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mSim
1.I6K
«2l)t v£utl)bcvt Appeal.
I. F. SAWTELL,] [H. H. JOKES,
Proprietor*.
TEAMS OF SL'USCUll’TION t
Four rootbi #1 00
Oat year »a 00
S*. Invariably In AdVANCK. All papers ills-
cuniiiiuol or. expiration of time paid lor.
THE CUTHBERT
Vol. ii.
Cutlibert, Georgia, THURSDAY, April 16, 1868.
No. 24
1 be April lUiu.
nr Mill. I. 0AKRH SMITH.
Vlie April rain—the April rain -
I b< ar tbe plroeant Found ;
$Iow hIt and still, lik»* little dew, |
Row iln-ncbli)* *11 tie ground.
1’ray tell »e "by an April fcbowir
Is plMuwnUT to aee,
•Tlmn railing drops of other rain ?
I’m rare It ia to me.
) wonder if ’tli really so -
Or only hope the while,
That telle of swelling tiude and flowers.
And Summer*! coming smile.
Whale'iT it Is. the April shower,
Makes me a child again ;
t fed a r*4i »r youthful blood,
Come with the April raltt.
Ami sure we e I a little bulb,
Within the dnrkMome ground.
1 should love to beer (lie April tain,
So gently falling round •,
Or any tiny (loWrer wt*v I,
Ity Nature swaddhd op,
how pleasantly the April shower
Would liathc my hidden cup.
The small brown eeed that rattled down,
(In the cold Autumnal earth,
1« tmrsting from its rereineute forth,
Itejolclug In Ite birth.
The slender W*sni of pale green gram,
Are smiling la the light.
The clover opes ita folded leaves,
As ir It felt delight.
The robin sing* on the leafleae tree,
And upward turns bis eye,
As loving much to nee the drops,
Come Altering from the »ky -
No doubt lie longs the bright green leaves,
About his home to see,
Ami fw 1 the swnv ng Summer winds,
IMay iu tbs full robed tree.
The cottage door is enen wide.
And cheerful sounds are heard ;
The young girl sings at the merry whell,
A song like the wilding bml ;
The creeping child by the old worn sill
Peers out with winking eye.
And his ringlet* rubs with chubby band,
As the drops come paltering by.
With bounding heart beneath the iky,
The truant boy Is nut.
And lump and ball are darting by,
With many a merry shout -
Ay, sport away, yo joyous throng,
For yours Is the April day ;
I love to see your spirits dance,
Iu your pun 1 and heathfii! play.
Not Profane.-—"Just what a tinker's
darn in 1 huve no means of knowing ;
luit I believe it to be something very
worthless Indeed,” says Mr. Thomas
"White, in his '‘Little Sermon,” in Put-
nnnt’a for March. Mr. Thomas White’s
ignorance can, perhaps, be enlightened,
nml bis belief shown to be sound. The
tinkers used to trump about England
mending pots and kettles. They musti-
uated uiul moistened a bit of bread nml
used it as a dam around the hole to be
prepared to prevent the solder from run
ding off. Alter being thus employed,
what Value remained in the 'Main t"
Can anything 1*0 imagined more worth
less ? lienee the proverb. If thin ex
planation, definition, or conjecture, be
not satisfactory, let somebody favor no
inquiring world with a bettor. — Motion
Tnmocnpt
An EfiBcrcsi. Ueurdy.—Wo rend in
Swedish history that Adolphus, King of
Sweden, determined to suppress false
notions of honor, issued a severe edict
against the practice of duelling. Two
gentlemen, however, generals in his ser
vice, oil a quarrel, ngteed to solicit the
King's permission to decide their differ
ence by the laws of honor. The King
consented, and said be would be pres
ent at the combut. He wai attended
by a body of guards and the public el-
VoutiuBsr, and before they proceeded to
the onset he told these gentlemen they
must fight till one of them died. Then
turning to the executioner, lie added, do
you immediately strike off the head of
the aurvivnr. ibis had the intended ef
fect ; the difference between the two of
ficer* was adjusted, and no more chal
lenges were heard of in the army of
Gustavua Adol| hue.
A Brassy Wire.—A middle aged far
mer and his wife were enjoying a w inter
evening closely together, when the con
versation turned upon religious matters,
us described in the Bible, which the man
bad opened before him.
“Wife,” said the farmer, “I’ve been
thinking wlmt happy society Solomon
must have bad in his day, with so many
wives, Ac., ns is here represented.*’
“Indeed,” said the wife, somewhat
miffed.
"You had betlor think of something
else, then. A pretty Solomon you
would make, truly ; you can'ttuke prop
er care of your wife. What a figure
would cut, then, with a dozer, wives,
and all of them ua spunky os l am !’’
