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The Gainesville Eagle.
Published Every Friday Morning
CAREY W. STY EES,
Editor and Proprietor.
Terms -Two Dollars a Tear, in Advance.
OFFICE
Vp-ntaln in Candler Hall Building,
Northwest Comer of Public Square.
ttf The Official Organ of Hall, Banks, White.
Towns, Union and Dawson eounttwi, and the city of
Gainesville. Has a large general circulation in twelve
other counties in Northeast Georgia, and two coun
ties In Western North Carolina.
Advertising Rates in Gainesville Eagle :
o
1 Inch - 1 Time SI.OO 1 Mo. $2.00 3 >fos. §4.00 6 Mos. $6.00
2 “ “ 2.00 “ 8.50 “ 6.00 “ 10.00
3 “ “ 2.50 “ 5.00 “ 8.00 “ 18.00
4 “ “ 3.00 “ 6.00 “ 10.00 “ 16.00
i Column “ 4.50 “ 9.00 . “ 17.00 “ 25.50
£ “ “ 8.00 “ 15.00 “ 27.00 “ 45.00
i “ “ 12.50 “ 25.00 “ 50.00 “ 75.00
1 Column, 1 year, S4O. $ Column, 1 year, S7O. 1 Column, 1 year, $l2O.
Liberal local notices without charge. Local Dodgers, 10 cents per
line.
One dollar per square for first Insertion, and fifty
oents for each subsequent insertion.
Marriage noticea mud obltuariae enceedingjeix liDes
will be chargod tor as advertisements.
Porsoual or abusive communications wUI not be
inserted at any prloo.
Communications of gtnersl or local Interest, under
a genuine signature rospectfully solicited from any
source.
REVISED RATES
Pur Legal Advertising In the Eagle.
From, ivud including this date, the rates of
legal advertising in the Eagle will be as fol
lows :
Sheriff's sales for each lovy of 1 inch $2 50
Bach additional inch or less - - 2 60
Mortgage sales (Cos days) one inch - - 500
Haoh additional inch or less ... 3 00
Adm’r’s, Ex'r’s.Gnard'n’s sales, 4 weeks, 1 ineh 4 00
Baeh additional inch .... 2 60
Notice to debtors and creditors - - 4 00
Ultat’s for let’rs of adm’n or gnard’ns’p (4 wks) 400
Leave to sell real estate - - - 4 00
Let’rs of dism'n of adm’n or gnard’n (3 mo.) 6 00
Kstray notices - - - - - - - 400
Citations (unrepresentedestates) - 4 00
Bale ulsl In divorce cases - - - 6 00
Homestead Exemption, 2 weeks, - - 2 00
Bnle Nisi to foreclose, monthly 4 mos., per In. 400
The law authorizes County Officers to col
lect advertising fees in advance, and they are
held responsible if thsy fail to do so.
tfi~ Fractions of a square (or inch) are eharged in all
eases as full squares or inches.
Notices of Ordinaries calling attention of adminis
trators, oxecutors and gnardtans to making thir an
nual returns; and of Sheriffs in regard to provisions
sections 3649, of the Code, published fbee for the
Sheriffs and Ordinaries who patronlzo the Eagle.
Advertisers who desire a specified Bpaes for 3, 6 or
12 mouths will receive a liberal deduction from our
regular rates.
Hr All bills due after first insertion, unless special
contract to the contrary be made.
October 5, 1877.
GENERAL DIRECTORY.
Hon. George D. Rice, Judge 8. C. Western Circuit.
A. L. Mitchell, Solicitor, Athens, Ga.
COUNTY OFFICERS.
t. ft. M. BiOhurn, Ordinary.
John L. Gaines, Sheriff.
J. F. Duckett, Deputy Sheriff.
J. ,1. Mayue, Clerk Superior Court.
N. 15. Clark, Tax Collector.
J. R. li. I, uck, Tax Receiver.
Gideon Harrison, Surveyor.
Edward Lowry, Coroner.
B. C. Young, Treasurer.
CHURCH DIRECTORY.
PaEsiiYrsiUAN Church— Rev. T. P. Cleveland. Pas
tor. Preaching every Sabbath—morning and night,
axcept Lhe second Sabbath. 8u day Sohool at 9a. m.
Prayer meeting Wednesday evening at 4 o’clock.
Methodist Church Rev. D. D. Cox, Paßtor.
Preaohlug every Sunday morning and night. Sunday
School at 9a. m. Prayor meeting Wednesday night.
Baptist Ohuiioh Rev. W. C. Wilkes, Pastor.
Prßsciiing Sunday morning and night. Sunday
School at 9a. in. Prayer meeting Thursday evening
at 4 o’clock.
YOUNG MEN’S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION.
A. M. Jackson, President.
R. C. Maddox, Vice President.
W. B. Clements, Secretary.
Regular services every Sabbath evening at one of
the Churched. Cottage prayer meeting* evary Tues
day night in “Old Town,” and Friday night Rear the
dapl
- RECORD.
.lowkry Branch Lodge A . 79, I. O. O. TANARUS., meets
-vory Monday night, Lasktrr, N. G.
B. F. Stbdham, Sec.
ALiiiunAXT Royal Arch Chmti rneets on the Sec
ond and Fourth Tuesday eroiuaes u* eaeh month.
W. M. Puckett, Sec’y. A. W. Caldwbll, H. P.
Gainesville Lodge, No. 219, A. - . F. - . M.\, meets
on the First and Third Tuesday evening in the month
R. Palmoub, Sec’y. R. B Grrun, W. M.
Air-Linh Lodob, No. 64,1. O. O. F., meets every
Friday evening.
