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THE GREENSBORO’ HERALD.
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Address
OF
ANDREW -JOHNSON.
TO TIIF. PEOPlift OF THE
UNITED STATES,
To the People of (he United States:
The* robe of office, by constitu
tional limitation, this day fall! from
uiy shoulders, to be immediately as
sumed by my successor. For him
the forbearance and co-operation of
the American people, in all bis ef
forts to administer the .Government
within the pale oCthe Federal Con
stitution, are sincerely invoked
Without ambition to gratify, party
ends to subserve, or personal quar
rels to avenge at the sacrifice of the
peace and welfare of the country,
my earnest desire is to see the Con
stitution, as defined ffnd limited by
the fathers of the Republic, again
recognized and obeyed as the su
preme law of the land, and the
whole people—North, South, East
and West—prosperous and happy
under its wise provisions.
In surrendering the high office
to which I was called four years
ago, at a memorable and terrible
crisis, it is my privilege. I trust,
to say to the people of the United
States a few parting words, in vin
dication of an official course so
ceaselessly assailed and aspersed
by political leaders, to whose plans
and wishes my policy to restore the
Union has been obnoxious. In a
period of difficulty and turmoil al
most without precedent in the his
tory of any people, consequent up
on the closing scenes of a great re
bellion and the assassination of the
then President, it was. perhaps,, too j
much, on mv part, to expect of the!
devoted partisans, who rode on the
waves of excitement which at that,
time swept all before them, that de- j
gree of toleration and magnanimi-j
tv which I sought to recommend
and enforce and which 1 believe in!
good time would have advanced us!
infinitclv further on the road to per-,
manent peace and prosperity than;
we have thus far attained Doubt- 1
less had I at the commencement of
my term of office unhesitatingly i
lent its powers or perverted them
to purposes and plans ‘"outside of,
the Constitution, and become an
instrument schemes of confisca
tion and of genera] and oppressive
disqualifications. 1 would have been |
hailed as all that wa's true, loyal
and discerning, as the reliable
head of a party, wlunever 1 mighty
have been as the Executive of the
nation. Unwilling, however, to
accede to propositions of extremists,
and bound to adhere, at every per- ■
sonal hazard, to ray oath to defend
the Constitution, I need not, per
haps, he surprised at having'■met
the fate of others whose only re
wards for upholding constitutional j
right and law have been the "con-!
sciousness of having attempted to
do their duty, and the calm and un
prejudiced judgment of history.
At the time a mysterious Prov
idence assigned to me the office of
President, I was, by the terms of
the Constitution, the Cotnmander
in-Chief of nearly a million of men
under arms. One’of my first acts
was to disband and restore to the
vocations of civil life this immense
host, and to divest myself, so far
as I could, of the uuparallel pow
ers then incident to the office, and
the times. Whether or not, in this
t **tep. 1 was right , and how far de
serving the approbation of the peo
-1 pie, all can now on reflection nudge,
when reminded of the rttinou. con
dition .of public affairs that inns,
have resulted from the continuance
in the military service of such a
vast number of men.
The close ofour domestic conflict
found the army eager to distinguish
itself in sinew field, by ail effort to
punish European intervention in
Mexico. By irianv it was believed
and urged, that aside from the as
sumed justice of the proceeding, a
foreign war, in which both sides
would cheerfully unite to vindicate
the honor of the national flag, and
furthej'.illustrate the national prow
ess. would be the surest-and speedi
est way of a vakeniug national en
thusiasm, reviving devotion to the
Union, and occupying a force con
cerning which grave doubts existed
as to its willingness, after four
years of active campaigning, at
once to return to the pursuits of
peace. Whether these speculations
were true or false, it will be conce
ded that they existed, and that the j
predictions of the army were, for
the time being, in the direction in- [
dicated. Taking advantage of this [
feeling it would have been easy, as
the Commando -in-Chief of the ar
my and navy, hi with all the pow
er and patronage of the Presiden
tial office at my disposal, to turn
the concentrated military strength
of the nation against French in
terfeience in Mexico,,.ami to inau
gurate a movement which would
have been received with favor by
the military and a large portion of
the people.
It is proper, in this connection,
that I should refer to the almost
unlimited additional powers tender
ed to the Executive bv the meas
ures relating to civil rights and the
Freeduien’s Bureau. Contrary to
most precedents in the experiences
of public men, the powers thus
placed within my grasp were de
clined, as in violation of the Con
stitution dangerous to the liberties
of the people, and tending to ag
gravate, .rather than lessen, the dis
cords naturally resulting from our
civil war. With a large array and
augmented authority, it would have
been no difficult task to direct at
pleasure the destinies of the Re
public, and to make secure my con
tinuance in the highest office known
to our laws.
Let ’ the people whom I am ad
dressing front the Presidential
chair during the closing hours of a
laborious term consider how differ
ent would have been their present
cendition had I yielded to the daz
zling temptation of foreign con
quest. of personal aggrandizement,
and the desire to wield additional
power Let them with justice con
sider that, if I have not unduly
“magnified, mine office, the public
burdens have'not been increased by
mv acts, and other and perhaps
thousands or tens of thousands of
lives sacrificed to visions of false
glory.
