Newspaper Page Text
R. ELLIS &. CO., Proprietors.
Volume XIV.
COII'MBIH. TI'KHDAY.JUV IS* IW.
lUpudiutinu Platforms.
Tb Opposition Convention, which assembled in
Newnan, on the 29th uIU, and nominated V “>
F. Wright, Esq., for Congress, laid down the
soundest platform, we have seon fn*m the Oppo
sition. In condemning Douglas, the Convention
very consistently condemn, also, Crittenden aud
Bell for their “freesoil affinities.” This was lion
est. Mr. Judge, of Alabama, tlm Opposition
candidate across the Chattahoochee from Colum
bus, does the same. Jle repudiates them. On the
other hand, the leading Opposition organs of this
State endaree Crittenden and Bell, much loss con
demn them for their froe-noil affinities. Wc trust
that Messrs. Judge aud Wright, Opposition can
didates, will set them right. The Southern Re
, (order (Milledgcyille,) the Augusta Chronicle and
Sentinel, Macon Citutn and Sumter Republican
ail praiee Crittenden.
The Chronicle says he is a “pure patriot,” “bat
tling in our cause.” The Recorder, that “hail
counsel” prevailed at Newnan. The Citizen, that
Mr. Crittendeu is “incorruptible,” and the Sum
tor Republican that we “repudiate the charge of
baring “free-soil affinities” made against 8011, of
Tennessee, and the noble Critteudeu, ofKy. A
purer, more devoted, high-toned patriot than
John J. Crittenden, bosom friend of the illustri
ous Clay, never lived.” Thus, we have the
Newnan Opposition Convention, representing the
Opposition party iu the 4th Congressional Dis
trict, 001. Wright and Mr.T, J. Judge, on the
one side and the above array of Opposition jour
nals on the other, occupying grounds the very
antipodes of eauh other. This might have booh
expected from the discordant elements in tboOp
position. They abuse the Democracy, they say
it will ruiu the country, butt save their precious
souls and the country, they cannot offer a better
party or agree auiuiig themselves. It is a prin
ciple of common law, that when a man pleads in
abatement to a writ that he furnish a better.
What sort of a tigure would the Opposition cut,
if they were governed by this rule ? Let the rea
der answer!
l)r. J.t ( Blackburn.
The name of this gentleman, wo see used in con
nection with the office of Representative of Stew
art county in the next Legislature. He has been
recommended, but modestly declines t. lea can
didate for the position. Wo trust that the De
mocracy may Insist upon his s.rvicesr. He will
make a good race, anil if elected, will serve Stew
art county with credit to himself and fidelity to
her interests.
judge Ivanna's speech
We have written so much about the speech of
Hon. Alfred Iverson, delivered in the 1 .S. Sen
ate, there is no necessity for us to allude to the
one recently delivered at tlrifin, which we have
laid before our readers. Suffice it to say. it is a
bold, manly, patriotic speech, wherein he shrinks
from no position heretofore assumed but enunci
ates the platform upon which the South should
stand with a master hand and an honest judg
ment. The speech is a tine production both in
point of rhetoric and ability, and its sentiments
strike a chord, which vibrates in unison with ev
ery throb of true patriotism and genuine love ot
country. We trust our readers will give it u
careful perusal.
SPEECH OF
lion. Allred Iverson,
DELIVERED AT GRIFFIN, JULY 14, 1869.
The tender of a public diuuer. and the highly
complimentary demonstrations which you have
this day made toward me, would fill me, 1 fur,
with too much pride, if 1 did not feel ami under
stand that the foundation aud object of the move
ment were to endorse and approve, in an impos
ing and emphatic manner, the sentiment* which
1 uttered in the Senate of the United States, du
ring the last session, in my speech upon tin; Pa
cific Railroad Bill. And whilst lam not insen
sible to the honor conferred upon uie, personally,
by these manifestations of your favor and friend
ship, I am more gratified to consider them u* a
eiyn that pour hearts and the hearts of the jh*o
ple of Georgia are sound and right upon the
great questions which press them solves upon the
public attention, and upon which I am called to
address you to day.
In a goverment of such peculiar and complica
ted form as our own—of such vast, multiplied
and important monetary, commercial and politi
cal of such extended and extending
territorial compass—questions of the most
grave and important character, arc ever arising
to interest and agitate the public; to awaken the
i>licitode, nlit lb .yinpuli, and rous tlio
energies of the statesman and patriot But of all
the great subjects which have excited the people,
divided parties, and threatened the peace and
stability of the government, since its formation,
none has produced more sensation, more bitter
ness and more danger than the question of slave
ry in the Southern .States of this <*ntederacy.
Aod well may it have produced these extraordi
nary effects. It is indeed a question of para
mount importance, and will continne wider and
deeper in interest, until it swallows up all other*
which cunoern the people of this l niou. It is
not a question iu which any one class alone, at
the South, hi interested; it i* a subject in which
nil are deeply concerned —the rich inan and the
poor man—the owner of his hundred slaves and
thousands of brrtad acres, and the humblecitUen,
wbo never owned a negro aud never expects to
own one—all are vitally interested in the institu
tion of slavery and it# preservation, as it now
exists in the Southern State*. Indeed, lollow
cititens, if there be one class of our people Ul,,r *
Interested in its preservation than another, of all
others, it is that class who “earn their bread by
the sweat of their brow.” Euianicipate the slaves
of the South, and what would be the condition of
the poor laboring white man:’ It said that
slave labor eornes iu competition with, aud chea
pens the labor of the white man. Set the negro
free, and how much would that competition be
lessened f The negro must live; he must he fed
clothed and boused—to obtain these nectaries
of life, he must labor; these are all he works for
hok, he would work for no less if he were free,
in either condition, his labor comes in competi
tion with the white man to that extent, and no
more in one case than the other. If the whole
black race at the South, wos extinguished—wip
ed out of existence, then there would be no labor
left for employment but that of the poor white
man, and his labor might be increased in value;
but who supposes that we shall over get rid oi the
black race, for centuries to come, even should
they be emancipated’ Our Northern brethren
would not receive and keep them. The free black
population f the Northern States, is confessedly
the greatest curse which afflicts that country.
The northern people would be the very last on
the face of the earth, to welcome our liberated ne
groes amongst themselvos. Instigated by feel
ings of fanaticism, envy and hatred towards the
Southern people, they arc ever ready aud willing
to Heal them from us—that annoys, harrassea
and injures us, and gratifies their malevolence;
but take away these motives, and there is not a
Dee State in the Union that would not prohibit
the emigration of free persons of color amongst
them. What disposition, then, could be made of
our four millions of emancipated slaves? Would
they he seut to Africa at the expense of the Gov
ernment? To say nothing of the inhumanity of
subjecting them to a certain roiapse into barbar
ism, the process of removal would bankrupt the
national treasury. Such a scheme would be iin
practicable, and would not attempted. The
generoue philanthropy of our Northern brethren,
would never stimulate them to the expenditure
of millions upon millions of their money, to rid
the Southern people of their liberated negroes.—
No, sirs, there would be but one solution to this
question. When our slaves are set free, with or
wihtout our consent, they willbe left upon our own
•oil, still to compete, in an altered condition,with
the labor of the poor white man, and to curse all
classes with their vicious, degraded and disgust
ing habits. How much better then, would be
the condition of the poor white laborers in our
country, were the negroes free? How much more
demand would there be for white labor, and how
much more profitable would it become? To sgy
the least of it, there could be no material-'lm
provement, whilst In the !oeial relations between
the two classes, the very worst results tol*
* L. x
low genera! emancipation. Many considerations
connected with such a change, crowd upon the
mind, all pointing to itt-terri- lo effi <•* upon the
soeiAl condition, prosperity and happiness ut'ifo
poorer classes of onr white population, but time
will not allow mu even to advert to them upon
the present occasion. There i? one view of the ,
ease, however, to which no sensible man, rich or
poor, cun shut bis eyes. African slavery, as it
exists in the Southern States, elevates the char- 1
aeter and condition of tho poor white man, al
though he knows that there is a class above him
in wealth, education ami social refinement, he
feele that there is a class far below him, which
looks up to him, yields to him and obeys bfm.—
In political privileges, personal rights antisocial
intercourse, this class can never approach him, or
interfere with him. This fact elevates his pride, j
enhance* his consequence, purifies his morality, 1
stimulates bis ambition and ennobles his manli
ness. Ho walks erect in tho dignity of bis color
and race, and feels that he is a superior being,
with more exalted powers ami privileges than
others, and lie enjoys nil the proud advantage*
of that superiority. Emancipate the slave, and
tlm distance between the two classes is at once
lessened the white man sinks and the negro
rises, until all distinction is sooner or later lost,
and both assume a degraded equality. How is
it in countries where slavery does not exist?— j
Compare the condition of the poor white classes (
in the .Northern and Southern States of tiiis Un
ion. In the former, the poor man is tho depend
ent and servant of the rich, with a class above
him and none below him. In the latter, he is
free ami independent, with a class far hrlow him
in tho scale of political, intellectual aud social
power. There the distance between him and his
rich neighbor and employer is marked and de
grading- lure it is measurably aud almost en
tirely extinguished; there tho poor man who en
ters tho rich man’s house on business or other oh- ‘
ject, takes a seat in tho kitchen, or stands iu the
outer hall, and transacts his business with the
lordly aristocratic proprietor; he no more pre
sumes to enter the parlor, or take n seat at the •
riob man's table, than the verriest slave in all the |
South would do the same things here. At* the
South, and all over if, the honest, decent poor
man and laborer, visits his rich neighbor on bust- ‘
ness or pleasure, with the confidence of a freeman
aud with an assurance of hospitable treatment
lie is Invited to the parlor, or other convenient
and decent room -he partakes of the social meal
at the table of the owner, and is treated with civ
iiity, respect and kindness*. What a marked
difference in the condition of the same class in |
different sections! how much more proud, more j
derated, inure enviable and happy the position
of the Southern than the Northern man! Let
slavery he abolished in the Southern States, and >
the condition of the poor laboring white* would !
soon become worn than that of the similar class
at the North. The Northern people boast of
their superior knowledge, of their more general
diffusion of education amongst all classes, whilst j
it is a well ascertained fact, that more ignorance !
prevails amongst t heir laboring classes, than in j
any other portion of our country. They can read i
and write and cypher, but us for a general know- !
ledge of men ami things, they are comparatively |
profoundly ignorant; they know little of s|eir
• •wo and less of other countries. At tho *‘outh, ‘
though the poorer classes may not he so farad
vaneed in hook learning, their general knowledge ;
ofmeuand things, is far more extensive mid 1
useful.