O. A. Lilly, Sec. W. H. Harrison, ff. G.
GAINESVILLE POST OFFICE.
Owing to recent change of schedule on ths Atlanta
and Charlotte Air Line Railroad, the following will
be the schedule from date:
Mail from Atlanta [fast] 6-24 p. m.
Mall for Atlanta [faHtl - 5.43 a. m.
Office hours: From 7 a. m. to 12 in., and from
IK p. in. to 7 p. in.
General dellvory open on Sundays from 3K to 9K-
Departure of mails from this offlea:
Dahlonoga and Gilmer county, dally m
Dahlonegs, via 'iVahoo and Ethel, Saturday 8K a. m
Jefferson A Jackson county, Tnesday, Thurs
day and Saturday 1 • m
Oloveland, White, Union, Towns and Hayes
ville, N. C„ Tuesdays and Fridays 7 a. m
Dawsonvilie and Dawson county, Saturday 8 a. m
Homer, Banks county, Saturday ..1 p. m
Pleasant Grove, Forsyth county, Saturday .. f p. m
M. R. ARCHER, P.M.
Professional and Business Cards,
X. J. GUILMAUTIN. J- E. GAUDRY,
f Late Cashier Southern Bank
( State of Georgia.
L. J. G-UILMARTIN & CO.
COTTON FACTORS
AND
Commission Merchants,
Kelly’s Block, Bay Street,
Savnnnnii, Q-oorgio.
Bagging and Iron Ties for sale at lowest
market rates. Prompt attention given to all
business entrusted to us. Liberal cash ad
vances made on consignments. Jnnels-6m
a7j. SHAFFER, M. D.,
Physician and Surgeon.
Special Attention Given to Disease*
Common to Women, -djjt*
Office near Northeast corner Public Square.
Always in office when not professionally
engaged.
Gainesville, Ga., May 25, 1877. ly
MA R K HAM HO USE.
BY .X. F. OVVENP,
At the East End of the Union Depot,
Atlanta, Gr.
Attention by W. D. WILE? nd T. A. HAMMOND.
m*yll-tf
EARLY ROGERS, PHOTOGRAPHER
Near Southeast Cor. Public Square,
Oainr.villc, - Georgia.
Photographs, Ferrotypes, etc., etc., put up
as neat and life-like as can be had anywhere.
Makes a specialty of Copying and en
larging old Pictures. Picture Frames,
)auy size) cord, nails, etc., always on hand.
Be sure to call and see me when you come to
town. octs-3m.
The Gainesville Eagle.
Devoted to Polities, News of the Day, The Farm Interests, Home Matters, and Olioiee Miscellany.
VOL. XL
This standard article is com
pounded with the greatest care.
Its effects are as wonderful and
as satisfactory' as ever.
It restores gray or faded hair to
its youthful color.
It removes all eruptions, itching
and dandruff. It gives the head a
cooling, soothing sensation of great
comfort, and the scalp by its use
becomes white and clean.
By its tonic properties it restores
the capillary glands to their normal
vigor, preventing baldness, and mak
ing the hair grow thick and strong.
Asa dressing, nothing has been
found so effectual or desirable.
A. A. Hayes, M. D., State As
sayer of Massachusetts, says, “The
constituents are pure, and carefully
selected for excellent quality'; and
I consider it the Best Preparation
for its intended purposes.”
Price, One Dollar.
Buckingham’s Dye
FOR THE WHISKERS.
This elegant preparation may be
relied on to change the color of the
beard from gray or any other un
desirable shade, to brown or black,
at discretion. It is easily applied,
being in one preparation, and quick
ly and effectually produces a per
manent color, which will neither
rub nor wash off.
Wanafactured by R. P. HALL & CO.,
NASHUA, N. H.
Bold by li DraggliU, ini Dealers la
*.. L. LuLNE Agent, Gainesville, Ga.
Caskets and Burial Cases.
THE undersigned will keep constantly on hand a
supply of CASKETS and BURIAL CASES, and
will also snpply COFFIN"! of all sixes and descrip
tions, at short notice. H. W. RICH,
may 23.1871-M] ' Davis Street. Gainesville, Ga.
Ws SBLL EVERY ! IIING for the
GARBEI,
And offer IMO W (from June 15 to August If):
Celry Plants.
Dwarf White, by mall, for - - - SI.OO per 100
Large W'Jte Solid, per nail, for - .’.GO "jf'.tO
l'wa Vi* •' - - ,
Any or the above Celery Plants, by
$5.00 per 1,000.
Cabbage Plants,
Premium Flat Dutch, by mail, for SI.OO per 100
Drumhead ftavoy " “ 1.00 •• 100
Red (for pickling] “ •• 1,00 •* 100
Any of the above Cabbage riaatß, by express,
for $4.00 per 1,000.
Cauliflower Plants.
Early Erfurt, by mail, for - - $1.25 per 100
Earl. Par s. “ ■■ - -i .25 “ 100 1
Ai y of the above Cauliflower Plants, by express, E
for $7.50 per 1,000. ((
03k- Special prices for larger quantities piven j|
on application. g
Turnip Seed.
Any of the following leading sorts sent by mail
for 10c. per o*.—2sc. per % lb.—76c. per lb. :>
Early White Dutch—White Strap Leaf—Red Top
Strap Leaf—Golden Ball—lmprovod American
Run Bags.
PETER HENDERSON & CO.,
Seedsmen and Florists,
aug3-ly 35 Cortlandt St., N. Y.