'I lie farmer took his hut and went to
the stable to feed the cattle for the
night.
Tsa Confessions of L'uvcls.—Very
often o novel is written with the very pur-■
pose of mnking some sort of self revel u-
lii n. There ore women who rush into
fiction just ns the meadows break up in
to daises and birds pour out their lives
in song. They wish to assert them
selves, to explain themselves, to have
themselves comprobended, and with
sympathy and appreciation, to revolt
against the tyranny of the circumstances
that surround them to create for them
•elves the funded circumstances in
which their idealised characters would
have full expansion ; and these persons j
often make a full confession of the rest-j
IessnMs, tragedy and unsatisfied long
ings of their -Piccadilly Papers.
0f%.Advertising is valuable in Paris.
An ngent there has just pmd $100,000'
for the privilege of liangmg framed ad
vertisements in the'Grand Hotel End'
the Hotel du Louvre 1 or fire years.
•PHBOK
OF
Hon. LINTON STEPHENS,
Before the Democratic Clubs of Richmond
Count;/, at Concert Hall, Thursday
Pcening, April 2, 1808.
FEixow CmnKa: The issue upon us
is of vast importiice—in my judgment
no less than the preservation or destruc
tion of free government. Wo are pre
sented with a new Constitution for the
State of Georgia. What shall be your
action ou it? Will yon vote to ratify
or to reject it? I, for one, think that tho
preservation of the principles of true
constitutional free government demands
its rejection. Whut reasons uro there
to commend itr to your favor? What
reasons, for either the white mutt or the
black mull, who loves liberty ? 1 have
no argument lor u man wboue reference
is for tfcsi'Olism; but, of evciy man
who loves liberty, w hether he be white
ua suow or bluck ms Egypt, I ask whut
reiisoiiH o mill' ml this Pew, thing to his
acceptance ? We are told by the proph
ets of thin new sulvation that it is the
best Constitution which ever was made,
because it is lhe reulir.it on of perfect
political equality, leaving all men to
stand upon nmi it alone. It is represent
ed ns n eyshtn which reels upon the
foundation < f personal tticiit. Accoring
to my appiehutmion, it is the precise re
verse of a system founded ou met it. It
ignores ull merit, and puts, not only the
white and the black, but ulso the wise
and the ignorrnt, the pormunent ciliaen
and the (touting adventurer, upon the
same footing of equal privileges and
equal power. It is ceitainly what it is
claimed to he, at least in one respect—
a new revealtinn >» government. No
Constitution in the civilized world goes so
fur as this proposed m e; and yet th s
one does not go *o f- r ms it professes. It
professes 0 j ros< n u*y<teinof univer-
set suffruf •, bused Oil in usaeited na
tural eqm l t quiltv con i ig an tl e fieri
tageof Ut h to all men alike. Yet it'
excludes both women und children, thus
so: ting aside ene-hiilf of the entire adult
population and the whole of the infantile
popu'ation. Wo an all horn children,
and if political oqu dity cornea to nil asn
birthright, it begins for all at birth ; und
it is u violuti. n of natural l ight to ex
elude any body who is born. Wo find,
therefore, that tho foun Istiou of this
now system in not birth, but growth -
a growth, not in wisdom mid virtue, but
simply in yearn—a growth, too, which
lias thtf singularly discriminating quali
ty of confci ring rights upon men, but
none u|>on women. This view, simple
ns it in, disposes fnrevi r of tho absurd
ond mis-heT-uis prct< n on thntsuffmge
rents upon any basis of nnturiil right —
Hut when the ndvoculcs of t'.is scheme
are driven by this simple logic from their
vague und deceptive pretension to uni-
veisality of Hijfliugc, they take refuge
iu another dogma, no less absurd. They
any it is a system of univernl manhood
suffrage, and that universal manhood
suffrage i« the true relation of the new
gospel. Well, l like ibis decidedly.—
I, too, nm in fnvnrof tuunlu o I, null-age,
but we must be very careful to deter
mino correctly in wlmt this manhood
consists. Docs it consist in thews and
muscles ? Then for every vote given to
u man, we ought to give ten to a male,
and a hundred, perhaps, to fill elephant
Does it consii# iu the ability to render
military service ? In the power to push
a bayonet or to pull a trigger ? If so,
the ballot ought to be accorded to the
musket as well as to the man ; for the
musket is equally Indispesnhle to the op-
oration which eonfeis the right. No!