It cannot, therefore, be charge 1
that my ambition has been of that
ordtnarv or criminal kind which, to
the detriment of the people s rights
and liberties, ever seeks to grasp
more and unwarranted powers, and
to accomplish its purposes, panders
too often to popular prejudices and
party aims.
W(ja' then have been the aspir
a'ions whiph wplded me in mv < ffi
cial acts? These a-’s need not,
at this tint A an elaborate:;, explana
tion. They have been elsewhere
comprehensive!v stated and fully
discussed, and become a part of the
nation’s history. By them / ant
willing’to be judged. knowing rhat
h iwcver tut >e feet, tbev at least
show to the impartial mind that
titv sole ambition lias been to res
tore the Union of tin* States laith
fullv to execute the office of Pres
ident and to the best of mv ability
to preserve protect and deferd the
Constitution. 7eanno be censu
red if mv effort? have been imped
ed in the interests of party faction
and if a uplicy which wa3 intended
to reassure and conciliate the peo*
pie of both sections of the country
was made the occasion of iuflam-
GREENESBORO’, GA., THURSDAY MARCH 18, 18(11).
ling and dividing stil| farther those
who C’ly recently m amis airainst
each other vet, as individuals and
citizens were sin erely desirous.
a3 I shall ever believe of burying
all hostile feelings in the grave of
the past. The bitter war was wa
|ged on the part o' the Government
to vindicate the Constitution and
save the Union, and if I have erred
in Try : .i>t to bring ajiout a more
jsi.eed r • and lasting peace. to ex-in
j gnish lieni t-burning and enmities
land to prevent troubles in the
South, which, retarding ntaihPiul
1 1 rosppritv : n that region utjnri*
ionslv aff’cied the whole country
; I am quite content, to rest mv ease
with the more de iberatejudgment
of the p oote and as [ have already
; uvrtated with rite distant future.
,' r i no war. all must remember was
a stupendous and deplorable mi -
j take. Neither side understood
! rhe otlnr, and had this simblo fact
and is conclusion 'neon kent in
I view all that was needed was ac
icomplished bv the acknowledgment
of the terrible wrong and the e.x
|,) essed better feeling and earnest
!endeavor at atonement shown and
felt, in the prompt ratification ol
constitutional amendments by the
Southern States at the close of the
war. Not accepting the war as a
(confessed false step on the part
of those who inaugurated it was
anerrot which now only time can
cure and which even at this late
date we should endeavor to pallis
ate. Experiencing moreover as
all have done the fyightlul cost o
the arbitrament of the -word let
ns in the future cling closer than
ever to the Const notion as mil'
only safeguh and. It is to he hoped
phai not until t! e burdens now
pressing upon us with such fearful
weight arc removed will our peo
ple forget! tie lessons of the war,
and that, remembering them from
[whatever cause, peace between
[sections and States may b’ pet's
penial.
~TTie h'isT?)Tt'7sf larr? TT'Ctrfs in owr
coun try.as well as of the greatest
governments of ancient and modern
times, teaches that we have every
thing to fear from a departure
[front the letter and spirt of the
Constitution, and the undue ascen
dancy of men allowed to assume
power in what are considered des
perate emergencies. Sylla, on be
coming master of Rome, at once
adopted the measures of his party.
[He est iblished military colonies
| thro out Italy ; deprived of the fall
Roman franchise the inhabitants of
1 the Italian towns who had opposed
i his usurpations ; confiscated their
i lands and gave them to his soldiers ;
and confered citizenship upon a
great number of slaves belonging to
those who hml prescribed him, thus
creating at Rome a kind of body
guard for his protection. After
having giving Romo over to slaugh
ter, and tyrannized beyond all ex- j
ample over those opposed to him!
and his legions, liis terrible instru
ments of wrong, Sylla could vet
feel safe in laving down the ensigns
of power so dreadfully abused, and
in mingling freely with tlmfamilies
and friends of his myriad,of victims.
The fear which ho had inspired con
tinue iai/tet; his voluntary ah loca
tion. aft I oven in retirement his
will was 1 w to a people who had
permitted themselves to he enslav
ed. What but a subtle knowledge
and conviction that the R . n in peo
ple had become changed, discour
age'! and utterly broken in spirit..'
could have induce 1 this daring as
sumption ? What but public indif
ference to consequences so terrible
as to leave Rome open to every ca
lamity which subsequently befell
her, could have justified the con
clusion of the dictator and tyrant
in his startling experiment ?