JOHN FLANNKJIY, JOHN L. JOHNSON
Managing partner 1 ate firm ,
L. J. Guilmartia A Ca.,
1865 to 1877. |
JOHN FLANNERY & CO., j
COTTON FACTORS
A* D
COMMISSION MERC SANTS,
No. 3 Kelly’s Block, Bay Street,
"*a vait a a li, ( o orgia.
Agents for Jewell’s Mills Yarns and Domestics
et., otc.
Bafginff and Iron Ties for sale at lowest market
rates. Prompt attention given to all busings en
trusted tr> us. Liberal cash advances made on
consignments.
( >ar Mr. FLANNERY havim? purchased
the entire and assumed the liabilities of the
Into hr** of L. J. GUILMARTIN k CO., we will at
tend to ad outstanding business of that Arm.
j line 15-6 m
NORTHEASTETN RAILROAD S
Change ot* Schedule.
SUPERINTENDENT’S OFFICE, 1
Athens, Ga , S.pt. 29, 1877. j
ON and aft.r Monday, October Ist, 1877, trains on
the Northeastern Railroad will run as follows.
All trains daily except Sunday :
MORNING TRAIN.
Leave Athens 2:35 a.m.
Arrive at Lula 4:50 “
Arrive at Atl uta, (via Air Line B. II.) 8:35 “
Leave Luia 5:45 “
Arrive at Athens 8:16 "
EVENING TRAIN.
Leave Athens 4:00 p.m.
Arrive at Lula 6:30 “
Leave Atlauta (via Air Line R. R.) ...4:00 “
Leave Lula ...T:ls “
Arrive at Athe is S:3O “
Cl ose connection at Lula with passenger trains on
Air Line Ra lroad. J. M. EDWARDS,
Superintendent.
DR. R. R. ADAIR.,
DENTIST,
Gainesville, Ga.
janlP ly
A. C. MOSS,
Attorney at Law,
Homer, Banks County, Georgia.
YT7TLL ATTEND PROMPTLY to all busi
” ness intrusted to his care. mar9-ly
>l. W. RIDEN’S
Law and Claim Agency.
TO TXIE 3?U13 GIC.
Having trustworthy correspondents
In Washington, D. 0., I am prepared with better
than ordinary facilities to prosecute before any and
all the several departments of the Government, the
Southern Claims Commission, Court of Claims, Pa
tent, Land and Pension Offices, any and all claims
growing out of, or Incident to, the late war or other
wise.
I will collect or purchase Government Vouchers
given during or since the war.
I will endeavor to collect from the Government the
Proceeds f Sales of Captured or Aband'ned Proper
ty, where the money hns been paid into the Treasury;
and will collect pay for Horses, Mules, Wagons, etc.,
impressed for the use of tbe Government, and not
returned. Address, with stamp for reply,
MASTIN W. RIDEN,
Attorney at Law and Claim Agent,
uarl7-tf Gainesville, Hall county, Ga.
[ho*. ROBERT TOOMBS OX THE CAP
ITAL LOCATION.
Senllment Clusters Aronnd Atlanta—Ec
onomy Resoles in Atlanta—Accommo
dations cm be Found in Atlanta —
And I’airiotism loves to
Dwelt Up*n the Deeds of
Atlanta when the Plun
derers’ hands held
Georgia Down.
[Atlanta Constitution.]
Atlanta, Nov. 10, 1877.
To Messrs. J. W. English, A. Murphy,
B. E. Crane, Frank Rice, and
others:
Gentlemen : Your favor asking an
expression of my views upon the
proper location of the capital of Geor
gia was received by due coarse of
mail, but my continuous engagements
in the Courts, since my return from
the North, have prevented a sooner
response.
AN IMPORTANT QUESTION.
The question upon which you ask
my views is one of undoubted impor
tance to every good citizen of our com
monwealth, and deserves from each a
sincere judgment, based upon nothing
beyond plain facts and considerations
of wise public policy. I hare always
felt it my doty, when called upon, to
give my candid and honest judgment
upon all questions affecting the wel
fare of my people, and important to
the public interest. Ido not, there
fore, hesitate to make answer to your
request.
already on record.
At the outset I may remark that I
am already on record in favor of the
city of Atlanta. In my letter to Hon.
L. N. Trammell, of Whitfield, written
in the eariy summer, and in advocacy
of the calling of the Constitutional
Convention, I stated that when the
people of Georgia had framed a good
Constitution, it mattered little where
the capital might be located; that the
capital question, indeed, then became
merely one of comfort and convenience
to the representatives of the people.
I still hold this opinion, for I now see
nothing in the question to cause me to
believe otherwise. The questions of
honest and economical government
arc beyond complication with this is
sue, and are fully assured in the new
Constitution.
REASONS FOR HIS BELIEF.
Atlanta is the commercial and popu
lar capital of the State of Georgia.
Her energy, enterprise and public
spirit have conquered all opposition,
and it would be, in my opinion, the
purest folly for the people, from any
sentiment, to put the political capital
elsewhere.
My reasons may be briefly stated
here, because it is my purpose to elab
orate and discuss them before my fel
low-citizens between this date and the
day of election.
,If tlm-caxtit.al should be removed tq
Milledgeville, the public treasury
would have to be drawn upon, not
alone to repair and refit the public
buildings now there, in order to ren
der them fitted to the use of the gov
ernment, but, indeed, to enlarge and
add to them, until the result would be
the State’s undertaking to build a city.
The public offices could not be either
comfortably or adequately accommo
dated, and the increased expense of
furnishing building and conveniences,
such as are indispensable, would prove
an enormous tax upon the people.
Other expenses, such as care, improve
ment and insurance, would be largely
increased.
ATLANTA IS CENTRAL.