manhood does not consist in physical
power; not in the power which bolds
the plow, or wields the hummer, or per
forms any of these numerous avoca
tions which depend mainly on mere
itrrngth. Manhood—even manhood of
a high type—is often found associated
with these h< norablennd useful employ
ments, but it does not consist in them.—
Its essence is something fur higher and
noble. True manhood consists not in
those qualities which man possesses in
common with the lower animals, hut in
those I iglur qualities which elevate him
above them, and distinguishes him from
them. These ore wisdom and virtue;
mid these,when coupled with the ad
ditional condition of an interest in, and
dependence np>n, tho lows which are
to govern the pnhticu) society, constitute
the only true and trustworthy bnais of
the ballot. This sort of mimbood *uf-
frage would form the crowning glory of
representative government. This sort
of manhood suffrage is precisely wlmt 1
advocate, and what the proposed change
seeks to destroy forever. Our fathers
said taxation without representation is
tyranny. While this is true, it is but a
segment of a larger proposition which
is equally true, and far more important
because it is larger. This larger prop-
os.t : on is that lawn should n-ver he made
but by men mho a-e to lire under them.—
There can be n>» security for the hones
ty and fidelity of legislation, unless the
men who enact the Taws ore to lire un
der the operation of their own cnact-
men s. Without this safeguard the
highest human virtue could not be sate-
ly trusted. What is the curse ol Ire-1
land and Poland, as they stand to night?
It is that they are governed by luws |
made by men who sit at a distance and
legislate for them. (A voice in tho
crowd : "Hurruh for Ireland !”) Yes,
I loo say, Hurrah for Ireladd ! She
stands to-night where we stand, and
w here we must continue to stand, if we
do not secure our redemption by being
true to ourselves—with a foreign legis
lation over us, submitting not only to
taxution without representation, but also
to almost universal legislation without
representation—legislation, flt>m men
w ho give the stronges prool of its injus
tiro und opposition by rejecting for thorn-
selves tho luws which they inflict upon
us. In the days when Constitutional
ideas prevailed, the Congress of the Uni
ted {states made laws for the Union—
luws under which the law-ntakvia them
selves had to live. But since the pres
ent so-called Congress, composed of a
part of tho Btutes only, arrogating to
itself the power to exclude the other
States, lias chosen to place itself outside
of the Constitution, it Iihh presented iih
with the new and ulurining spectacle of
a Congress—tolerated as such by the
Amvrrcun people—giving laws to par
tieuhir blatcn by name, and confining
the opvrution of those laws to the only
States not represented in the legislation
Iran given us such monstrosities as the
Freedman's Bureau, und Provisional
and Military governments for States.—
This same illegal and usurping body is
now taking a higher (light ot audacity
and oppression. It is now pushing from
temporary statutes and Provisional Gov
ernments to permanent governments,
dictating to States the uharHctcr of their
(undainenlnl luws, and such fundamen
tal laws as it utterly and overwhelm
ingly refuses to pluoo ovar ita own con
stituents.
But I am told that we ought to oo
cept this dioluffon and ratify it because
we urn a conquered people and, there
fore, cannot prevent it. Very far bo it
from me lo udvoeute violence, but have
you not a chance to prevent it—the
/Hirer to prevent it—by peaceful mentis?
Is nut tho very question now present to
you, whether you will aouept or reject
ihis dictated thing ? I know full well
tliut the first step in this lust and most
during usurpation, was the overthrow
of the constitutional constituency who
alone were entitled to decide this ques
tion, und the substitution of another
bused upon the unconstitutional, absurd
and destructive theory wliiuh I have al
ready exposed. I know, therefore, that
the decision of the question cannot have
any rightful binding force. Yet it is
true that the conqueror (so-called) allows
Ii in newly created constituency to ex
press a choice by their Votes; and th«>
question fur yon is—fur those of you
who are allowed to vole—shall the
choice expressed by your votes be in
favor of the evil or the good thing?
Shall you a*ninl to consummate the ne-'
furious scheme, becnllse, pen-bailee, you
may not Iw aide to.U-feat it ? Let every
u 1 lowed voter, white and black, see t>>
it tliut bis vote expresses his own true
ehuiuo. The dictator desires your rati
fication, not for its constitutional efficacy
(for he knows that it could have none,)
but for tho purpose of getting some
thing which can be falsely palmed up
on the country ss a popular sanu'ion.—
The usurper has not yet been boild
enough to dictate Const notions to States
without soltie sham which he t-lists may
be sufficient to screen tho transaction
from that univeraul indignation which
would overwhelm it if it were presented
to the American people in its nuked du
loimily. Let the hour of bis timidity
and faltering be the hour of courage
uud redemption. Alilhu reasons which
he Iimh lor duniriiig your ratification, yu
huve lor refusing it. While, therefore,
it is impossible that the upprouching elec
tion can express anything but the voice
of an unqualified and unconstitutional
constituency, yet thul constituency con
tains men who uru ull, more or less, in
tereated in the preservation ol constitu
tional representative government iu
America.
