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CURE CONSTIPATION
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FFoifSale by TH*E L.OWRY DRUG GOJDaltonJGa.
He has staked his
metropolitan police
most probably keep
until the attomey-
New Sunday School Song Book for 1897. hm
Revival Choitf, flo. 2
35 Cents per Copy; $4.00 per Dozen. :
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THE A. J. SHOWALTER CO., Dalton, Ga
Dalton, Ga.
The American Business College,
Omaha, Neb., has a notice in the
local columns of this paper offering
a thorough course of instruction
in bookkeeping and business meth
ods by mail free of tuition. Did
yon read it? To avail yourself
of this liberal offer is the same as
accepting a present of $50. .
The Prices are
non Tobacco Spit and Smoke four Life Away.
To quit tobacco easily and forever, be mag
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man
We are. cutting deep into our
big stock of Men, Women, Boys
and Children’s Shoes. We cut
the price and they went. We
are yet playing havoc with
• * i
THE NORTH GEORGIA CITIZEN, DALTON. GA.
- msmsmm
Leep into our
Women, Boys
cut
the
are
prices
havoc with
is diminishing also. We have
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Remember this week and next.
We are getting in new goods ev
ery day.
Yours to please,
Cartwright Bros.
au. 4J4-
*3^*
E
E.
Tillman’s Measure is Now
Done For.
“ORIGINAL'S” KNOCK IT OUT.
A Georgia Girl the Prime Cause of
South Carolina's Famous
Experiment.
South Carolina is about to wit
ness the enforced abandonment of
one of the most interesting exper
iments ever made. This experi
ment is the famous liquor-dispen
sary system, a sketch of which,
from its origin to the present day,
is timely.
One night in December, 1892,
Gov. Tillman, then on the crest
of the wave of fortune, sat in the
gallery of the state house of repre
sentatives and listened to a prohi
bition debate. A prohibition pri
mary had been held in the pre
vious summer and the liquor peo
ple had sustained a stunning de
feat. The bill under discussion
was in accordance with this result.
Tillman was deeply interested.
He had not taken part in the cam
paign, but one of his dearest wish
es was to see the liquor men—who
had opposed him along—downed
to a man. L. D. Childs, a mem
ber from Columbia, had the floor.
As the leader of the prohibition
forces in the state he was making
the speech of the session. The
great brilliantly lighted hall was
packed. But not a sound inter
rupted the speaker, who held the
undivided attention of his au
dience.
With Gov. Tillman in the gal
lery were several ladies. One, a
young and pretty girl from
Athens, Ga., finally grew tired of
the eloquence of Mr. Childs and
turning to the governor,, asked
him why they did not resort to
the dispensary system, as in vogue
n Athens, as a solution, of the
question.
liman was not a well-informed
in those days and frankly ad
mitted that he knew very little
about the Athens system. He ex
pressed some interest, however,
and the young lady—one of the
few in a thousand who interest
themselves in details—rapidly out
lined it to him. The novelty of
the idea struck him and excusing
himself he went straight to the
executive office, called his lieuten
ants in the house around him, and
before daylight had framed a bill
—the first dispensary bill—for in
troduction. An “ administration ”
measure it was passed over all op
position and Mr. Childs’ speech
was thrown aw a}'.
The explanation for this new
departure to the people who had
expected a simon-pure prohibition
law was. short and, so far as Gov.
Tillman’s adherents were con
cerned, satisfactoiy. By restrict
ing and regulating the sale it was
asserted that it would diminish
drunkenness and abolish a majori
ty of the evils charged to the bar
room system. It would protect
the wealth as well as the morals
of the people, by furnishing them
with only chemically pure liquors.
Futhermore it would pay $1,000,-
U00 yearly into the state treasury
—more than enough to run the
state government and public
school system. In short, it would
relieve the taxpayers of state tax
es.
But despite all this the institu
tion was received with the reverse
of favor. The conservative, or
anti-Tillman element refused to
see anything good in what Till
man had done and thousands of
them registered vows never to
take a drink of “ Tillman liquor.
The papers took up the constitu
tional and moral questions involv
ed and with few exceptions de
nounced it. The “ reformers
even resented having to sign their
names to applications for pints
and half-pints of corn whiskey, as
being a restriction arid an infringe
ment upon their liberties. As a
result “ blind tigei-s ” were opened
every town and patronized
in
much in the same spirit out of
which the Bostonians threw the
tea into the water.-
The consequence was what Till
man had foreseen when he drew
up the bill and provided a dispen
sary constabulary. The state was
placed under semi-martial law. In
every town and village two or
three constables paraded the
streets, armed to the teeth with
Winchester rifles and Colt’s re
volvers. Furthermore, they were
armed with unlimited power,
which included the right to enter
and search private houses where
liquors were known or supposed to
be stored; also to examine the bag
gage of passengers on railroad
platforms. Occasionally, in search
ing a house, a woman was insult
ed, and occasionally in examining
baggage a woman’s trunk was
opened and the crowd treated to a
sight of dainty silks and muslins
tumbled in a heap on the ground.
Newspapers kept track of these
occurrences and served them up
to their readers under appropriate
headings until at the next session
of the general assembly they had
made the institution so unpopular
that the salary of the state dispen
ser was raised on account—as his
friends said in open debate—of the
(c odium ” attached to the office.
The strangest part of the whole
business is why, with a naturally
fiery people like those of South
Carolina, there was from start to
finish so little bloodshed. The
constables, recruited from a class
whom “ odium ” could not deter,
were as insolent as merciless dra
goons. Women who barred their
entrance to private apartments
were slapped in the face, while
their husbands, at the point of a
pistol, looked on helplessly. A
few constables were killed, it is
At Darlington a pitched
11
battle was fought and two citizens
and two constables sent to eterni
ty. But the majority of the peo
ple submitted quietly, turned their
houses over to the raiders when
they came and contented them
selves with waiting for a day
when they could express them
selves at the ballot box. The
constables have killed nearly
three-score people, but so far none
has been punished, all being par
doned.