Atlanta is central to the great bulk
of the population of the State. Her
railroad connections are easily accessi
ble to three fourths of the people of the
State, from all directions, leaving
nothing to be desired upon the ques
tion of convenience. Whenever it is
desired to assemble the representa
tives of any of the great interests of
the State, the common judgment se
lects Atlanta as the point, and these
affairs conclude the question of cen
trality and convenience in her favor
ATLANTA IS NOT CORRUPT.
So far as the charges of corruption
in legislation and government admin
istration in Atlanta are concerned, I
feel authorized to declare that Atanta
was, in no wise, connected with the
doings of the Bullock legislature or
administration. I have been for years
since the volunteer counsel of the
State, without compensation, investiga
ting and pursuing the rogues who
preyed upon my people and robbed
them of their treasures; and having
been thus engaged, and therefore fa
miliar with the entire history of the
nefarious schemes, Ido declare that
I have found nothing in them to im
pugn the honesty, integrity or patriot
ism of tbe citizens of Atlanta. I know
that the men who represented Atlanta
in the making of the constitution
which sheltered the plunderers—Dr
Miller, Captain John H. Flynn and
Mayor Angier—were men who stood
by the right and upon whose garments
can be traced none of the filth by which
they were encompssed. I do not know
an Atlanta man of that period who was
connected with the corruption and
rascality of which the people then, and
always may justly complain. When
other sections of our State cast this
suspicion upon Atlanta it would be
well for them to remember that the
rogues who held carnival in Atlanta
were all imported; that Macon furn
ished her qnota, Augusta her quota,
Columbia her quota and Savannah her
quota—and Atlanta furnished not a
man to swell the cabal. Angusta,
in my own district, furnished the two
grand chief rogues in robbing the com
monwealth —Bullock and Blodget. At
lanta, I again declare had no part or
lot in it.
A SENSELESS CLAMOR
Therefore the whole clamor against
Atlanta is senseless. It is plainly
senseless when the people say that be
cause these great wrongs were perpe
trated in Atlanta, it is not a lit place
for the capital. Why, sirs, these rognes
would have gone anywhere that the
public treasury was op9n to the inroads
of marauders. The plunderers would
GAINESVILLE, GA., FRIDAY MORNING. NOVEMBER 23, 1877.
have gone anywhere to accomplisn
their villainies, and nothing but a safe
lock of law upon the theasury, requir
ing the voice of the people to open if,
will ever Bave communities and com
monwealths from such robberies. The
radical constitution left the treasury
open to lobbyists, swindlers, railroa I
schemers and thieves in general, and
they found it easy to get whatever
their greed and avarice prompted them
to seek.
There was in that constitution do
limitation upon legislative power; the
treasury was accessible, exemptions
from taxation were possible, subsidies
obtainable, and every species of fraud
safe and unlimited. But, in furthel
vindication of Atlanta, I say that shi
was oae of the chief sufferers froi I
these schemes of public pillage. Shß‘
never reaped a cent of benefit from thy
lavish outpourings of the people’s dol
lars in her public improvements, but
was mulcted in common with the pee.?-
pie of the state. She lost her share
as a part of the people and sacrificed
her municipal subscription to hundreds
of thousands of dollars in addition. OP
all the millions of the people’s money
given away by their dishonest agents
to scheming railroad enterprises ii}
the state of Georgia not a dollar wenir
in the name of a road starting from o*
ending in Atlanta, although she wat
at the very period nursing into full ex
iatence two of the most importent raW
road enterprises ever projected in the'
history of the State.
ATLANTA TO THE RESCUE.
Not only that, but when the public
robbery had become open and flagrant,
and the people stood appalled and de
fenseless, at my instance upon a nota
ble occasion, the people of Atlanta
arose en masse and through a commit
tee of safety, seized the books of the
State Road, removed them from the'
custody of faithless officials, preserved
them in honest hands, and thereby
saved thousands of dollars to the poor
and honest people of the noble old.
commonwealth. For this act, if she
had no other to her credit, the city is
entitled to the grateful regard of this
whole people.
A QUESTION OF PUBLIC POLICY
This is not a question of place but
of public policy—a question not of
the past, but of the present and for
the future. Atlanta is a city self-built.
Her 'Josses have been those of bad
government and fully in proportion
with those of the entire State. She
has struggled, labored and thrived.
She complied with all her promises to
the State in the past, and in her propo
sition again made, to relieve the peo
ple from expense in locating their cap
ital, will be found faithful. Her pro
position is perfectly legal and I pro
nounce it
MORE GFNKPOUB THAN WISE, i
because the capital should be in Atlan
ta without the incentive of this propo
sition. It is not only perfectly legal,
but it is perfectly constitutional and
can be enforced. She is bound by it.
She is able to comply with anything
she promises, and not more able
than willing. Her ability is unbound
ed. She is financially guarded in her
charter, but she sought and the rep
resentatives of the people granted her
a constitutional provision to allow the
making and fulfillment of her magnb
ficeut proposition.
In truthful contrast with the ad
vantages and inducements of Atlanta,
it is self-evedent that the State, with
her increased population, enlarged ju
dicial tribunals and added depart
ments cannot be accommodated at
Milledgeville. The State cannot afford
them there and private enterprise does
not assure them. If the people should
vote for Milledgeville the legislature
would adjourn to Atlanta inside of
thirty days, it may well be feared, for
lack of accommodations and the means
of comfortable existence. Seriously,
it would be neccessary to remove back
to Atlanta within a year, or to spend
an amount of the people’s money which
the passionate and prejudiced would
pronounce ridiculous if mentioned
here.
