
considerable uneasiness in European political
and monetary circles.
Several recent deaths of distinguished indi
viduals are announced in the London papers :
Lieut. Gen. Sir Colin Campbell, Mr. Charles
Sheridan, and Carter the Lion King.
Marshal Grouchy, who commanded the French
corps d’armee at the battle of Waterloo, died
o i Saturday the 12th ult, at St. Etienne, in the
82d yi ar of his age.
The Neapolitan Ambassador to the Papal
court has been recalled, at the desire of the
Pope, whose measures of reform he had openly
disapproved.
In Ireland, apart from the contradictory re
ports respecting the potatoc crops, the anticipa
tions of an abundant harvest are cheering. Fe
ver is still awfully rife and malignant, hut the
general downward tendency of provisions and
the ample stores now pouring into the country,
with the fine weather, will, it is hoped, prove
effectual means to check the progress of this
destructive epidemic. Emigration proceeds ve
ry extensively ; during the last two months one
hundred and twenty thousand persons left the
shores of these kingdoms, chiefly Irish, and re
marks the Belfast Northern Whig, “ the extent
of the exodus seems only to be limited by the
means of getting away.”
Murders and outrages are unhappily multipli
ed, until they are regarded as indigenous to
Irish society.
More recruits have enlisted at Skibbereen,
Cork, where distress has been extremely great,
during the past eight months, than during twenty
years previous.
John and Morgan O’Connell have succeeded
their late father in the leadership of the Concil
iation Hull Repealers. Dr. U'Higgius, catho
lic Bishop of Ardagh, has, in a letter to the As
social ion, developed and avowed what was well
known to have previously existed, a system for
converting every priest into a collector of rent,
and the chapels or chapel-yards as receiving
houses; on the other hand, Archbishop Murray
strongly denounces such a prostitution of the
sacred office and sanctuary of God.
The Irish Confederation consider themselves
No. 28.