Let every one of these who is true tn
the cause of liberty, whether he be while
or black, give such n vote ns sliull not
encourage, but rebuke this most alarm
ing attack upon tho whole idea of rep
leaei tative government, such n vote as
may indeed result in settling nothing at
this time, but wliieh sliull at least pro-
serve for tlie cbnncoH of an equitublo
settlement in the early future, tho groat
problem which has been tin tint upon uh
by the distui bing element of emancipa
tion which is demanding a re-adjustment
of our system of representation. Re
publican or representative government
is now on its trial before tlie American
people. (At this point a Kudicul in th
crowd made some remat k which tho re
porter did not hear There were cries
of “Put him out I Put him out !') Yes
fellow citizens, outside is the right place
for all such follows. They Imre put
themselves outside of the Constitution,
and you aboti'd keep them outside of nil
the offices under the Constitution, ond
nil assemblies where they disturb const!
tutionul deliberations. Yes, fellow citi
zens, their lender, Thuddeus BteVens,
has openly avowed that the ao-cniled
Congress, in its work of dictating Consti
tutions for States, has taken ground out
side of the Constitution of the United
States; and not a man of them all, so
fur us I know, ventures to defend it up
on constitutional ground. Tims tlie
whole body stands outside of the Gon-
stiution, according to the confession of
one of its chief, and the silent acquies
cence of ull its members self-conluased
—outside of the Constitution of their
country ! Huve you weighed ond com
prehended the full import of the confes
sion ! Englishmen, Frenchmen, Irish
men are of course outside of our Consti
tution ; und we Americans in our indi
vidual busiueES affairs undoubtedly do
many things outnide of tho Constitution.
But what is it for tho American Con
gress to ^ot outside of the instrument
which gives it all tho powor it has ?—
When Congress gets outside of tho
Constitution, they get ouUitfe of their
|K)wi r. They become Usurpers, ff h *y
assault tho Constitution ilsolf. They
commit against the wliolo countiy,
whose trust they betray, a oriino whose
enormity is to be measured by the mag
nitude of the r conscious “ outside '
work. Iu 1861 the great North sent
down armies to punish what they culled
the rebellion of the South. In whut did
our rebellion consist ? Simply in declar
ing ourselves separated from tho Gov
ernment of the United Stutea in pursu
ance of whut tre believed to b« a right
not outside of the Constitution, not in
violation of the Constitution, not usurped
iu any possible sense of the word, out
r*suiting from tho very nature of the
constitutional compact itself. Wo were
educated in this belief by our statesmen,
who, in tho past, bud reached tho high
est honors of the Hopublio. Wo wero
encouraged and strengthened in it by
the ox cathedra teachings of tho great
Democratic party during the preceding
thirty years—-teutthings Which wore not
controverted by tho other great antago
nist party of llm country Wo only ex
ercised what wo believed tn be a right.
For myself, I do net believe that wo
committed any mistake as to the right;
but oven if we did, it was a mistake of
the head, not of tho heart. If such re
bellion us this was fitly punished by the
slaughter of our sons, the destruction of
our property, and the desolation of our
country, nre wo nut now justified in
calling upon that sume great North to
use tho peaceful ballot for (lie overthrow
und utter hunihilution of that other
treasou which openly avows itself before
the whole country, and displays itself,
nut in simply quitting the Government
of tho united Stilton, but in loaiiug
down tho vory pillurs of the temple it-
suli ? Nay, more ; our punishment ia not
even yet ended. Uno of the avowed
purposes of tho still continuing, discrim-
mat ng and hostile legislation against
its, is the still further punishment of the
rebellion. This purpose ia entertained
by a vast number who do not avow it,
nor, purhups, even feel couseions of it.
If the Northern heart could bo wholly
cleared of it, und the Northern reason
could assert itself unperverted by im
proper pussi -ns, Radical measures and
tlie Rudiual pur y would mult and burn
up within thirty days, under the intense
heat of universal popular indignation.—
Is it too much to ask the people who
entertuin such a sentiment to scrutinize
and realize, the enormity ut its turpitude ?
if we merit punishment for our uncon-
HCiuus offence, how much greater should
be (he punishment (or the other avowed
uud still greater offenders ? But if our
punishment is still to go on, shall we
not ut least bo punished according to
tho laws which were in foros ut the
lime of our transgression, and iu n mode
that sliull nut revolt the Ohristianily
and even tho humanity of all mankind ?