The people, induced to remove the
government to Milledgeville upon
promises of eoconomy and immediate
reduction of current expenses, would
clamor more loudly at the evils they
had flown to than those they had fled
from, and so the capital question
would not have reached a settlement
by any means. Anew agitation of the
question would at once spring up, new
competitors enter the field and the
people become involved in yet another
expensive unpatriotic and partisan
contest over the matter. It is, there
fore better, wiser, cheaper and more in
keeping with our pride of State to re
main in Atlanta.
NOTHING AGAINST MILLEDGEVILLE
I repeat, this is not a question of
places. I like Milledgeville. Eight
years of my pubic life and service were
spent there, and I have nothing but
pleasant memories of the place. I like
the people and the town, and I do not
kuow that I have an enemy there.
But, upon this question, as upon all
others, I speak to my fellow citizens
and advise them what I honestly think
is best for them and the great interests
of the commonwealth, dear always to
her con c iderate sous.
Atlanta’s future.
In conclusion, I indulge in the ex
pression of a thought which has often
occupied me. Atlanta is not only the
central city—the metropolis—of Geor
gia, but of She south. She is central
to the commerce, trade, travel popula
tion and progress of this entire section
of the Union. As she was the strategic
point of armies in battle—assailed by
numbers beyond those that marched
against the capital of the short-lived re
public itself—so is she now entitled to
be considered the strategic center of
the population, commerce and prog
ress of the southern empire, an empire
whose possibilities and splendid future
are not yet recognized by any of us,
but which are certain of realization,
I predict, in any day not far distant.
With great respect, your friend,
R. Toombs.
W. A. HUFF
To Hon. John B. Goi don and Others, on
the Georgia Marshalship.
Washington, Nov. 9, 1877.
Hon. John B Gordon :
My Dear Sir —lmmediately after the
appointment of Col. Fitzsimmons as
Marshal for Georgia, it was very gen
erally rumored throughout the" State,
and indeed became a matter of news
paper gossip, that the President had
determined to appoint me, but, on be
ing informed by you and other mem
bers of the Georgia delegation that I
was not a Democrat, he withheld mv
name by request until a written pro
test could be filed against me, which
protest was said to have been signed
by you and five other members of the
delegation, and sent to the President.
On seeing this, it was stated that the
President determined at once not to
appoint me, and then asked that the
delegation should present six other
names from which he would select, and
from which he did select Colonel Fitz
simmons, because he was a Democrat,
and the cousin of Wade Hampton, and
was strongly endorsed by Mr. Steph
ens. As already stated, this informa
tion reached me from various sources,
and on passing through Atlanta last
Tuesday on my way to upper Georgia,
I very unexpectedly met with Senator
Hill, who, in a plain, frank manner,
related to te much that had accurred
hero during the struggle for the mar
6halship, and convinced me that all,
and much more, than I had heard was
true, so far as it related to me, and
satisfied me that great injustice had
been done me. I determined at once
to visit Washington, and see and learn
for myself the exact condition of affairs
here, and ascertain, if possible, to what
extent this question of politics had
been carried in my case.
On arriving here, I called on Col.
Blount, who confirmed, to a great ex
tent, what Mr. Hill had told me, and
agreed with Mr. Hill that I had been
badly treated. My next object was to
see you, and the result of our inter
view was, as you know, that the papers
on which yon had based your action
should be shown me at the Senate
Chamber at noon. I called there at
two o’clock, and found the Senate ad
journed. A/ter dinner, however, you
did exhibit to me the paper, which you
stated had induced the delegation to
act as they did and caused you and
five others to file the written protest
against my appointment. This paper
is in pamphlet form, and seems to have
been the work of Charles E. Dibble
and J. C. Mcßurnev, and contains, in
addition to the letter of endorsement
given me by Senator Hill—a copy of
Which they must have obtained from
the Attorney General’s office—several
-tracts from % Dahli^d.report made
by me to the citizans and taxpayers of
Macon, in October, 1872, in which re
port I took occasion to criticise and
condemn the heated partisan spirit
and mad zeal which then pervaded
certain portions of our country, and
defined in plain and independent terms
my views as to the sad results which
had and must always follow extreme
measures and bitter partizanship, es
pecially wherever and whenever mu
nicipal governments were called upon
to participate in such crazy experi
ments. The doctrine then advanced
by me is the doctrine I still adhere to,
and if I am capable of understanding
men and measures it is the very spirit
and backbone of that great Southern
policy and pacification movement
which Mr. Hayes is now laboring to
inaugurate throughout the entire
South. It is the doctrine of ail good
and true men, and I shall live and die
by it. It is the doctrine which has
made me mayor of a Azemocratic city
three times since I announcsd it, and
it is the doctrine for Mr. Hayes to
stand or fall by. So much for that
portion of the pamphlet of which I am
the author.
The balance of the work is not mine, ;
nor am I in any way directly or indi
rectly responsible for it. I was not in (
Washington when it was written or :
published, and Mr. Mcßurney will tell ,
you or any other gentleman who may ;
call on him that I never saw or heard ,
of the document until a copy of it was ,
sent to me at Macon some days after
it appeared here. There are gentle
men in Washington who know this to
be a fact. When I came here in June
last to present to the President the
letter in which you and Mr. Hill so
kindly united in the endorsement of
me for the Marshalship, another copy
of this pamphlet was shown me, but I
did not understand that it had been
made a portion of the record filed hero
in my favor, nor have I yet learned
that fact from anybody, and I d.> not
believe that the President ever saw or
read or considered it in any way.