Mixing a they do with the higher and more !
educated classes, they acquire a knowledge, and
take an interest not only in relation to the affuire
of their own country, but of foreign land* they j
are f'auiiiliafSriih the current polities of tho day ;
—with tbo operations of the Government.
They are, in short, tho best informed, most Intel- ‘
ligent, most proud, patriotic and happy pCor class 1
of any uatiou in the world. This superiority is,
to a great extent, attributable to tho existence . f
slavery amongst us, and the elevating tendencies j
of that Institution, aud the poor man knows aud
l'oels it. When tho Northern fanatic is told that
his continued aggressions upon that institution, |
will drive the South to disunion, he tauntingly J
replies, that a largo majority of the Southern peo -
pie do not own slaves, are not interested in the
maintenance of slavery, and will not permit the
.slaveholder* to break up the Union—no greater
mistake, iu m_r •}••.. •**♦ !■■*- I
cr delusion ever existed. The poor man at the 1
South knows too well what would be the result of j
übolitiou designs—he knows what would be the j
effect of emancipation be well understands that !
if slavery be abolished the value of hi* own labor
will be diminished, his political and social Condi
turn lowered, and his personal safety itself great- |
ly jeopardized. Set the negroes free, and ibe j
rich man foreseeing tho danger, ami dreading the j
evil* that'are sure and soon to follow, cun escape J
them by removal to a free Btale or some other
safe and quiet home. Tho poor man mutt remain !
upon the soil, to encounter the ravages of that j
“black plague,” which would cover the lend. And
that is not all: the emancipation of our slave pop- I
ulatiou would sooner or later lead to a war bo- j
tween tho races, the most bloody and fata! whi'h ;
X*ver stained the annals of any country. The j
brunt Os that war would necessarily lie borne by 1
the poor classes of tho white population—tho ef
fects would mainly Upon them, and they
would reap a rich harvest of all those terrible
evils which follow in tbc'train of internecine wars.
It is true that the loss to the slaveholder and
the country would be incalcuable ; the emanci
pation of four-millions of slaves, worth, at the !
present prices, more than three billions of dollars,
would be a blow to the wealth and prosperity of |
the South, which it would take centuries to repair;
hut the slaveholder would have bis broad acres, ,
his houses aud lands, bis rents and'profits t<> fall
back upon—tho’ greatly injured, if be did not ■
ffeo, ho could yet survive and live ; whilst the j
poor men, like hi* brother laborer at the North,
would become “tbo bower of wood and drawer of j
water” for the rich and powerful. Yes, sirs, the ;
poor people of this country are more interested j
m the maintenance of slavery than even
those who own the negroes. I think I under
stand the feelings and sentiments of the people !
of our own State upon this great subject, and I !
venture tho opinion, that if the question was put j
to-day to the people of Georgia, whether the lie
groes should be set free in tho country, uine out ;
of ten of those who do not own a slave, would
vote in the negative; nay, more, they would take
up arms, if necessary, and fight to the death to
prevent tho infliction of so great a calamity,—
Yes, fellow-citiseus, the preservation of slavery
iu the Southern States is indeed of incalculable
importance to us ail. I might enlarge upon the
subject until 1 would swell my remarks to a good ’
sized volume, hut neither my own strength, or !
your patience, would permit ninth a ditteursioo.—-
Slavery w net be maintained ~in the. I nioo, ifpoe
mible—out of it if utceeenry peaceably if ire may j
—.forcibly if we touel. The voice of the Northern
abolitionist and the Southern submissionist would ;
cry, “The Union—lt must and shall be prescrv- j
ed.” My voice and yours is, “Slavery at the
South—it must and shall be preserved, until in 1
our own good tirno, our interests and our philan
thropy shall decree its extinction.” Is the insti 1
tutiou in danger in the present Federal Union ? —-
This is a great, important, momentous question. ‘
Like the commandments in scripture upon which
“hang all tho law and Prophets,” upon this great
question hung the interests and fate of millions.
If it be in danger, then our interest, our honor, i
our peace and prosperity, nay our safety und self- |
preservation demand that wo shall avert the dan- I
gerund itee from tho wrath to come whilst we (
have the power to escape. I know that there nre |
many .Southern men who believe, that tho lustitu- j
tion of slavery is on a safer foundation now than i
it has ever be*-n since tho formation of the Con- j
foderacy. Bo too of these parties are honest in i
their views, whilst in others, “tho wish is father ]
to the thought,” and in many, selfish considers •
tions give utterance to sentiments and opinions i
which are not soriously felt or entertain mi. My ‘
own opinion is, that tho institution of slavery in
the Southern States is not only in danger, hut
without a prompt, bold, firm and manly course
on their part, is doomed to inevitable destruction.
The evidences of the truth of this proposition are
numerous and unmistakable. Upon the present
occasion, I can only glanco at a few of them
their history is written upon the out pread pages
of the times, and in characters so large that “ho
who runs may read.”
The first dawning of Northern hostility to
Southern slavery was exhibited upon the admis
sion of Missouri into the Union. I need not de
tail the circumstances of that exciting and event
ful period of our history—they are as familiar to
you Ainl.all the American people as “household
words.”* In the violent opposition of the Nor
thern Btatat to the admission of Missouri because ,
slavery was tolerated by her Constitution, tho
Southern people recognised u decided hostility to
their “peculiar institution” amongst tho masses I
of the Nor thorn B tales, A a design to circumscribe j
its area, to prevent it! extension, and finally to
abolish it altogether. It was not only the viola- |
tion of a MVimßbhil rigbtjbiit a manifestation ,
hostility to the “Institution” itself.
outb saw and felt it in this light and resented
the dangerous aud daring attack. The contro
versy was angry and bitter. Tho North pressed
the subject with that obstinate and unyielding te
nacity and acrimony which always acoompany
fMftUciim, aod tbs South, to preserve the Uniyn,
THK IIIUON IIF THE STATES, AMI THE SHYER EIGNTV OF THE STATES.
with sin i‘ .-r:Mid **.Uf \ added to a degrading
und uucoi.stitui n.tl urn:- which ha#
suhwffuca'lly lawn th- fudlfttl •.otm-e of c.ii: mote
degrading ami ni-übing.. \action from tho Noib ;
If tho Southern .*• lutes tia.t then pfo* •• •* i- > >• .
upon the C>.3itiuhou and arm- ./ ‘ * 1
a* tho only condition upon which tiny would u
! main iu tho Union, wo should never ;• .in lm\o
heard of MUoourl restriction*. W.luinl I’r.o i . |
‘or Squatter Sovereignty- A weak nan never -
1 cures the forbearance of bis niotu powerful etieuiy |
j by submitting ton wrong nr compromising a right
I •- his safety lies . nly in a firm nr.d manly resis
tance, If necessary, awn uu to death. It has been
I the constant readiness of tho Southern people to
! submit to unconstitutional aggression and wrong
“to tare thie tflurinu* f’nioM,” that has whetted tho
appetite of Northern fanaticism ami made tho
j Northern abolitionists bold and defiant in their
arrogant and dangerous demands. It remains to
ho seen whether once more and again, tho
j South will be lulled to sleep hv the
! syren voice, and be led on to inevitable destruo
\ lion. Having made an entering wedge, by the
Missouri restriction towards tbo aecoiupliahmvnl
I of the final overthrow of slavery, the spirit of nh
| oHtionism, alarmed at threats of disunion from
the Pnulli, although feebly uttered, rested for a
i brief poriod. it£broke ,mt again in a few yours
j and presented itself in the form of petitions to
j Congrets from all the Northern States, demand
ing the abolition of slavery in the District of 00-1
1 lumbia. The South, by u united cjfnrt fiioooesful- |
i ly resisted this unconstitutional, insulting and j
’ dangerous innovation upon her rights; but the |
I spirit of anti slavery at tho North was fed by the |
’ contest, and fattened Into such huge pnqiortloi .
i that iu a few years it swallowed up the great ,
Whig party of that sot-lion, and threatened iho j
1 overthrow of nlLopposing elements. The \Vilmot
! Proviso and the outrages of l 8. r >o were the bitter 1
’ fruits of that increasing and rampant power of !