Let them confiscate if they will { lot
them hang, or even hung and quarter,
it they will | lei them erect tho guillo
tine uud liuvo heads to fall, and t rrents
of peucelul blood to roll J but lot execu
tion be preceded by judgment—judg
ment under tbe luws in loroa at the time
of our offences. Then punishment will
bo confined to the guilty, or, ut largest,
to those who might be pronounced guil
ty. The scheme of punishing u whole
people by bdlicting upon them a bad
government, involving the innocent with
the guilty, und fastening itself, as a
perpetuity upon the mi born generations
which w ill bo wholly guiltless, is alike
unprecedented in history and uupurul-
lelcd in enormity. And yet thisjschome
Is now receiving the sanctions or many
thousands, il not millions, of Northern
men mid women, who profess to repre
sent the highest types of civilization und
Christianity now extant in tho world.—
Civilization I Christianity// May the
whole world be delivered from slich
Christianity I May wo ull be preserved
from tlm Heaven to which such Chris
tians go ! It is not Christianity. It is
tho fiendish spirt of vengeance, having
no place in the Christian soul, but erna-
nuling from the botlornlerB pit itself—
Vitigeunee wiought to a passiinatn
frenzy which blindly discards all dis
ci iinmution between tbe offending and
tho innocent. Those who imlulgo il,
and act on it, may cull themselves (Jh is-
liens in vain ; their true names are writ
ten upon their foreheads. They are but
vengeful hypocrites; uud the world will
know them as sueh, wiiatovoi shelter
they may seek under professions of su
perior purity and holiness. How cun
any man expect to escapu this terrible
judgment of the world, when he rejeots
for himself a system of government
which he forces upon others ? When he
indignantly repels every effort to break
down the safeguards formed by the dis
tinctions of intelligence and rneiil in his
own system of representation; and ut
tho same time forces upon others a dif
ferent system which strikes down all
such safeguards V»y discarding ull such
distinctions ? Even if he could escape
the terrible condemnation of exercising
might without right, how shall ho hope
to escape that other greater condemna
tion of exercising might in violuliou of
all right, and ol fixing upon another the
baneful system which hu carefully keeps
uwsy from himself?
It is vain for him lo say that it is bet*
ter to trust loyal ignorunee thun disloy
al intelligence, and tbut he gives to the
South tho best system which can bo
formed out ef her trustworthy material.
This is n frtlaoht*tnl Which can havo no
currency but among people Whti wish
to believe *t, or are determined to main
tain it without believing ll. Tho mate*
rial which tbis Very dictatorial scheme
itself rbbpgtiietoe tth loyul is just os capa
ble o)' distinction* in intdlll^onco und
gradations ih merit, ns nny material of
tlie North, flow, then, can tho North
ern ptiHpto justify thbmlctveB ill allowing
the Radical party to force upon ns a
perfect levelling system of voting, while
they utterly t'efltso t8 httvo fop thorn-
selves any system that doos not discrim
inuto between intelligence ond ignorance,
fitness and unfitness ?
But if this new scheme wore free from
all these onormoiis and destructive inhp
uUios, l would reject it for still another
rauson, which is greater, if possible,
than all the preceding ones. I would
reject it because of tho unholy end
which it is designed to accomplish. I
■peak not of tho men in Atlanta who
formed it, but of their moslets at Wash
ington who dictated it. They intend
to use it ns part of their grand scheme
for overthrowing and forever destroying
tho whole American system of free, rep
resentative, constitutional government.
This is a ohurgo which boars hardly on
thu men against whom il is mndo, but
is easy of proof. Their hostility to this
system ol government is of no row
birth, Their counsels nre guided by
men who fur more than twenty years
liuvo declared thut it was " a league
with hell and a covenant with deuth,”
and who huvo petitioned, and proved,
and spoken, and zealously worked lor a
dissolution of tho tlnlttu. Trim, during
tho wur they changed thoir cry, and
professed great devotion to the Onion ;
but that was hypocrisy which they
udopted then to deceive Northern white
men, just ns they are now attempting to
deceive the Southern blaok man by as
suring him tliut they wish It) make him
a part nml a power in u system of per-
mununt representative government.
During the war they repeatodly pass
ed resolutions in Congress, declaring
that secession was a nullity, that tho so-
ceding States Wort) notout of the Union,
aud could not get out; but that they
would, ipso facto, bo restored to thoir
harmonious functions in ti e sisterhood
of States so soon ns their people should
laydown their arms uud obey the jaws.
But now nguin they change thoir cry
and say that these State# wtsVo put nut
of the Union by thoir own rebellion,
and their recognition ua belligerents on
tho part of the United States | although
the re bullion (if any) and the recognition
had both taken place nt the time of
palling the n solutions which declared
thut tho seceding States were still ill
tho Union und could not get out of it.