And have you ever thought of the
fact, General Gordon, that the Presi
dent, in deciding to appoint me, there
by furnishes to the world the most
positive proof that my Republican in
fluences had never been considered by
him at all, for the simple reason that
he had determined to appoint a Dem
ocrat ? He told both you and Mr.
Hill, as far back as March or April,
that he would appoint a Democrat;
and he had appointed me as such when
you and others interfered and pre
vented his sending my name to the
Senate. It was you, and not the Pres
ident, who introduced the pamphlet
and raised the question of politics in
my case. Yes, it was you who con
vinced the President I was not a Dem
ocrat, —for he had so regarded me, had
virtually appointed me as such, and
thereby proves to the world that he
had never read or considered the Mc-
Burney pamphlet—or, if he had read
it, attached no importance to it what
ever. No, sir ; the whole thing was
a simple gratuity on the parts of Dib
ble and Mcßurney, and nothing but
their friendly personal interest in me,
coupled with their natural anxiety to
secure what they believed to be a good
man for the important position, in
duced them to adopt a course which,
while it may savor somewhat of bad
taste, should not be too strongly eon
demned because of its too ardent
championship of me when 'heir mo
tives were pure, and their only objects
the good of the country and my indi
vidual success. And such, I know,
were the only reasons which actuated'
them. These two gentlemen knew
full well that I was not a Republican
—as Mr. Blount and everybody else in
Macon knows it ; and I do not believe
that either of them ever intended or
desired to endorse me as such. And
while the language used by them in
the pamphlet might possibly be con
strued into the advocacy of Republican
principles, yet they did not speak of,
or allude to, me as a Republicin in any
shape or form, and any attempt or ef
fort on their part to make me the in
strument for promulgating such a doc
trine, was as unwarranted by me as
the issue of the pamphlet, and I do not
believe that they desired or intended
it to be so understood by the Presi
dent, the Attorney General, or any
body else, and its only on a forced
construction that it can be done. So
much for the style and method in
which these gentlemen thought proper
to serve me.
Now, if Republican influences prop
er are to be regarded and considered
as damaging to a man’s claims upon
the office of United States Marshal,
then I plead guilty to a complete for
feiture of all rights and title to the po
sition, and waive everything in favor
of someone of the candidates who has
not sought or obtained or accepted
such influences—provided such a can
didate can be found. But, General
Gordon, can you find him ? Is ho in
Washington to-day, or has he been
here at aDy time during the heated
contest for the office ? I apprelieud
not. No, sir; every man, from Col.
Alston down to the last one who has
applied for the position, has brought
with him more or less of Republican
influences. And why not? Does a
Republican Administration ignore and
despise Republican influences ? And
must a man be slaughtered as I have
been because, forsooth, he goes before
the President with Republican en
dorsements from his own people ? Mr.
Stephens, in speaking with me on this
subject, remarked that he supposed
the mere fact that Mcßurney had
pressed my claims was presumptive
evidence that the spoils and patronage
of the office would be given to or di
vided with him in case I should get it,
and for that reason, Mr. Stephens said,
he told the President that I would not
bo acceptable to the people of Georgia.
Now, General Gordon, if this sort
of supposition on the part of Mr. Ste.
phans be a legitimate one, pray tell
me what becomes of every other can
didate who has sought or obtained a
Republican endorsement? Think of
it for one moment and tell me if injus
tice like tins slin.il be done a i<C ' ~ .]
out redress ? Lot a supposition like
that of Mr. Stephens be the test, and
who could stand before it? And what
would become of the Marshalship ?
Could Mr. Fitzsimmons be confirmed ?
Has he no Republican influence or let
ters of ‘kind regards’ from that source ?
Nor does he and Mr. Stephens stand
solitary.and alone on their Bourbonistic
record for high claims upou that of
fice ? I know nothing of Mr. Fitzsim
simraons’ political record, and it is no
part of my purpose or desire to deal
with it, but I can imagine nothing
more unique or picturesque in a polit
ical landscape than the national figure
of Alexander H. Stephens pleading
with the head of a Republican admin
istration for a large share of its spoils
on the ground that he had always been
a consistent Democrat. There is some
thing so eminently grand and dazzling
about the conception of such a scene
that a man would first have to ar
range himself into a first-class Govern
ment artist before he could compre
hend or take it all in.
The canvass on which such a pic
ture could be drawn is too largo for
the narrow scope of my imagination,
and I shall not attempt to paint it.
But if you will conjecture a public,
character whose political eccentricities
alone have distinguished him from all
others of his class—a man who has as
sumed all the varied hues of the politi
cal rainbow, in sunshine and in
storm—one who has belonged to all
uarties, and endorsed all men from
General Grant down—a man who has
a historic taste, and has loved all coun
tries and all governments that ever
existed in the world, except the South
ern Confederacy, and yet held the
second office under that—if you will
follow the lead of your fancy through
a broad and national field like this,
you will have some slight conception
of the manner of man who now comes
to the front and appeals to a Republi
can President and asks him not to
give office to a man with Republican
influence.
But aside from this, how about the
quantity and quality of Republican
recommendation which hang around
the political skirts of some of those
last six names which were given to the
President to select his Marshal from ?
Have you ever examined the records
of the Attorney-Geuerai’s office on
this particular point? Is there none
of the Walker-Blodgett-Akerman-At
kins-Bell-Bryant-Markam-Conley in
fluences clinging to or hanging around
certain men whose names appeared
among that last named six ? How
about Mr. Trammel and Mr. Hester?
Their names were given by you to the
President to select from. Had they
been endorsed or recommended by
Republicans or Radicals ?