The reformers would probably
have abandoned Tillman and his
scheme years ago but for the Dar
lington war above referred to.
They had already begun to grow
tired being dragooned by the con
stables and the unusually high
price of the dispensary liquors ad
ded fuel to their discontent. But
Tillman was too astute a politic
ian to let such an opportunity
pass. As it happened the fight at
Darlington was between the con
stables on one side and conserva
tives on the other. Tillman im
mediately denounced it as an anti-
Tillman uprising and made a
great display of fearing assassina
tion, having himself guarded in the
governor’s mansion and then in
the state penitentiary. The re
form papers took it up and in an
amazingly short time had con
vinced their readers that the dis
pensary was a “reform measure,”
to be defended with their lives.
Excitement ran high and con
servative militia companies which
had refused to obey the governor’s
orders were replaced by enthusias
tic Tillman companies, who gave
expression to their devotion by
dubbing themselves “ Ben Till
man Rifles,” Ben Tillman Volun
teers ” and “ Ben Tillman
Guards.” The absorption of dis
pensary whiskey became a test of
loyalty to the cause, and for a
time the blind tigers had to de
pend upon the conservative ele
ment, while their enemies bank
rupted themselves out of pure pa
triotism.
Meanwhile the courts had been
appealed to and so many conflict
ing opinions rendered that no one
could pretend to keep the run of
them. But at length, a short
time after the Darlington war, the
Supreme court decided that the
law was unconstitutional. This
closed the dispensary and re-open
ed the bar-rooms. But at the
next session the legislature
changed the complexion of the
Supreme court and passed a new
dispensary bill. The former de
cision was reversed, of course, arid
since that time the institution has
been running full blast.
But it has never been out of
trouble in the courts. Senator
Tillman, during his last term as
governor, had the legislature to
pass a bill empowering the execu
tive to appoint metropolitan po
lice over towns and cities which
failed to enforce the dispensary
law. He held it over Charleston
to the end of his term, but did
not use it. His successor, John
Gary Evans, did use it, however,
and the unpopularity of the act
contributed to his defeat for the
United States senate last year and
will militate against him at the
coming primary.
Furthermore, it multiplied the
opposition, to the dispensary sys
tem. Charleston had been unus
ually submissive before the metro
politans were put in charge, but
since then neither money nor
pains has been spared to uproot
the system. The state courts be
ing hopelessly closed against
them, they have appealed to the
federal courts, and the recent de
cision of Judge Simonton, protect
ing the importation and sale of li
quor in original packages, has set
tled the question. Already doz
ens of original-package houses are
in operation, selling in open oppo
sition to the dispensary. The
struggle is an uneven one and the
issue is not doubtful. Protected
by the federal courts, the impor
ters can sell cheaper than the dis
pensary can buy, and it is only a
question of time when the compe
tition will force the state to sur
render.
Gov. Ellerbee, whose election
was due to a promise to remove
the metropolitans from Charleston
—a promise which he subsequent
ly thought better of—seems deter
mined to fight to the last ditch.
Before his eleetiou he was not
considered a dispensary advocate;
but now he devotes the greater
part of his time to building men
of straw for the federal court
knock down,
career on the
issue and will most
up the fight until
general calls a halt.
As for Senator Tillman, he
seems to take the matter more
heart than any one else. He
defiant as long as he thought
there were any hopes for his bill
in congress. When it failed he
came home and for two weeks has
been making speeches in defense
of the institution, even threaten
ing to resign his seat in the
ate and to run for governor
on the dispensary issue,
course of his remarks he has
unsparing in his abuse of the fed
eral courts, the barkeepers, the
preachers and the devil, who,
says, are leagued against him,
But no one believes for
that Tillman has any idea of
ning for governer and there
not a few who would offer
money on his defeat if he did.
For he is not as strong now as
when he went to the senate and
the risk would be too great to run
at this time. Some say that he
will have trouble retaining his
seat when his term expires in 1900
and his weakness is all traceable
to the dispensary.
To give an idea of how much
strength he has lost: No longer
than two years ago every candi
date of the reform faction boasted
of his loyalty to Tillman. Those
who were fortunate enough to re
ceive his endorsement considered
is equivalent to election. Now,
of the five candidates for the Uni
ted States senate stumping the
state not one refers to Tillman or
claims any credit for having sup
ported him. Each seems to dread
being considered Tillman’s favor
ite. Furthermore, all discuss the'
dispensary and metropolitan po
lice questions regardless *of his
views. Time was when such te
merity would have meant certain
defeat.
Another class that will have
cause to regret the downfall of
the dispensary system is the
“ blind pig ” class. There were
nearly 150 blind tigers in Char
leston alone, and there is no say
ing how many places were in the
state. Their profits were enor
mous, and their losses from seiz
ures merely incidental. One il
licit dealer, who ran a wholesale
business in Charleston, claims to
have had $20,000 worth of liquor
seized from first to last, but says
that he could well afford it with
profits such as he made. Now
he says the original-package
houses are supplying his custom
ers to whom he sold at one time
as much as 1,700 gallons of whis
ky in a single day. His occupa
tion is gone, and a return to ordi
nary profits is not welcome, for all
the show he made of fighting the
dispensary.
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REVIVAL. CHOIR, NO. 2, is the hook to he used in the Whitfield Coun
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Singing Conventions of North Georgia. Hundreds of Sunday-schools are already
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Fire and .Tornado Insurance.
W. H. Pruden, Agt.
DALTON, GA.
Established 1869. Losses paid : during
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DEALER JQf
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