They now declare us to be out, only bo-
ouusi limy wish to bring us in Under n
scheme which will secure our electoral
votes for their I’rosidontiul candidate,
and thus, as they imagine, establish
tlmir power. Their desire to supprCM
tho so onlled rebellion wus prompted, not
by any love lor the Union, but by their
other desire U/obtain n theatre where
they could firm anew power which
should serve tlmir formerly declared,
now concealed, but never abandoned
purpose, of destroying tho wliolo hated
fabric of constitutionul representative
government. The South is now to be
used iih this desired theatre. Tho so-
called Congress at Washington is en
gaged in striking down tho other two
co-ordinate depurtftmnls of the Govern
ment—to ordinate, but subordinate—
aiming deudly blows at the Supremo
Court, depriving the President of his
constitutional authority ns commander
in chief of the army and navy, and using
a dishonest and absurd impeachment ns
an instrument to displace dm present
iiicutlibant with another who will assist,
instead of opposing, the general nefari
ous plan. Their repeated, defcntJuleas,
undefended violations of 1 he Const 11-
tion in its vital parts, coupled with tlmir
now avowed position “ outside ” of it,
and culminating in thoir still more re
cent and moat direct assaults upon the
other two c«-ordiiiuto deportments nil
point to one uumintukublv purpose, und
can no lunger loavu sensible men in
doubt as to whut that purpose is, Will
tlm black man allow himself to bu made 1
tbe instrument of serving tbis unoly 1
purpose; tho Radicals come to 'him,!
speaking the language of friendship, but
alwnys claiming his vote ns tho one in- i
dispensable return for thut friendship.'
They profess to bo his friends, and Jo,
him many ucls of apparent kindness ;
hut I ask tin so black rnen horo to-night, I
is there one of you so ignorant as not to
see that the real motive of their actions 1
is to serve, not your interests, but their
own ? They gave yon freedom, and they I
now invest you with tlie ballot; but'
they refused t<*do the same thing fur'
your raco every where in tho North.—I
Congress refuses for the whole, and each
.Slate refuses for horsolf. It was but tlm I
other day that a proposition in tho Re-
publican Legislature of I'euiisylvuma
to confer suffrage upoq tho black man
received but thirteen votes out of the
whole body; and the action of radical
ism in Pennsylvania is but a sample of
the action of Radicalism throughout tho
North*. Very few of the Northern
States nllow tho black man to vote ut
all; «nd not one of them allows him to
vote without some qual>fioati«ne of in
telligence, or property, or both. Why
does Radical policy undergo this re
markable change when it presents itsell
to you, black men of the South ? Why
doctl it propose to do for you what it
/ler.iis/cn/Iy and iiuiijnatillg refuses to do for
your cottrei brethren of tf-.e North f All
true charity begins at home; but the
Irivb Which radicalism bears to tho black
man glows with most Intensity at n dis
tance; Therefore, you bVajr snow that
it is not true churity—not true love, but
a mere hypocHtioul prutenflioti. " By
tlmir finds vo shall know lliblH.” It ju
plain Unit they uro attempting to doccive
you, fur ebme purpose. What that pur
pose is, it becomes you, ns men loving
liberty and free government, to inquire
sod to knUw, Fur mo I shall always
rejoi. o in your omnncipntioH, If ytilt will
only prove that yon uro worthy of it, by
guarding and taking care of tlm liberty
which has boon conferred upffii you.—
You cunnot preserve vour own liberty
bill bjr defending the liberty of thp while
man. THb ctlttlmoh shit Id of both is
free government afl embodied iu tho
Constitution of our cbtintry; und the
common interest of both white and
black, is to defend tliut sacred instru
ment from the ussaults of all itsonomios,
who are now so busily engaged in un
dermiliing uud overthrowing it. Tho
only slavery, now to bo decided iu this
country, is tho slavery not of any class,
but of tiio wliolo pooplc, without distino
tion of color or rocs.
'lhio slavery will assuredly corno to
us ull, if Radicalism shall succeed in its
unholy purpose of overthrowing truo,
republican, representative government.