Ah ! General, the absurdity of the
case becomes too ridiculous to be held
in control by the English language,
and I strive to forget the positive
weakness of the imposition—the nak
edness of the fraud, and the boyish
folly of such a mistake. It is too puer
ile for men to talk about, and children
would not discuss it. It is utterly
without character as a trick and falls
below the dignity of political intrigue.
It is ali mere bosh, and you kno?/ it.
I have ‘imply been made the victim of
a mistaken idea—thebutt of a huge po
litical joke—the suffering object of a
conspiracy which, if not intended as
such, is nevertheless equally sad in its
results to me. And now that the injury
aas been done, how can it be repaired
e xcept by the hands of those who did
it ? Who else could repair it ? You
ad telegrams in your possession
which were sent to you by such prom
meut men as A. O. Bacon, present
speaker of the House; T. J. Simmons,
expresident of the Senate of our State;
H. H. Jones, editor and proprietor of
the Macon Telegraph-, T. B. Cabi
ness, Senator from Monrot; Col. Wal
lace, of Taylor; Jno. C. Maund, of Tal
bot, and others—all firm, staunch
Democrats—and they all joined in
asking and urging you to do all you
could for me consistent with your in
terest and assured you that* my ap
pointment would give universal satis
faction. Were you not impressed by
these dispatches? Did you show them
to your colleagues, or were they bur
ied in the common infamy of my Re
publican endorsements ? Ah! General,
this is a strange case and one which
demands your prompt and manly
attention. It is emphatically the old
Gordon-Hill-Alston farce played over
again with increased stage facilities,
new scenery and a large number of
first-class actors ready to appear
whenever called out by the manager
Yes, it is low comedy w'ith high tragic
effect, and while you can never undo
the injury done me bv the loss of the
oflice which the President stood ready
to give me, still you have left you a
higher and nobler duty to perform to
me and mine—a duty which you owe
to yourself as well as to others. It is
that you write such a letter as will
virtually and absolutely cancel the
t dtum and disgrace which attaches to
tuat protest which was filed by you
aud others under a total misaprehen
siou of the facts. I do not ask this
for the purpose of re-opening the
question of the Marshalship, for that
matter has been disposed of. But I
ask it for the purpose of placing me
right before the President and the
people of Georgia—some of whom
are strangers to me, but of
whom are to-day sharing with me
the bitter regrets and keen mortifica
tion which your conduct has inspired.
I am sure that certain gentlemen of the
Georgia delegation signed that written
protest without a full knowledge or
understanding of the facts, and I
believe that if an opportunity is offer
ed them that they will most cheerfully
withdraw their names from it. I
now offer them the opportunity, and
beg to say to those gentlemen that I
have never asked a political endorse-
ment from any man—Democrat or
Republican. Indeed, I have never
asked the written support or endorse
ment of any man to be used before the
President, B. H. Hill’s alone excepted.
I would not have asked-it oßLiro
Taw i-’lffbt felt that my df&ims
him fully authorized it. Your en
dorsement, as you know, came to me
unsolicited by me personally, and
hence I valued it the more highly,
and thanked you for it accordingly, as
you will remember.
I have never written but three lines
to the President, which embraced a
short formal application for the office,
and have never had three minutes’
conversation with him or the Attor
ney-General on the subject. Aud
just here it may be asked why I did
not seek the support or influence of
the Georgia delegation, and the ques
tion is most easily answered. I was
informed early in the campaign that
my immediate representative, Colonel
Blount, did not wish to endorse for
any one applying for office under Mr.
Hayes, and I also learned that such
were the feelings of General Cook and
Colonel Smith; and hence I did not
apply to either of these gentlemen.
My acquaintance with the other mem
bers of the delegation was not such as
to warrant me in approaching them,
and I determined to rest my case on
the endorsement given me by your
self and Mr Hill, and such other influ
ences as might be tendered in my fa
vor. The truth is, General, it was at
one time a very delicate thing to ask
for Democratic support in the pro
curement of office under this adminis
tration. You know that there was
much fear and trembling, much hesi
tancy and diffidence on the subject of
asking for office uuder Mr. Hayes. I
well remembi-r the criticisms pro
nounced on Colonel Alston when it was
reported that he had come here and
asked for the Marshfdship. And ru
mor had it that you positively refused
to give him your support for "a week or
more after he applied, because it was
considered then by a large portion of
the Democratic party as a positive
want of fidelity to the same for the man
to apply fur office under Mr. Hayes.
You know all this to be true, and you
have lived only a little while to see
the misty form of such foolish preju
dice soften down and entirely fade
away under the milder influences and
better advice of safer men and a more
liberal Government. And to-day
there is a perfect avalanche of Demo
cratic office-seekers hanging arouud
the White House, asking and begging
for a division of the public spoils,
without the fear of party or party
domination. Colonel Alston was only
a little in advance of the multitude in
this particular, and he ought to have
had the office as a reward for his sa
gacity and independence; but you
know how ne lost it.
Now, General, these are all plain
facts which cannot and must not be
'guored by you or those acting with
you in the consideration of my case. I
visited the Attorney General’s office
to-day, and was there shown a protest
filed against me by the Republicans of
Atlanta, in which protest they com
plain of me as a Democrat, and ask
that I should not be appointed Mar
shal of Georgia. I mention this sim
ply to show you that it was purely a
personal and not a political interest
which wa3 felt in me, and which caused
some good Republicans to advocate
my claims, while others in the State
protested against me as a Democrat.