: abolitionism on the one baud, and thosuluc; .\ \
I und yielding temper of tho .Southern Stub - on j
i tlie other. TheWilmot Proviso -which w;.s i >
’ shut out slavery from all the Territories acquired !
j from Mexico, and from nil that might be acquired j
in the future from any and every quarter. If i
j Empire's were obtained with the blood or treasure
of the Southern people, they were to be eonseera
! ted to freedom, and the South and her institution ,
J forever excluded. The uianly voice of a lew i
i Southern patriots, tho voice ot tho Southern Rights |
j Party of Georgia, and some <>t her surrounding
| sister States, drove the N.-rth slowly !nd*rehht
antly into the Compromise Measures of 18u0.
j Fellow-citirens, t here are doubt less some hero
j to-day, there are thousands el tie where in Georgia, j
1 ami tho whole South, who thought them “wise,
liberal aud just.” They were advocated and sup- I
ported by many Southern men, equally as honest }
and much wiser than myself—they have been I
| acquiesced in by the Southern people and espeoi- i
I ally in a most formal manner by a majority of
. the people of iny own State. It does not become
j me to speak of them with sev erety or barshm ■
i a proper respect for the opinion* and actions * a
j majority of uiy fellow-citizens leads me to char- ;
! aeterir.o their adoption only us a ni" j t unfortunate ,
I and dangerous political error. Tho Territories
! acquired from Mexico were obtained with tho
j bhiol and treasure of tho whole country, they i
; were tho common property of the people of tho :
United Slates. The .Southern people were enti- i
! tied to uii equal enjoyment of them : to as lull, [
j free andTintrainiuelled possession of the common |
I property, a* their Northern brethren—they had j
’ the undoubted right In emigrate to these territo
• ries, and carry with tlum any and all properly >
j w hich they owned at home, ami which wap n-cog
i l.ized and secured to them a* property by tire t’-.n
i stitutinn of the United Stale*, und by thoconsti- j
j tilt ion and law* of their own Stale-. Having thus
I the unqualified right to go into the territories with
j their slave property, they had the uccoto .irily re- |
1 suiting right of promotion in the unjuyuicnt of
| that properly, during tile cxiateucu of the terriio
j at government, as u matter of
i-1 gat ion, and of sheer justice to the Southern people,
■ it was the duty of Congress immediately after the
acquisition of those territories, to organise terri
j tonal governments, not only without a prohibition
! as to slavery, hut providing for its regulation in
1 i aso it either existed In, or should enter any of
them by the voluntary emigration of the South
ern people. But bow was it ? The Northern ab*.
! <.Hi|.wlw4 vx l>u4ij. i. m b>> iuaJoXiu.
I the House of Representative.-, obstinately relus< and
j to organize governments fur those Iciriforie.-, c\-
j ceptwltb a provUrtou excluding slavery. Sirh a
j bill passed that body, but the {Southern Senator*,
; Hided by tho rotes of Northern Democratic Wcna
i utra, resisted this foul demand and defeated tbo
I infamous proposal. The consequence was tbul
lno territorial governments were formed. Thu
j rabble horde* of Northern abolition go;d digg< r*
1 rushed iu thousands to the golden fields oi Uuli
fnruia. Tho Southern slave-holder having no
i protection for hi* property, and dreading the
| harvard to which it would bo exposed,kept uiouf,
even from this land of “milk and honey,” und the
I political destiny of tW country wu* settled uguim-t
| us. The South was entitled to California. It i*
| a notorious fact that all mining operations can bo
[ curried on more certainly und more profitably
! with pJave, than with free labor. The annual
j cost oftho former is only hi* personal expenses of
! food, raiment and medicinal attention, und tho
; interest upon nis value and price- he i* subject
jto tho absolute command and control of hi* uwu
| er, and is always at hand and constantly engaged
in tho duties and labors, which, to bo profitable,
I must be closely applied. If the public land in
California “bad been surveyed and offered in
; market, us had always been u*ual upon tbo acqui
sition of hew territories, and if tlw Boutheru peo
j pic had been guaranteed protection und security
! to their slave property, thousand* of her ttdvvn
. tunwis uml enterprising sons would have sought
| their homes and fortunes on tbo shores of the I’u
! rifle, and California would have been a slave
; Btte. Tho North knew this —hence their refu
sal either |to organize a territorial government,
i with protection to slavery, or to survey and sell
j the land. Iftbe South then had acted with man
ly firmness—if it had said in authoritative lau
j gunge to the North: “We are eutitledtoan equal
j participation with you of this common inberit-
I ance—we are entitled, as Joint owners, to go into
; it with our *lavo property -wo are entitled to it*
I protection under law whilst there, and we demand
these rights—if you yield them, well—it you re
fuse them, we separate from you;” if this had
been the united and determined voice of the
Southern people, territorial governments would
have been formed at once, slavery would liave
had legal protection—it would have taken rout
and spread over tho country, California would
1 have Men a slave State, and the South would
1 have been spared ’.he humiliating injustice of the
I Compromise Measures of IfffiO.
But under the delusive aud fatal pretext of
“saving the Union” the South again surrendered
j a right, and submitted to a wrong. This w;i
; the bitter fruit of that violent, widely extended,
j and all absorbing hostility to 8, mi tinrn slavery,
i which had then seized and held the Northern
! mind in bondage; and yet from a party and a
1 people who had the power and tho will to Inflict
[ *o great an outrage upon nearly one half of this
| Union, it is thought mid said that we are to ap
prehend Hu danger! These gross violations of
J Southern right*—this reckless trampling upon
Southern feeling*, was but a faint evidence of
that deadly hostility to slavery which pervaded
j ami yet pervades the Northern heart, and only a
: dim foreshadowing of wlmt was, and i* in wait
: for us in*the future. Tho demon of abolition us
1 he stood forth in gigauuv proportions in the tno
! morable contest of IKS, could not but arrest tho
j attention, excite the fears, and arousatbe indig-
I nation of every Southern in an. For tne first time
j in the history of the Hepublfo—candidates for
j President and Vice President were selected from
I one section—fan upon a sectional Issue and voted
j for alone hy I hat section and upon thatissue—op-
I position to slavery—what did this mean? Did
* they merely with to gel possesion of the govern
j merit to enjoy the “loaves and fislioi” of public
patronage?
it would be paying a poor compliment to the
keen sagacity and statesmanship of those able and
adroit leaders who controlled that movement, to
suppose that such was the only, or tho main ob
ject of tbeir struggle; nor did they disguiie their
object—their battle cry was: down with the De
mocracy-down with (he accuarad slgvcocracy of
tha South—freedom shall reign eternal and uni
versal over the American States. The Republi
can papers In all the free States teemed with the
most abusive and vituperative articles, not only
against slavery but ngaiiM the fcnuthenv people
—a hatred more hitter and vindictive toward*
! na thou ever ruled or rankled in the tory brea* t,
during the Revolution toward the immortal
Whigs of that glorious and memorable period—
jealousy aud envy more violent than that
( which instigated the brethren of Joseph to con-
I spire his death, and which doomed him to exile
) and Egyptian bondage, Idled all their ‘bought*
j —poisoned all their words und blackened nil their
j deeds during that exciting and excited contest.
i If they hau Mioctiedrd, do you suppose they
would ha*e been satisfied with the mere po*-eli
sion of newer! That power would i<ut have
j stimulated them toother and more fatal aaaauiu
upon the right* of tbo Southern people.
In all agea and in all countries fanaticism l
I grows more ravenous and vorcmioui as it devour*
l the victims of it* fury. It foods and feed* until ‘
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, MONDAY, JULY 25, 1859.
all being consumed, nothing is left t* gorge its
gloated maw. And ?•* with the fanaticism of tbo
\ ..i ;hto Si.. ‘• - What hut envy, hatred, and
• lup *u much sympathy
’ ‘ or. nt ot u contemptible
i • • ‘ ! •)!■ in the Nenuto
t” • ‘ '• If.’ *’ othc-n Senator
; be. i • . - ■ th. .mu j bice and in tbo
j “Im* O: . J ; , .1 ■ ! r.;-iill or injury,!
♦ \ . in Pre.s ivmi l !
ha\ • - . -I c vi'lic in condemnation ? It would
h’ V* ii t •;> t.i U>'Uli.l ;iltl’d pleasure, liwn*
no sn inpalli) I, * .mincer's person, that produced
ueh ;i furor of indignation and excitement
throughout tho Northern Status, it was sympa
thy fur the cm iso of abolition of which he was
the insulting advocate. It was no personal dis
like to Brooks as a man, it was a deep rooted
und violent haired to slavery and the Southern
people of which he was the noble and honored
champion. Who but a peopled steeped in fanati
cism and malice uml lost to all sense of justice
and forbearance toward their {Southern brethe
rou, could h,:vc presented a mere man of straw
for tho highest office in the gift of a groat nation,
and rallied to his support upon u sectional issue,
the elei tor.d votes ot ueuilv one half of the State#
ot this muon ! \\ hat i.- to ho expected of such
a party when firmly seated in office und looking
to slavery us tho only impediment 10 the cousoli
dati. a and contjmicneo of its^power? It has
already violated i cry eonstituioiicd obligatidu
j which it could violate with impunity. Thu right
|of til Southern people to a peacelui and prompt
reclamation of their t'ugiii.o slaves, guaranteed
by the eoiisiituli. sail p.otueted Ivy law, has
! been despised, cull niued aud trampled under
; loot, t on ;n * ;’ i.i statute* entV reing the right
I hivv c been openly I'epudia ed by legislative eu-
I aetmeiit in tunny <t; the free Slates, iu olhers it
! bu> been resisted and set at naught by organized
i mobs and rendered utterly valueless to the South
jrn people. Organized societies have been for
med in i ; l the iii-4* aud large sums of
money ruic.-d to pay abolition /VrfiZrj for vteal-
I.■! aay the slave* of tho border .States to hnr-
I r;--, irritate and injure their lawful owners.—-
j lu short tho conduct of the masse* of the north
ern lYople exhibits more bitternes* and hostility
towards tlicit Southern hrotbeixn, than ever
j marked tlio bloody contest of border nations
i m'.icu the world bugun. They are this duy, the
niust unscrupulous, tho most violent and vindi
cative cm mics which tho Southern people have
■ n the iacu of the v ide earth. 1 speak of tho
abolition borders of the North and the Black Re
publican party of tbo free Stales. L admit that
llu •re arc exceptions. i
The interest of the commercial classes in
! the large eit tod, smothers their fanaticism, but
( like a hidden volcano, its tires arc only pent
j up tor the present, to burst forth at a future
| day, currying devastation aud death iu their
t ruin. The democratic party of the free JStutos,
1 allied with their Southern brethren, in political
! contests, nud looking to them for tlie obtain
; incut id political power, lias for many years,
, given to Die constitutional rights of the iioutli
; a manly support ; but like an unity in the face
1 ■■! a superior mid more vigorous toe, doubtful
: of its position and conscious of iiiierioritv, it
| lias kept up. as ii were, only u retraining lire,
; ‘.lntel its ranks have been constantly thinned
i by desertion and death, until at length it has
! surrendered Hearty every inch of ground lo
i the enemy. From tlio beginning of this aboli
tion \v*ir, to the present day, not a man has
i gone over to the sound domoeniev, from the
j tree-soil ranks, whilst tho lesbcniug und wu
verm hosts ci'tlie former, have year idler year
| melted away before llufir fanatical enemy like
I the snows before the rays of u burning sun.