Radicalism comes to you m the guise
ofcoufuriing furors on you, because it
intends to use yon—uao your first votes
for the purpose of destroying tho whole
system of government which rests upon
tho buHis of tho ballot. Will you allow
yourselves to bo no used ? Suppose you
should see a man struggling in tho river
out here, and a strange? should come to
you nnd tell you he was your friend mid
should insist upon filling your pockets
with Bilver aud gold, and after (io had
loaded you with his benefit! should then
toll you, " 1 have shown myself to bo a
friend to you; now you must show
yourself to bo a friend to mo. That
man struggling in tho river thefo iB an
obstacle in tho way of ’ my designs;
jump on liia shoulders, nnd sink him for
mo. ’ What Would you do ? Would
you not perceive that his intention was
to sund you to tho bottom along with
tho man iu llm river—to make you the
instri.ment of destroying yourself as
well as tho other ? \N ould you not
know that the very treasure conferred
upon you by your protended friend was
meant to curry you to tlie bottom of tho
rivor with ull tlm greater certainty and
celeiity? and now I ask you whut uso
tho Rudiculs al'u asking you to mako ol
that ballot which they havo just confer
red upon you, and iu conferring it have
callod themselves your filends? I tell
you limy moan that ballot os a sinker—
yon, as a very millstogo—to send you
and tho white man down (o tho bbttom
together. I say so Btcaus* they ore
asking you tu jump upon tlm shoulders
of thoso men wild arc struggling to up
hold thut system of representative goV
eminent which is carried on by tho votes
of tho people. Vole for the Radicals
now, and in tho Presidential election,
and you will bo but putting fortH your
strength to destroy tho vciy system of
voting itself—to make your first votes
ulso most surely your lust votes. I tell
you, I warn you that, of the now Consti
tution now presuntud to us, tho part
which scorns to invast you with suffrage
in tho future administration of the gov
ernment is only intended to deceive tho
black man and get his veto for present
Rudicnl uso ; just as that other part of it
in relation to so culled relief is intended k>
deceive the while man, and get his vote
lor tho Bumu Radical uso. Both branch
es of tho general scheme are addressed
to tho folly of the people; one to tlm
folly of tlm black man, thu other to the
folly of the white man. Any munj ei-'
tber white or bluck) who ullows himself
to be caught by the trick will only
prove that his folly bus nut boon over
estimated by thoso who expect to two
it for his own destruction.
RSLIlFt
A few words will sot this relief swin
dle in so clour a light that any inun may
read it even us hw runs. I am asxod if
1 think Congress will set it a«idu; I atn
also asked if 1 think tho courts of Geor
gia will decluro the scheme uuounstitu-
tioi.nl und exercise that jurisdiction
wli’cli it donies to them ? Governor
Brown unswers both these questions
with an emphatic denial; ami 1 rather
think ho is right on both points. But I
must say thut tho Gotornof showed a
wonderful discretion and shrewdness in
selecting tlm points of hi* denial. Sup-
poHo, if you pleusc, that Congress shull
louvo the scheme intact, and that the
courts of Georgia shall hold that thoy
havo no jurisdiction over debts created
pr or to Juno, 1806, whet th#n ? Do a
nil this secure the promised relief? Are
the courts of Goorgia the only courts io
this countiy ? There are the Courts of
t ie United States; sad the proposed
non action on the part of Btuto courts
will but drive creditors into the United
Stutea c urts, where judgment comes
more quickly nnd with fur heavier bills
of oost. Debts exceeding $600 and
field by non-residents can be sued in tho
United States courts oven without a re
sort to the Bankrupt Act} and our res
ident creditors will sell out a vast
amount of their cluims at a ruinous sac
rifice to a set of non-resident speculators,
i Who will fli ck to Georgia for tho very
purpdfee of wringing this sacrifice front
our creditor class aud then wringing
$l)c ifiulfibcrt Appeal.
HAT EH OF I8IN0 >
Ont dollar periqnart of t«o lint* for the Aral fa
Mrtlon, and Hiveoly-flve Cent! per square for each
tubeequent ioeertion, not exceeding three.
Ootequarb three month* ..I 8 90
One oquafe ant year..........' . SO 00
Fourth of a colump aix month* 80 M
l(alfcolumn ill months, 70 09
One column nx months 100 0*
tho lust possible dollar from the debtor.
Byt under the Bankrupt A‘ct no trn'n*-
fer ol tho dubt is n’ccessufy to carry tho,
debtor into tho United States bourt, if
ha huppons to bo in a Situnti«>h Which
subjhfltfi him to nnirfvoluntnfy bankrupt
cy ut tiio ii'wtnnce ol his,orpditots—that
is to say, if Im happens to bo jeally in-
flolvoot, truly and honestly unable to pay
his debts. Du our people know what
fnppons. .when u debtor gels into iho
United States Couft tinder tfib Hank-
ruptAct ? Suppose Ub'vernhr Bpllock,
going to Judge ^rattino’s Court, and
asking him to enforce tiio relief scheme
in administering tho Bankrupt Act.
Judge (Er^kine would tell hint; ull this
may or may not (iu gtjod fqw for tlm
courts of Georgia; out it certulntj) nil's
no application to my Court. 1 am d
United Stutea Judge, and I must pro
ceed according to United Stalls laws,
one of which is the Bankrupt Act, which
ostubljBFms an exemption or IIomcBtond .
law ol its own;’ ndqpting, as if dqes.
not the now Btuto Exemption law,' Uil(
tho old one (under which tho poople tljl
Georgia huvo lived for many years),
with tho addition of $600 Governor
Bullock would now realize, if Im had
never realized before, that ftis whole
scliemo of rqfiof) moludingthe pot Home
stead provision, Waif Utterly Powerless.