You saw but one side of the political
picture, and murdered me on the spot,
without ever stopping for a moment to
inquire what the other side would
show. But is it positively certain now
that my Republican influences killed
me with the Georgia delegation? Were
there not other causes which conspired
to put me away ? If not, why was the
pamphlet argument not brought
against me until about the time the ap
pointment was repor'ed to be given to
me ? If other influences operated
against me why not be frank enough
to say so, and let the true history of
the scramble be wriHen and published
to the world ? I have the best of good
reasons for saying that it was not my
politics or Republican endorsers, but
the fear of my independence, that
ruined me with some men in Washing
ton. My political record is at home,
where I have always voted with and
acted with the Democratic-Conserva-
NO. 4
tive party, and I am perfectly satisfied
with the record as it stands, if only let
alone. I have never made any special
Democratic demonstration, and don’t
feel called on to do so now, in defense
of my case. I have never made poli
tics a study or profession, and if there
is a man in Georgia who places a lower
estimate on the mere partisan record
of a man than I do, it must be A. H.
Stephens, who has never remained in
any one position long enough to be
clearly photographed in the family al
bum of any political party. Mr. Ste
phens has been one of the only two
living politicians I ever worshiped, and
ray idolatry for the man has been in
spired more by the broad, liberal and
conservative principles which he has
always maintained than from any
merit or virtue which I attached to his
Democracy. No, sir, it was the inde
pendent idea associated with me that
annoyed some men here.
What would you think if I should
tell you that one of the Georgia dele
gation who signed that protest with
you, had openly confessed to me, as
well as to others, that he did not sign
that protest on account of my Repub
lican endorsements, but that he did it
because I was a man of too much abil
ity to hold the office; that he had seen
me in a committee-room once, and that
I was too smart, and that if I should
ever attempt to use my influence on
the Dr. Felton line I could do more to
disintegrate and break up the Demo
cratic party than almost any man in
my district? And don’t you know,
General Gordon, that the man I allude
to—Mr. Candler, of Atlanta—used
this same argument against me while
discussing my case before the commit
tee? I like Candler. He is an honest
politician, which is the next best thing
to the noblest work of God. I wish
there were more like him in Washing
ton. s
Now, General, this is one view
of the case. As I came through At
lanta the other day I learned certain
facts from Colonel Adair, and have ob
tained other information since my ar
rival here, which, if taken as a whole,
would almost establish the truth of an
assertion which I heard made here to
day, which was that the pamphlet ar
gument was only picked up during
the last hours of the struggle, and
used by certain parties as an excuse
for their conduct toward me, when, in
reality, the fight was against Mr. Hill,
and not against me.
Now, General, can this or any por
tion of it be true ? Ido most earnest
ly protest against being made a politi
cal sacrifice of for the benefit of Mr.
Hill or those who may chance to dis
like him. I can’t see why I should be
called on to pay any of his penalties,
when he is so perfectly able to adjust
his own accounts. I know that poor,
weak, frail human nature is the same
in all families, aud that it works and
runs in the heads and hearts of Geor
gia Congressmen just as it does on
smaller men; and I know, too, that
there is not that warm and tender cor
diality' of feeling and brotherly love be
tween you and Mr. Hill and between
Mr. Hill and Mr. Stephens which
ought to characterize Siamese twins,
or which wa3 once supposed to fire the
heads and hearts of Damon and Pythias.
But why make me party to a suit in
which I can neither be plaintiff or de
fendant? Why let the suspicion go
out, as it has done in this case, that
the culminating point of your political
rivalries over a little matter of public
patronage should be reached just ex
actly over my head, and be allowed to
explode there at my expense ? Your
endorsement was as dear to me, sir as
that of Mr. Hill’s, and without it I
should never have visited Washington
in the interest of the I
refused to come here at all until it was
sent to me, as everybody knows. /
want you to remember this. And I want
you to know, too, that the chief re
gret now felt by me is the one growing
out of the fact that, after giving me
your voluntary endorsement, you saw
fit to withdraw it without warning or
notice of any kind, and that you have
since been most prominent and active
in the cause of my defeat.
This, I say, is the most mortifying fea
ture of the whole case. If you preferred
another man to me, then it was your
right and privilege to have him appoint
ed if you could, but not at the expense of
my personal and political character— you
being one of my oldest and strongest endors
ers. The old savage maxim whicti tells us
“That everything is fair in politics and
war” would hardly justify such a course
in you, when the results involved much
more than a political issue. I can con
ceive of no calamity like that of a failing
trust or a deserting friendship in the hour
of our greatest need. Your good faith
and the good faith of Mr. Hill was all
that I had to stand upon in the shape of
Congressional influences, and when you
failed and then fought me, and he refus
ed to act, I was left solitary and alone
and without a prop to lean upon; with no
man brave enough to defend me or invite
me to come here and defend myself and
of course I had to fall. It is quite a mis
taken idea that Mr. Hill did any more for
me than he did for other candidates. He
told me frankly in Atlanta that he served
me only as he served other friends, and
asked me if I Warned him. A different
impression prevailed here I know, and
through that impression my defeat was
mainly worked up.
Now, Gen. Gordon, you have the facts
and circumstances of the case laid before
you, and I submit to the calm dictates of
your proud manhood and soldierly-like
magnanimity for just such redress and
vindication as may in your judgment be
due me. I appeal to you first, and then,
through you, to the five other gentlemen
who signed the protest with you. I ask
you in the name of common sense and
common decency, that justice be done
me. And in order that full and complete
justice shall be done to all parties, I ask
that you sink the politician in the man,
and when that is done, all else will be
easily and pleasantly arranged.
I am, sir, very truly, &c..
W. A. HUFF.
The spirit of caste begotten of slav
ery still survives.—N. Y. Times.
How about the caste begotten of
stealing?