Wiiatexei “thers nee, say—whatever delu
-1 mvi 1 hopes may be cute, tinned to Ihe contrary,
i I consider all iosi ut tlm North. The coiiHti
(ulionulj muiul demoeriu y of the Ire*; States,
it not dead and buried are paralyzed and
powerless- ucii the bold, galluni — ouce
sound ami imllineliiiig Douglas once tlm
able and manly defender of Southern Rights,
i.as yielded to the storm and bowed his thick
mid stubborn neck to the yoke, lie has not
it is true, gone over ■•ban and baggage’’ to the
enemy, und announced his ullegiaiuitt lo them,
but he stands to-day with one loot in our ranks
nud one in the ranks of our mortal Ibe; and
he te s:,i - I mindeti by the very flower o! the
-nhei ii democracy, wtio nrr rsmlt i i,,||w
him. body and soul, •• horse, Ipot and dru
!:oonrt” into the enemies’ camp wlienever Ills
honest convictions or I. selfish interests may
•peak the word of command. Judge Douglas
has been accused of deserting the South und
earryiiiu off thousands of the Northern democ
racy with hi in in the Leeoinpton war. He de
scried ii*, it is true, in that important uml uv-
ting struggle, but it was not in my opinion,
a voluntary desertion- he was forced to lus
position by the public .sentiment of bis own
section lie was horue along by a current
” li.eh he found himself unable, if willing, to
resist. Tl “ great mass of the Northern de
moernev. driven into straits by the .swelling
power “i tin- ab'dili aist*-, bad seized upon
tbo he.resy of -quarter sovereignty,” as u
safe and middle vonnd between the YVilmot
l’rovteo ot’ the North oil the one band, arid the
“©onjrressiotinl I’loteeiion’’ doctrine of the
South on tho oilier They weft* either not
bold enough or honest enough lo lake the true
Constitutional ground of semiring equality to
the people ol nil the States by C ong ressional
enactment they ret rented to lire plausible,
but deiufcivc and rotten ground of ‘ popular
-"•. rremiity,” hoping to bamboozle their South
ern Allies, and at the same time resist the an-
Mitt Its of thmr Northern opponents. They
/.are dam ,u ititii. The Southern rlave holder
sees through the flimsy texture of this frail
covering to his const it utionnl rights -the
Northern abolitionist scorns and rejeeta it as
too rough and tediou- n pathway to the goalof
hi* party’s ambition and micccss. He chooses
a more direct road to tin* suppression of sla
very in the Territories, and demands its exclu
sion by U'ongressiooal prohibition. Os what
benefit to the South is the “squatter sovereign
ty” doetriu* of pouaini and hia foiloweMl
Let Khiisiis speak. The South was entitled to
K./ii- “, and ii iu-li* und been done her, sin*
would have taken Kansas. I dir agree with
th e Southern men whoh an apology tor the
surrender of Kansas 10 abolitionism, assert
that the sod and climate ol that Territory are
miMiited to slavery. Its soil and climate are
precisely tlu.se of the border conn lie* of Wea
leru Missouri, and it is a notorious fact that m
in* part of the Southern Slates is slave labor
moro profitable than in Western Missouri.
The census tables oi IfifiU exhibit the Itiel (hut
slavery had increased ill a greater ratio in the
Stale of Missouri, for the preceding ten years,
than m any other slave Stale m the I 11 ion, and
that tnerea-o was mainly confined lo the Wes
tern portion of tho State, contiguous to Kurisas.
The staple products of that region; are wheat,
In Join corn, tobacco, uud hemp the latter is
tin- rrio -t profitable, and yields more money to
tire land, than lire cultivation of cotton in the
planting States. J was informed by uu intellt
gout and reliable gentleman, wbo emigrated at
ail early day, to Kansas und carried a few
slaves w itb him, that he could realize from tire
culture of’ hemp, from three to “i* hundred
dollars per annum to the hand. Where in nil
tin* South, / an slave labor he more proiitably
employed ‘ if the negro race cun live and
multiply and thre o in Missouri, why may it
not iii Kaiirii- ‘ hanr us was contiguous to
slave State--, especially to Missouri--the natu
ral tei deucy ol emigration to Kansas was from
tho neighboring slave States. If there bail
been < ‘ongressiotml protection to slave proper
ty in Knn the Southern people would have
felt aft abiding security m taking their negroes
mto that rice mid beautiful country. Emigra
tion would have poured into it from Missouri
and the iimghboimg slave States, und Kansas
would have been ours. Jink how was it f
C oiigre •* refused to ,ive legal protection to
slave property in Kansas and 101 l slave holders
to the tender mercies of the squatter sove
reigns who were precipitated upon her soil by
the Northern, abolition emigrant aid socie
ties. to make it u free Btate. No prudent mini
would curry his daves into the Territory un
der sueli circumstances. Slavery is proverbi-*
ally timid and will not go wiicuu it is not made
sale in advance from thu Ihugr of that vora
nous serpent, which is ever ready and eager
to swuiiow und devour it.
The loss of Kansas to tboHouth was the logitte
ni .tr and inevitable fruit ol the “Squutter Hov
'.reitrnty” element! of the Kani!* Nebraska Bill,
as oonatrued anil enforced by its authors and
friends. They were enough in themselves to pro
duce that, result, but a. a part und purcel of the
influence nnd power ol tho free roil sentiment of
lire N■•rfhern Stte. the administration of even
(/ion. Fierce gave way to its hold impudent de
mand.® and put over Khiihhh a batch of free-rail
Governors and other Federal Officer# to warp with
•fiieial patronage and influence, the rautiuumts
aid poll i al Action ul the pi opt* Nehru ska was
n Northern Territory given up by ail purlias to
free institutions*---Kansas was a Southern Terri
tory und ought to have bocu subjected.'to Houth
lern eofitrol; but yielding to tho pressure of
Nofiberu Anti-ilavory hostility and tho strong
current to make Kansas a free State-—to appease
tho morbid appetite of tho abolition monster, who
shook his bloody fingers at the Drcsidout, lie re
versed the natural aud appropriate order us things
and appointed Southern men Governors of Ne
braska, and Northern men for Kansas! And tho
present administration, though professing tho
greatest regard for Southern rights, uml the umst
profound indijt'erence, ns to tho political fate of
! Kansas, ha* followed tlm example of its “illustri
ous pie.t. ee: mid behold the arniy of North
ern Five Soil Governors over Kunsn -Ueedor,
Gary, fdiuuoii. Walker aud Ak-dary, ull hailing
from tho same see tion, all of the same material*
made, and all eontieeruted aud devoted to the miiiiu
great und of making Kansas a tree State, aud
thus Kansas was lost to tho South. It tho b<.nth
urn Status hud planted their feet upon tho firm
plauk of tlmir sovereign equality and constitu
tional rights, when Territorial Governments were
formed, and demanded protection to their slave
property by federal laws, during the existcneo of
the Territorial Governments, I( aoKidvration
of remainin'/ in the f’liion, wo should never have
been cursed with the wretched uneertivinlies or
unmeaning gtmernlitir* ot tho Kansas Nebraska
bill, ami tliu thousand ills of which it has been
thoprohfie source. Will it bo argued that under .
that bill, slavery has been established in New i
Mexico? Who believes that it will become per
manent or be maintained ns tho gcttlcd policy of
that Territory ? It has been adopted through
official iutrigucand under the iufluem e of official !
patronage and power it was e,.verity und sud
denly done—-it took the South, as well as the j
North by surprise, lint the North would even 1
now, ami before this have overcome and ohlitciu- ‘
ted it from tho Territorial statute hook, by her j
hoards ofnbolition scum sent there hy her omi ;
grating aid societies, “to regulate the domestic’
institutions of the people,” if sho bad not resurv -
ed it as an clement of agitation and success in the
next Presidential campaign. Whenever *ho
chooses she can wipe it out iu twelve months.