Tho poor debtor would reuliZe, if he
hud voted for ratification to get relict,
that he Imd betrayed his country and
had been swindled out of the price of
his treason. Judas sol'd hi# Savior for
thirty pieces of silyei 1 , and Esau sold his
birthright for a moss of pottage; but
Judas got tfi'o rtVonoy and Eadm goi (ho
pottage. Any man who Votes fur ratifi
cation on Qcooiint of relief, will havo alt
tho iruilt of treason without even the mis
erable reward Which wus reaped by Judas
and Esati. There fs one class, and onu
only, who cun derive any advantage
from the relief Mchomo. If the nggru-
aoofl
ggit
gate of a man’s d'dbti doos not Squill
$500 he cannot bo carried into tfi'S Uni
ted States Court, uuless he is a bank
rupt. If, therefore, s man hsppqns to
owe less than $500, and bo abundantly
ublo to pay it, he, indeed, and he only,
will bo protected froirt payment by the
relief scheme. Ho may 6we $499', to
some starving widow or orphan, and
hu may possess millions of property,
and yet not Ohe dollar of it can be ex
torted from him. He could stnnu by
tho dying bed of his wretched creditor,
atld tdll litJrj '• I have sold mV 6ountry
to tho Rudical pnrtf and procured ftotn
thorn, in return, the right to withhold
from you oven so much as i crurtib ot
broad to save your ebbing lifo. You
may die indeed for laok of what I justly
owe you, but for my part I must retain'
the prico of my infamy; 4 '.
The only follef, therefore, which can
como to nnybody trom this nefarious
and deceptive scheme will be relief, not
to tho noedy or the good; But to ttrtf
rich and tho infumou's. ,
Follow citisons, I tell you iB cbncld-
sion, that this whole Constitution, which
is now tendered to us, is deception-
deception to the whits mart flitd to thd
blnqk man—dfcceptidn id catch votea-^
vntos to build up tho Radical power
,which is now putting forth its while An'-
ergieato overthrow ail free constitution
al government, and which seeks tq con
summate tho unlnf.Ly.work, through tho
election of a l’resident in full sympathy
with their designs. That President, if
electod. will wu(Ji into power over the
ruins of tho Constitution, backed bv the
military force of the poVfntrV Oufffrf
in t-o arched, und with all tlie snfoguardd
of liberty thus broken down, he will
speedily nVnke himself master of the V8r^
men who may have boon silly enough Id
place him' at tlfeir beam- A ffrifitafy
empire will be tlld etfa tfr 6'ffZ oboe
grand and glorious Republic. I implore
you to-ijiuhi, touch not, tusto not, han
dle not the unclean thing I ifuvtntt
Part horltft rn it | Vote against ratifica
tion with nil ybdr might ond mnift 1 If
you cannot Bitcoeed in defeating it, fort
can nt leust preserve your own honor,
and pile up tho infamy of your deatoy^
ere. The duy of i idemjAiuir will Come
sooner 6'r Iator»to this fair land und tbht
great people. Its coming ifc only a!
question, ot time, artd the power that
will prodtfco it when it doos come, must
bo derived- from your own 1 honor pre
served and tho infamy of your bppres-
Hors made* plain.
Pat andtii’b riaW —Put.vVetff id thtf
mouse of the priost to confess his sliifl)
and passed into the kitchen to ask for
(hu holy father, but perceiving that
tnero Wus no ono in the room', white rt
fttie harff wnfl lying on the table fresh
fiom the market, ration r/o* tfin'e irfse
curing th'e prize. Hiding it os well ud
ho Could under his Coat) be proceeded
to tho apnftnVeiit of tlid priest, and
said :
"Here, your rivorence, is a ftno teg
of bacon which I stole and brefight as
a present to ytfrir Will yoti
tuke it ?”
“Take it I ” said tlte confessor, "by
. moans. Carry it btfok ipsfontty.”
"Fuitb, an 1 1 tfid, sir, an’ h’tf Said be
would'nt take it by no means.’’
"Very well, then, Pat, you trttt^ keep
It.”
"An* I’ll be absolved, ydflr river :
nnce ?” demanded Pat.
Yes it is yours if the owner does not
take it back ”
'Good morning ; God bless yo ; long
life io your riveranco.”
A humorous upolheoary in Boston
exposes a ouse of soup in bis show wiu-
dour with tho pertinent inscription,
"Cheaper than dirt,' 1