She luia only to bring the guns of her abolition aid j
societies to bear upon the doomed laud aud slav
ery will tioofromit ua it did from Kansas. No,
follow-citizens, give no legal and tangible pro- j
tuotiun to slavery, ambit will never plant ana ‘
biding foot print in any Territory of the United
S tut on. 1 shall not atop here to argue tho doe- i
trine ofcdngrosfcAoual protection to slavery in tho
Territories, nor to combat the errors of “squatter ;
sovereignty I take tho oceuston tu coni* ■-t that j
l was once t ile advocate of the latter liei . F V -cur* ‘
ried away by its attractive but duiutuv,: sophistry, j
which, like the “ii/niefatin'*,” lures only todo-|
stray, and without serious examination into its j
truth and general bearings, and looking ut it ns ‘
the only alternative of the YVilmot Proviso, 1 whs i
ready to tuku it vs the “best vve could get.” 1 i
was wrong und 1 admit, regret and recant, the
error. Subsequent investigation and r* IK.-iion{
soon convinced me that the only into theory in ‘
relation to To/riforial Govern men Is in the Union
is that both tho power aud the el nty uro conferred
und imposed upon Congress tuna.'.-, law- for the
protection ami regulation of slavery, wherever it
exists er may exist upon the eoininnti soil. Imu
as well convinced of l .by truth and propriety l ■
this doctrine, ns 1 hiu of the doeirine of salvation
declared to man in the racrod word ot God. but I
whilst 1 insist upon the absolute right of the
Southern people m legal protection in the pus
session nud enjoyment of their slave property in
tho Territories of tho United States and the pow- j
er and duty of Congress to give .-m b protection, ■
I utterly deny the power of emigre-s undor th( |
eoiiftittition or otherwise, to prohibit slavery !
from the Territvuios, or ai/olishing it, if there To (
regulate and protect the property of the uitucu is ;
mu* thing—to deprive him of it is another, and !
altogether different thing. One is not'only with
in the power <d'nil Governments, butte <me of the
main objects and obligations of all Governments, i
The other cannot be done in our Government ud
tmder our Constitution, except for “t/c- public
un” and not then without ju; compensation to
tho owner. Hutffi is the language r.f the Federal
Constitution. This right ot the Southern people
on one hand, and this power and duty oi Congr* > -
on tho other, ure, J hope aud believe, fust becom
ing the settled doctrine of tbo Southern people, 1
and will, sootier or later, bo demanded by them, ;
with n spirit and power which cannot bo rousted.
But this doctrine, so doar as it is, and ought to be 1
to tho South, will never ho recognized or admitted
by the North. Whilst tho South is divided In rant! j
meut or umJooidffil in action. Tlio Black Hepub- i
lican party at tho North m-outeil. The Northern
Democracy shrink’ from it. Jt will uover be gran- |
ted or acted upon until tho South, united upon it. ‘■
speaks in authoritative, positive, and determined
language to tbo- North, ami toils it. “wo arc en 1
titlod to this rigid -wc tnnel AuceiV—ll tvooiiniiot j
get it In tho [Juiott,wo will sock itoutof'Lhe Union.’ j
If the South over brings its united mind and lionrt
up to that point, then her (!otistitutlonal lights I
will be respected and conceded by tho Federal
Government: but without sueh a hold, manly !
aud decided course, what are wo to expect from
tho Northern States, or from Federal Legislation?
Look nt the prevent condition ami future pros* j
poets of public seuti .mint in the. free States us
tbo present und future state of political parties in i
Congress. Tli ere aro a few son tub and true
Northern moii still liugering in tho Senate, nearly
every vestige of sound Northern conservatism in
tire other house has already been extinguished
four years more will give to she abolitionists the
control of the Senate - Iffiil will witness the in- j
auguration of a free soil President,and then, with 1
both branches of Congress, and an abolition
President, tho Supreme Court, tho lust barrier to
fanatical encroachment, will soon give way. i
Vacancies upon that bench of stern old men will
occur by nature, .r be made by Gougressional
legislation, to bo filled hy the creatures of party j
dictation, until thnt august Tribunal will bow its
neck to the yoke of unrelenting iuuaiiciimi, amt
then tho acts ol an abolition Congress, sanctioned
by nn abolition President, will bo uphold by tbo
decrees of an Abolition Cuurt and enforced, if no- ,
cesMtiry, by tbo bayonets of an Abolition army, !
Tbo great high l’riost of tbo abolition Church,
Win. H. Seward, has already declared In bold and
vuuuting tortus, in the Senate of tho United
States, tlmt “the Supreme Court must recede, or
tbo Supremo Court must, l. reformed,” and he i
lias more power and influence over lint Black
Republican party of the North, than tho Pope of)
Koine bus over the Catholic world, it is iu vain
to hope that a reaction will take itio.ee iu the
Northern mind, and that a sound conservatism
will over again rule the Northern heart. We I
huve heard that cry aud tliat hope repeated again
and again, for more than twenty years, and yot
the spirit and power of abolition hove continued
to t pread, increase ami strengthen, until now,
they control the political action of nearly over.y
free State iu this Union, and openly proclaims
the intention of wiping out slavery in all the l
American Htuias. The hold and daring declare- |
tim of the great leader ol tin* Republican party j
iu his speech ut Rochester, last fall, that freedom ;
and slavery cannot exist together in lire .-.mio !
Government, and that one or the other must fall. ,
was but the echo of tho popular sentiment all
over the free States, it has been repeated oil the i
floor of the National Congress; it has filled the
public press ; it lies been re-echoed from tho hust
ings of many popular assHiubiieM ami will b* the
groat, ihiholeth iu the campaign of lWbfi. The
Northern clans are to be mustered tho war cry i
of “down with Hlavery,” ami the black flag of
“universal emancipation” will be raised aloft,
never ugain to he furled until it shall waive in
triumph over a disgraced, degraded and destroy
ed South, or Oiet at the threshold by a manly
spirit of Houthorn resistance, be driven back to |
its native regions to lead on tho dark destiny and
fortunes of a separate Northern Government.
May such be Its fate—and such will be its fate ml
its only mission, if the Southern people arc only
true to themselves, true to their rights, their in
terests and their honor—true to that spirit of in
dependence, and those snored principles of civil
und religious liberty which animated their iui- ,
mortal sire# iu. the struggles of the Revolution.
1 know not how other* may look upon tho tri- J
utnpb of the abolitionist# in tire Presidential elec
tion of IH6<>, but I do not Iresitato to declare for !
myself, that I should consider it a# a declaration
of war against the institution of slavery in the
Union, und a foreshadowing of a settled policy to
break it down by the influence, power and action
of tho Federal Government. I cannot stop to
( enlarge upon the process hy which such a result
would Imj reached. With every branch <>f the
government in the hands of a party steeped in the
gall und wormwood of anti-slavery hostility, am
bitious of success, imd maddened by opposition,
no stone would be left unturned, no means tu*- !
glue ted, noeffort untried to accomplish its dia
bolical purpose*. In the follow, it# power# would
l>e omnipotent. The rejection of slave States and
admission iff.free .States, would soon -well their
majority in both Houses of Congress to an over
powering and irresistable number, agatttit which
the feeble voice of the South would ho raised in
vain.
The reversal of the Dred Scott decision the J
exclusion of slavery from the territories by Con
gressional enactment, tho repeal of the fugitive |
slave law, the abolition of slavery in tho District ‘
of Columbia, the .imposition of high protective j
tariff# to burthen uml cripple slave labor in thu i
South, in short the exercise of every power, for
which an excuse muv be found or invented, cal-j
culated to weaken the institution and finally des
troy it, tits first and tarty fruits of tliwi
daringaml malignant experiments. II llioSonth
I submits t' one, .die will submit to another, and
i tu all of these abominable ami dnmnoblo aggres
| sious. until she w ill find herself both unable amt
; ufiwilling to resist :i decree of tmiversul emanci-
I pat ion. In uiy opinion, tho true safety of the
Smith, os well ih her true honor, dictate* n firm
| and manly resistance to the first tutoress of the
abolition party, which shall bt|ibun*led upon op
i position to slavery aud looks to ite overthrow in
i the Union.
If, therefore, tbo republican party of the free
‘Gab . which is only another name for tin aboil
i lion party, shall present reel long l Northern can
•thintea in
didates, uml iijiuti a sectional plat form of opposUloii
I to {Southern >lnvery, and shall elect t hem by a sue*
lion;*! Northern \ <• . i:. w ml.I in nv. n, be
; sufficient und ii tuple time br * parau.m. 1 1 are not
in what specious form of tv .r Is, such a sectional
: platform may be tnn-do : if tho spirit of a* ti-slave
ry shall be its soul and it* .aniimuing element if
hatred to slavery and those who uphold and de
fend it, slutll he the eontroling pmvor over tlm
Northern musses, mul shall carry them to tho
I polls to vote for their abolition candidates and
, thus tho true, sound, conservative men of the
! North and South ahull ho borne, down and defeat
ed, it will bo Mine for tho Smithcru people to look to
j the safety of their “institution,” and to seek it, if
j need be, in.tho formation of a Southern Confod
ernc.v.
And now you will ask me, how is that to he
i done -by wlint steps aud through what pro
j cess is sueh nn object to bo accomplished !
I hellow-t itizeiis, 1 am but nil humldo man,
j with little pride ofopinion, und no great eon
j fidonoe in my ability to suggest or advise a
j plan forthe attainment of so important u re-
I suit, it is indeed u momentous subject. No
j question which Ims occurred since the times
, when our fathers commenced the revobdion-
I ary struggle, and declared their independeneo
[ ot’the British erown, has arisen or eouM nri.se
i to hull - its importance— mute would an- erve a
j more serious consideration, or would demand
Die exercise of gionter Wisdom, courage und
] patriotism. If, however, the Southern people
wore convinced of tin* him c*sify und propriety
i ol such a movement —it’ they wore satisfied
j- thut their safety required it. that their honor
| demanded it, that their interest l ulled for u
| and mere united, there would be no hek ot’
üble und patriotic statesmen, to devise the
j steps, lorn it he plan, perfect the ‘fru.-tm and
! inaugurate n governineii . which would Ivthe
j “ wonder, tho glory and pride of the world.”
| Will, nil experience of more than three quur* !
Iter# of u century in republican government, :
I with the defect* of our present sy>tem seen,
j 101 l and understood; with tho light* of the I
I post, the intelligence of tho present, und tin; J
! inspiration!'! of the future, we should be able I
i to form a government more perfect nud more !
j stable than any upon wliieh the world ever
I looked. Doubt!**•*, the most proper, leiuiv [
| and certain mode of foroimir n Southern Con
! federaey, if the Southern people were unit'd !
Ini the wish to do it, would bo to hold a eon- j
veutiou (>f all the slave Slates, <fo fore their ‘
independence of and separation from the ‘
North, form a government, and pnt it into im-fi
j mod into operation. Then would follow, u* a
I mutter of course, uu uniicnhlu adjustment be
tween the two government#, Northern and
Southern, of all question# arising out ofiheir !
I former uraociHtton. a just and honorable divte- |
j toil of lho public properly and the pttb'ie debt j
i ofthe old government, and a friendly arrange- J
inont of all future relations, interest and in- !
J tereourse.
1 know that ninny eulertain tin* opinion duo
Jn separation could not take place without i
bloodshed mil! civil war. There w ould not, in j
j my opinion, be the least (lunger of such a iv-
I suit. Wlmt moiivo would imped the Northern
| Stale* to make war upon the Southern Con- !
1 fodfcrncy ! Nations do not go to war. except j
| to resent an insult or injury, to gain un ml van - ,
; tuge, or accomplish some important and nt- ‘
i lailiable object. Wlmt object could be hoped j
; to be accomplished by a hostile demonstration i
| on the part otthe States from which vve emv
I have **’-iirated * Would it te to force uslmcU i
! into u Union with them! Vain, foolish, im-
I potent thought! No man of common sense in
j all the North, no * tatcsimtu would r\ or enter (
tnfn it for n moment. To invari** a mi. ,
j the Southern States, And force them back its *
revolted uud subjected colonies, into a fritter- ,
itul etnl-race with iheir imperious masters i !
I Never! never” The sif.-aeiotis statesuien v. 'ho,
I would guide the councils oi the Northern peo
j pin. would know too wall tlmt Mieli nil elfi<rl j
| would be fruitless nay. worse tlmu fruill- ss -- ,
it would be wicked nud suicidal. The riouth- |
I urn State contain a while population of eight
j millions, and could, ill such a eonto-t. no -e •
! and inaiiitaiu an army ol a haltmillion of men,
I equal to niiy troops oi lire world : and lichtin. j
j on their own soil, in defence of their country,
i their l ights, their honor, iheir altars and their ;
fireside-, mould be mrnieiblr Dobclid tliem- j
selve.- against the North! They could stand
| against the world in arms. There are but two
instance* in modern times, in which n nation
| united, though weak, lui* ever been invaded I
uud conquered by a foreign foe. Mexico was |
j overcome by tire arm* of tire l nited {State.-. !
i but Mexican* are ;i feeble race, upd-no inaleii
! lire the courage, skill uud liliysit’rt! prowess of
tire Aitirlo-Amerienn*. Ilungary, with less
tlmu eight millions of people, was conquered
by Austria, bat it required tbenid ofthe eolo
su! power of Russia, nud tho treachery of lure
j sons, to bow her neck to lire yoke of the op
pressor. Talk of drift n g the Clout It back into
lire Union when once she cuts loose fWun it!
Tho thought if preposterous, ridiculous and
foolish No, sirs, no attempt would ever be
mude to foie* a re-uu ion of these dismember
ed State*. The North might humble her-eli
at our foot aud beseech us to try once more
11re plea-lire# of her fraternal embrace; and
if the term# ofthe proposed copartnership suit
ed us, if (.uflieient guarantees could be presen
ted and ugreod upon for tire future proservn
tion of our right# in another I niou. it wo could
! be imp rested with sufficient forth in their lidel
i ity ttnd honesty, we might again form, withour
; old iriend . abend ot’ I niou. and try < -,o\ -r
----; tunes once more in an American< onfederacy;
1 but not otherwise.
I it ha* been suggested that trouble would grow
out ol a division ofthe public domain, and oth*
i er property of the I nited States, the army.-tho
navy, nud material* of war. It i- a mistaken
apprehension ; uo difficulty, whatever, could
or would arise from that source. If no ar
rangement could be made, each government
| would most naturally and properly be allowed
to retain the public lands within it# bonndn
j ties Tire largest -liar#* in quantity might fall
j to tire North, but the .South would enro little
I forthat—retaining- those within her own lim
its, she would willingly surrender ail churn to
tire mountain peak* nod sterile plains of the
Northern province*. The army und it* mate
rial ure nothing, nt cn* of separation; it* pre
sent element* Would soon dissolve, and be
merged with tire masses of its own respective
section. We could soon reconstruct an army
I ol any size, which the exigencies ot .utu coini*
I try would jiintil'y or demand. The fortifica
tion* und armament paid for out ot a common
/find, would belong to tile party on whose soli
they were found at lire time of separation
The ships of war tying in .Southern port#, or
commanded at sea by Southern oilicers, and
brought into Southern ports, would foil to us,
uud we should want no more; if wc did, we
: could build them. The public biiildmc* at
I Washington city, costing over twenty million’
of dollars, being on .Southern soil, and in the
.Southern Confederacy, would belong to ns;
i mid they are worth more than all the public
budding* in nil tire free Stule*. In thi* way,
if no agreement could be uHucfcu). a satisfac
tory div iion would be made of all the public
property, ol any value or importance
But tm? South would hold u sword over the
Northern Stutes, which would eomp-l a fuir
and umicsble .settlement of all -flich mailer*.
Tire National debt, iu case ol a -reparation,
would foil upon lire old government, ciAtjutt*
ly, we would be bound in good faith nnd honor,
to pay our proportion of it; mid -o we would,
if the North gave u* justice in other iiiHltcr*;
’ but whether wo should pay nt nil. how much
’ we should pay, mid when or how, would be
j question# for us to decide. The settlement of
! thi# one question ot’ the public debt, now
l amounting to nearly one lmudr'td million# of
| dollar#, and not likely to be diuiiuihuil, would
draw after it. and a# a necessary incident to
j it. un amicable nnd jn#t arrangement and *et
: tlcniciit ofh II other question# . negotiation and
• treaty would soon close tire door against alt
I dispute# cr difficulties on tires' 1 point*.
J No. follow citizens, them would bo no earth
ly difficulty in the way of a peaceable septtm
. tion if the Southern people wero united and
i determined to take the step, tire way would he
I easy uud plain. No war Would ensue, not
i gun would be fired, except in joy of our deliv-
I crauco ‘ not n drop of blood would be •fired,
no quarrel would Arise between she two *ec
j Huns, over tire spoil# ttnd trophies of our Ibr
| tiier association. Tire mutmd interosls of thu
iwu government* and people, and more cpg*
oiully the superior interests of tlio Northern
section, would produce treaties of friendship,
of commercial aud personal intercourse, which
w ould secure peace, and make us more oh
servant of tho rights of each other, than we
tiro now in the present “glorious union.’’—
Tli so would be thd immediate, neqyssnry and
certain results of a separation willed by a n/n
----ted©oath, lint I admit Doit tho pfOfjNKil i-i m
Imrmnnious union of ull the slave dtutes, in n
gretU movement like this, would he dull and
doubtful under any, except extreme cireuiu
stances. Circumstance* might arise which
would unite them ull, ami bring about prompt,
decided and action. Any art of
the Federal Covemment, in tho hands of a
dominant, abolition party, looking to the gen
• •m! emancipation of the slaves oft he Southern
.States, would, 1 have no doubt, arouse u uni
versal spirit of resistance ut the South, and
lend to immediate disunion, But for any
cuu !.■ loss powerful tflau some wanton nggres
■: t upon Southern right •, it would ho scarce
ly possible to uiino the Southern Stales iu a
spontaneous and general revolutionary move
ment. The border States. lying contiguous
lo the North, dread the effect* of separation
open Die safety of their ftlHve property, l'or
’ tting. or closing their eye* to the fact, that
both the motive to übdlii’l fheir negroes, nud
Die opportunity to the negro tor escape, are a
thousand times stronger in tho Union, limn
t licy could possibly be m sop urate go v t’f u inervt >,
they urge this iis n grout bugbear in the way
of any moteiuem tending to separation, or
‘•yen t lie manly assertion of our rights in the
Union.
\\ hy.sirs, what guards or guarantees now
exist imniust the wholesale übdui.tiou of the
slaves of the border Stnies, or their escape in
to the tree States ? None, save the dome-tio
tie-; and fidelity of the slaves themselves, nud
the watchful vigilance of the owners. The
Northern people arc allow ed by our C'oiistuu*
D u und laws, ns Well a.* by social courtesy.
t < come amongst Us at pleasure, they iruvid
v. ul* impunity in every State county und neigh
borhood, and have abundant opportunity to
incident© insubordination, and seduce onr
black population from their allegiance* Tito
facditics for escape now, are quite ns great, if
uPt greater, than they would lie if wo were
separated by n national dividing line, whilst
the outside pressure upon the slave towards
escape and freedom, uud lus security from
reelumatiou, ure far more powerful pnd etfc- -
1 ’ ■’’ *b* ll * D">y ever could lie lu the Other con
dition. 2\ou>, under tlio coiistitmiauul guar-
J ailtecs, wc Cannot eXeJude the Northern pi
rate from our soil; in a separate government
: ‘"• would be an alien and a stranger witlioui
the r. .hi even to cuter, except by legid per-
J mission. A,,. •, ull the law> winch Co:igross
J hu* passed for the capture and rendition of
fugitive slave*, stand u* n dead letter upon
I the -Dilute book. W but me they werth to j
,t he .''(‘Utherii people t Not the value of the i
i lpcr and ink with which they have been re
corded. in u separated State and in.jepend
, cut (iovernine.m, the abduction und detention
> oi our slaves from iho Herviipo of their owners, i
j would be cause of war, or of retaliating niea*-
I lues of reseiitmeut and redress; atul theover
; 111 Imp cupidity und Iho coiniuercnd ncessiiies j
■ oft lie Northern people, the pin amount iiopar
J turn • to them of peaceful rehuion* with us.
| nail of enjoying the benefits of our trade und
j Hoeiat intercourse, would iuipellhtsni mtotren
j ties with us, which would utlbrd infinitely bet-
D r guarantee's uguinst the uhducitori of ©ur
! laves, and lor tho return of tho*e who might
, voluntarily escape. Give me the power over
j the commercial relation* between the North
Mid the utit, and the Motptints of -Southern
j slaves, north of Mason vV Dixon's line, would
bo “like annels’visits, few mul fur between.”
I It a •Dray negro should now nud then e-cape
j und (lei- into that far and free country, he
I uoqld be caught and sent back to hu* *N. ner i
I m less tune than he occupied in hi* vain race I
j for freedom. The Northern people nun/ hr
) co.ititdied hy their interest; they never have
I been governed by coUKtituiional obligations, |
I and never will tie while there i ii negro uluvr
j B.n whilst I urn satisfied that the people of tlio
I border Sim,m or*. niiet*j<,n , tbeir opinions mat
! •*• * 4 ”~ “"*'**M o vturiui. piu hupai
1 a l ootrobing objection in their minds, to the for
* raatbm of >v wparnto confederacy of the Have
| State*, These aud other c •uriikradutu*, both >
, lo al and general, would iu uli probability, pre
vent a common (mueurrenco of ail the Southern
j Mutes in u iiiovoiuent t .vvanla separation, even
ter cm , which might ho hold mitiieivut hr,, I
I m.i.mri. v of them. s,, | | ,|.,,:b ( whutfi<-r a irom r.u
i (invention conM boo!itaind loeonsult umui :hu
; • omnuii Batvty aud t.. consider mid de*dd the
question nt dtsuninu; or, l such a convention
i was us-omblci, wJuahor any thing liketttuinimity
Would prevail iu ii eounseU. flow then, shall
th.se Sin fen Its a than the whole, or even less than
a nmjnrifv, sat.iafled of tho necessity, policy un i
vnr n ii duly of so me action looking to their seen
nty out .f the Union—how shall they proceed
toward* the aocuuiplishunmt of that object t
j Fellow cili/.ens, iho action of u single Stnto.
I except under cireuinstunosM onlisting the strong
1 sympathies of her contiguous staters, miriit lend I
to defeat and disaster. It South rarofittn had
roHofvcd hersolf out of tho Union in on ne
• ount <*f tho ullegod oppressive optirationz of mu
•dious protective Tariff, which ut one time wu*
■•'■'id to havo boon seriously considered nud e*ui
icnipbiteKl. she could not have rethiod the com.
billed opposition of nil her sister States, nr;d tho
power of tbo Federal Government, upheld u# it
yvu* by tho approving voice of the country. Thu
gallantry of her sons would Imvo miiitjMn<sd h
hard struggle against Federal cooteion, uiduw in
tin* form of Federal laws or Federal imye, r...-:*:
but they would have been forced te yield ut last,
and rcKutiK! their former position as a State iu tho
Union. Whatever, therefore, might bo my .< n
vietions * line iiistitnt; nal and ... .
tha Northern States and lhen!es
ity and propriety of a Southern Confederacy to
ecure the rights, interests uud honor of tho
>oufh, I should Do slow t • rei-oinmc..! or approve
the secession of a single State, we. ‘.out the proba
ble co-operation of her coterminous etate-r.i, und
still less against their expre.l will and w -b.
Itut whenever a respectabtc number of the South
ern States eonvinccil of the • comity mi polic.t •■
necking tbeir sufety or hup; less in anew ■
erunicnt, tdiall determine up’ * sueh a stop, they
can accomplish that object, if out without tiifii
cully, at Ip*: ; without bb • ‘shed .r civil wm.
bet the State-* of South Uarojina, tteorghi, AJn
bniun and Ai.- -i.vcippi, Imm “iuo animated by a
common spirit of B<.ra?t,ueu to Northern nggte>
siou- let theut become cmvuiccd that their aiifc
tV, thnir interests qr their honor demands H K'J II-
Dittoii from tho North and the formation of an in
dependent government for tliemsuves and their
pn-rerity, and u concortcd uud determined
mftvometit by them would draw every ether
•hvvp State into their policy mi l compel them
to join *o nor or later in a Southern Con
federacy. I itlflsH conciliated and reconciled t..
their tbrinor iv"—c|ue# and the lubm, hy the
eoiioes-duii of additiouul and satisfactory Uonsli
tutioiial guaranioc!*, tbme f.ur States*could In
twelve months break the bonds of this Union so
hT asunder that no power on earth could ever
re-unite them. Let any one of tlum through „
Convention called by authority of its Ucci du
* ure, solemnly resolve that the true policy of the
•‘•ijuth wus to lortn a •eparuto government and
express a willingtM-* and reitdiim** t* join any
“i mm tdu r ■■• rnthtro States m thsfonoaUon aod
•uaioteriapoe of such a government. Lot her
invite iu an nuputdiig and solctiin form all others
agreeing with her in opinion and object, to ap
point delegatus to a Convention to be held at a
time and place designated, forthe purpose of de
claring (lit n in dependence and setting up agov-
Lot, sueh ('uii ventiou of the States suggested er
v. •
of their ooiiHfitiictite, declare their independence
• f the pfosont federal government t from! a ('ui.
mitulion and form af go\ trnmant and proclaim
thouHoive* to the world, a free nd indepondeut
mi tion. Would miyetlort bo made to force them
buck into tho Union ? How und by whom?
t ‘"Hld th- 1 Podoral law# of tire old government be
suforomi o\ it stsrarelgn Htalas thus united aod
detenu tiled Ilm free ‘ Federal law- uni Feder
ul officers would b* alike powerless und impotent
Would ship* of war be sent to bloekudo our ports
toenioreo the collection of Fodsral roveinu-, to
oripplo or destroy our trade and break up our in
teroourso with foreign imMoi!? \ ®in attempt I
The million and u half of cotton hates produced
by tin if .iir Stale-, to say nothing of q|luir ar
ticles of export, would hurst note.i every bar
rier which Federal power could throw ii round
them. Prohibited Dy our own laws from passing
into and tbrough tho adjoiuinr; Stales of tho old
government, these itnmcinm uhjoots of commerce
and wnulth would find their way to fhu ocean
and over it t - all other cout. tries in spite ofied
cntl fotvs or Federal nuns. Any attempt to shut
out mh Ii a supply front tho cotton looms of tlio
old world, would set all Europo in u blaze and
bring to our old the liberating navies of overy
commercial nation. Would an attempt h' 1 made
to invade and oonquur us as rebels with Federal
Aro anti Federal ttrulea? Tho first regiment
PEYTON H. COLQUITT, ra,,..
JAMES W. WARREN, < Mltors -
Number 30.
tlint cr c c l .Mason and Dixon’s lino on such an
errand, would b the signal for tho rising up of
th -ii<.uids us .- tout hearts and stalwart urins. even
m those N.,inh,nm State* that had not joined us,
t>* drive the abolition invader# hack to their dens.
Who can for a moment suppose that tho other
hive States would either si and indifferently by,
or join in a movement of the Federal Govern- •
meat, usurped, or controlled hy Northern üboli
tioiicD. to strike down tho spirit of Southern re
•t; q,'ittco and coerce their kindred aud friends Into
•h- ‘reddig sr.himrei.’h? No, sirs, tbo very, first
ii 11 . mpt iit. Federal legislation looking to coercion
-the very lirt military movement towards our
conquest would aronso the sympathies of all onr
• i -ter Southern -dales, and drive them out of the
old and bring them with busty stops into tlio
open nnd inviting arms of tho new Republic.
Such would ho the inevitable effect of any hostile
demons!ration against tho new Confederacy, and
m such demonstration would bo made. Nor
w i Id ts urn tier whether any effort wero lundnor
not, to .■ tlo ;-. eding Stales into thoir for
me: jo l , oi in the Union. Anew government
■i! formed I put into operation would attract,
oil tho other •:i\ • State* lo it—no human power
could hold them off. The attractions of a com
mon iutere.- t und a common sympathy-—of a com
mon race, lanvirigc and religion of common
thing, r, ."suit and injury- of kindred associa
tions mi kindred in S|lc ti<*nr**-of hiiaibir pur
-‘•it * and similar object.’ -ttf v like origin atiu a
like destiny, would bo i pntent us tho ail-power
ful and all-pervailing natural laws of attraction
am! cruviD.fton. / • unit**, fasten and bind fogefh
■ i” a b"?>ii too strong to he broken by tho
ecml.i'i-. -i i , --i ull thu nations of the earth.
No, fellow cilet a Southern f'onfedernoy
1. once f.>! net hy even u. !'• w of tho alnva States,
l all tl: • km which control human action
w.'it'd >*11111; Dc ir impr • upon every Southern
State of this Union atul be irreakstablc.
And time, for what e iuse, und on what occa
:"ti shall such a m vetnonr ho make by any of
the. h: i; ... . Thi question is already
answered to a certain extent, by the solemn de
<darHiion of our own State, enunciated at Mil
-1 •"! :. -m D>c Convention of December, iB6O.
That Cottvontb.n was ret one formed by volunta
iv i :,-•*! v nradlngy .f tho ‘people Assembled in
Hindi numbers, und n- ututal in such ettsos con
t;'o!!ed hy few leading and amhitipuN nten—it
wit* a • t> vent ion called by tb Governor under
i v :mi instruct ions of tho Legislature
‘he ‘lei- . were elected by the people of the
- • ml count3< - umi-.-r ts ■ iisunl roles arid regu
laiion.- cf law -tliey trer- e!to;en lifter a yrntrno
t ‘ -d heated eontcr-t, in which all the objects
: “and hearings of tho proposed Convention wero
fully discuss ! and considered by the people—it
■
con;. i~f .., •of the ;tbh * ; and best men of
belli puli'; al pavtu’ in the Slate—itspoko tho
•i }-••■•;.!>• in unmtatakabta language,
•md ,-tl; mi ;* .- v largo and respectabl©
j p-irty in the Slate, which tlitl not think that tho
■;i t fur enough, yi I they acquiesced
ni n.” . ■ ‘ :i-ii- ii an*! it.* -Icnm resolutions of
| i t<-lic n the future. I may aftdy my that
! if the pe> , ie in* ts -.M .i.t were never Indore, or
i t ■ nt-.t.-d oput. ,i. v utlu r political sub
• • . 1 1.-; • :..•••! the I’latform framed
bv that \1 t; volition. The -tth Resolution of that
,■ i'! I’ eem dec'.'*.--, “Tha! the State of Georgia,
in the judgment of 1 1>■ - ( -mventitm will uud
• ■■■'.. hi to re-i i. . vin ir.sn lust resort) to auisrup
ti--i. of <■V -;y It- .etiif h html> f-r to the Union
tun > *e-n “ft’ - ttjfii Il,c tuhjt'ctof slave,
ry in tho I'is!rict <-! (’olittnitui, or in places rub
j- ‘ tloM’ ut is b ••ion D..i '.grays, ioe- tupotihie
u ;t;i thi . it'ety. d.uneMtc tranquility, the rights
.ind b'n--r “f D ‘ shrvch'ddiuy; States-; r any
net suppressing the. aluvetrade between the slave
holding States: or any refusal to admit as a State
Terri*"t v hereafter • ; plying because rtf’ tho
<■ ;i>tcm't*of slavery therein : or onv act probibi
!■; • the inf*- ‘ion of slaves into tho territories
j 1 ttth or New Mexico: • any tied repealing or
i ie.- ‘ .dh m.aiif’ ie; law* loan in force for
| the revovery of fugitive
Si.,. ; i,i* ud'’|)iioi; of that I'biform tho ttn-
I mi>tak ‘le v< f mn.*t of the Southern
1 Dd'.':- ha? ,1 oided and approved it, and CX*
; p'e their <ltermtnation to stundl*y Geor
gia in u* r-;;'in!t‘;iiii>r.-, •‘oven to tho disrup
tion of uli the ties that bind them tothe T. r nJrtn.“
N'.v., lot any otto <>t tin• provisions of that
i Vto violated ty sin u\>o\ui<m C'cMn^resv,
ami II"’ < moil would ho • - oh ed til |c>.s n, Dtt
than it tool; to form it. It would not iflßhy ”
opinion, live* unother year. So fur so good—
•’ ue wi at may, the tr -benrted Southern
man. who is rendy and willing to risk tlio ul
! ie. ed and apprehended dangers of sejuiraU ui
i and u Font bet- ii (onlbdor toy, hns the eoiisoln
j f - that i ‘onpro-* run tlo neither of
fb(H I-dd
and lielia t diM lunitton without producing dis
union and broi:.-ai;: about the ultimate und per
manent irotoc'.i.it of our mstitutioiis|in unotli
• ami he'ier Government. Ia t the aho ition
ml - • I tlio North take the Federal Govern
ment. n tiiey • an. and put our pluck totlm test
by violating ‘.i:ty portion of thr Georgia Pitt,
litri I. Ur firm da it if the a ran—let’ them do
it. i/ they trill—let them do it if they dan But
i* iheie no other cause, no other net ten of the
fee Slates which would justify separation uud
| probably produce* it f
i•!i ■ w :i. - . 1 have raid c tec where, “Tho
• ■ ii"t “fa N >rilu'.rii President, tijsou a sect lon
and uiUu-.avfrv i.-jtuc. will Lo considered cause
< -■ •.hI” ju . .-rion. Lot the Senator
Nivy \nrU. pit. Howard,] orafiy other man
:; “'.vii.; the s ntiinrnta uml policy enunciated hy
him in In- R’ cherter speech, be elected Vrcstelent
of iiio t tilted States, and, in my opinion, there
are more than one us the Southern States that
would lake itmirediaf steps towards reparation.
Aud sir, I am free lo declare, hero iu the Senate,
; whri-cvc,- -ueh un event shall occur, for one,
i ■ .nil tejhr <J"tni""n, and shiili, if alive, exert
i.<- povere l muy have iu urging upon the
i•” my Std Die, ni:"’ udty and propriety
of an iuiniedtatu separation.”
This 1 dc.il'orutely stud on the floor cf tho Sen
ate m liuyf •of oufcm-tr.i. ■ —this 1 deliberately
to day In the prraonco of frleffdi and
i.'t. ,1. 1 should consider such an event
’’ v 1 ■ 11 1 .ir to Southern in
tituiions, und I would not wait forthe dtvclopo
i.; r- result# I W’ uld nip tho danger iu.
>. lui'J. atiti tuk<‘ iiumcdiiito steps to unite tho
- “iili oi a mov.-im rit which should end, either iu
; iilioty within the Union, or safety out of it. A
j movement towards separatum even by a ringlo
i Slate, Hould bring the Northern people to tbeir
vo.-i - if any thing could open iheir curs aud
” arts to the voice of reason and justice Tbo-
North does not believe that the fiontli will dis
m/Ivc Iho 1 niuti for Atty cause, and that they uiay
push their fanatical Schemes upon us with impu
nity. Convince them that the South is in earli
est, by nn imposing step towards separation, and
• vet. nn ~.ui-m will pause and “look before it
h n she Union ‘ • Ur more necessary, tievTul
and / ii portunt co them than to us, and they knout
and. They would uot. probably drive us to the al
i “ iMve of separation, if they were advised and
beli> ved that such would be the result of their
In . ik’ “cincnstratmns against slavery and the
of Hie Southciu people. In iB6O, when a
i■ • ;.cut G.ararils , cession was made in Geor
vu, uud a tew of the neighboring Slates, and
there iccun and to by souse danger of extreme mean
. the X rttern mind It. gun to recoil—the
Northern papers, for the find time since the Un
i i xv a- i -to; <l. begun to calculate its value aud
in vt ;lu- danger und impolicy of driving the
1 exm unties. Meetings of the people
” • 1 Infill mid cafoty uotuuiitti c* were formed to
vbuke i.nti ■ ivery ugiUttion und supprers the
1 “wr<d Die abolitlonisu, and if the South hud
acted with spirit and inanliln*s then, tile whole
subj *‘t would have been settled at once and for
ever, by such Uorntitutional guarantees ns would
have placed onr rights and our safety upon a sure
and lading basis. But tinfr>rlmtutcTy’ for tho
South, wi had Di'ii, and I fear we over shall have
>./> id uii v ii in l>i i i"tts public men, who wore look
in t to Nntionnl honors, and who /Vent interest
or ! :n, w re willing to aacriflec our riglitr, “to
l ‘ ■*i ve a Uriioii.” !)• m which they expected ao
in.my peinonat htraeinf/e,
I . !lovv-t ili/ens, if tho pa>oplo*Of till* %)Uth
vv'/uhl preserve their rights in thejUnlon. or
• -"Dim their indepoiutynet) nut ol it, they must
tal e the sttl f >-<*t into their own hands- speak
.ml their seiitiiWrtnts with H boldness that bo
coil.- freuineii, and teaubwnditieiam* iho smlii*
tuiy h -Min. that ‘ lie who UullteH in a ditstard,
uid ho who doubts is damned. ’ Whethorjlhe
elcetutu of a lliuek Hepubliean President upon
a M>clioiinl anti slavery platform, and by nru*
tionwl abolition purty, shall be considered a
Millieient . iiiisc for alarm ami separation.by a
majority of uny out* or more of the* {Southern
Al lies, remains to he seen. Ido not hesitate
Ji> i i-. ns l lutv* Hsewhero and every where, to
express mv own opinion, thnt it ought to bo ao
eotiM'lured. und if tlm time shall ever arrive,
and tic event over hupprn, come what muy,
in otlice or out of office, it alive and able. I
-itell ruiM/ my * met* in vindirntion of the sin
<fi ity with wliieh i have uttered thu seuti
menu
Fellow-citizens, let no tuun suppose or infer
front what l have said here, or elsewhere, that
l am in favor of dissolving this Union ns u
uxtti-r o( cuolo*. It i. trus, tbt much of my