We find that in the time which
has since elapsed human nature
and exigencies if, government hnye
not greatly changed. Who, a few
vears past, in contemplating our;
future, could have supposed that in
a brief period of bitter experience
evervthing demanded in the name
of military emergency, or dictated
by caprice, would come to be con
sidered as mere matters of co irse :
that conscription, confiscation loss
of personal liberty, the subjection
of States to military rule, and dis
franchisement, with the extension
of the right of suffrage merely to
accomplish party ends, would re
ceive the passive submission, if not
acqucscence, of the people of this
Republic ’
“VINCIT AMOR PATUIjE,”
It has been cletfiy demonstrated
by recent, occurrences that en
croachments upon the Gonstitution
cannot, be prevented by the Presi
dent alone, however devoted or de
termined he tnav be. and that un
less the people interpose there is no
power under the Constitution to
chock a dominant majority of two
thirds in the Congress of the United
! States. An appeal to the nation
however, is attended with too much
delay to meet an emergency.
While, if left free to act. the peo
ple would correct, in time, such
evils as might follow legislative
usurpation, there is danger that
the same power which disregards
the Constitution will deprive them
of the right to change their rulers,
ex ept by revolution. We have
already seen the jurisdiction of the
judiciary circumscribed when it was
apprehended that the Courts would
decide against laws having for their
sole ohject the supremacy of party,
while the veto power, lodged in the
Executive by the Constitution for
the interest and protection of the
people, and exercised by Washing
ton and his successors, has been
rendered nugatory by a partisan
majority of two-thirds in each
branch of the National Legislature.
The Constitution evidently contem- |
plates that when a Bill is returned j
with the President’s objections it;
will be calmlv reconsidered by Con- j
gress. Such, however, has not j
been the practice under present'
party rule. It has become evident '
that men who pass a Bill rnderi
partisan influences are not likely,
through patriotic motives, to ‘♦■Unitj
their error, and thereby weaken [
their own organizations bv solemnly !
confessing it under an official oath. '
Pride of opinion, if nothing else, \
has intervened, and prevented ;
Calm and dispassionate reconsider
ation of a Bill disapproved by the
; Executive.
"Kftt.'ff as ! Tcrrerrrte the Conatit!'.-
j tion, it must be admitted that this
i condition of affairs has developed a
I defect which, under the aggressive
j tendency of the Legislative Depart
j merit of the Government, tnav
[ readily wark its overthrow. It
[ may. however, he remedied, with
i out disturbing the harmony of the
| instrument,. The veto power is
i generally exercised upon constitu
[ tional grounds, and whenever it is
so applied, and the Bill returned
with the Executive’s reasons for
withholding his signature, it ought
to be immediately certified to the
Sup erne Court of the United States
for its decision. If its constitu
alitv shall be declared by that trib
unal, it should then become a law ;
but if the decision is other wise, it
should fall, without power in Con
gress to re-enact and make it val
id.
In ca«es in which the veto rests
upon hasty arid inconsiderate leg
islation, and in which no constitu
tional question is involve 1, I would
not .change the fundamental law :
for in such cases no permanent evil
can he incorporated into the Fed
or 1 system.
It is obvious that without such
an amendment, the Government, as
it existed under tho Constitution
prior to the rebellion, may he whol
ly subverted and overthrown by a
two-third- majority in Congress. It
is not, therefore, difficult to see
how easily and how rapidly the peo
ple may lose—shall I not say, have
lost ?—-their liberties by an un
checked and uneontrolablo majori
ty in the law-making power; and
when once deprived of their rights. ■
how powerless they are to regain |
them.
Let us turn for a moment to the!
history of the majority in Con- j
gress, which has acted in such ut- j
ter disregard of the Constitution, j
While public attention ht3 been j
carefully and const airily turned to j
the past and expiated ?in3 of the j
South, the servants of the people, j
in high places, have boldly betray- |
ed their trust, broken their oaths
of obedience to the Constitution,
and undermined the very founda
tions of liberty, justice, and goo !
government. When the rebellion j
was being suppressed by the voiun ;
teered services of patriot soldiers!
amid the dangers of the battle-field j
these men crept, without question,
into place and power in the nation
al councils. After all dangers had j
passed, when no armed foe remain- j
ed, when a punished and repentant
people bowed their heads to the
flag mid renewed their allegiance to
tho j Government of the United
States, then it was that pretended
patriots appeared before the nation
and began to prate about tho thou
san Is of lives and millions of treas
ure'Sacrificed in the suppression of
the rebellion. They have since
persistently sought to inflame the
prejudices engendered between the
sections, to retard tho restoration
of peace and harmony, and by eve
ry means to keep open and exposod
to the poisonous breath of party
passion tho terriblo wounds of a
1 four years’ war. They have pre
vented the return of peace and the
restoration of the Union, in everv
way rendered delusive the purposes,
promises and pledges hy which tho
aimywus marshalled, treason re
buked, and rebellion crushed, and
made the liberties of the people and
Hie rights and powers of the Presi
dent objects of constant attack.
[They have wrested from the Presi
lont his constitutional ,iower of
su rente command of the armv
|an<l navy. Thov have destroyed
I the strength and efficiency of the
Executive Department bv making
! subordinate officers independent
[of and able to dc'y their chief.
They have attempted to platffi the
President under die officer. They
h&ve robbed tho Executive of the
prerogative of pardon rendered
nail and void acts of clemency
granted to thousands of persons
under the the provisions of the
Constitution and committed gross
usurpation by legislative altemp's
-to exercise thi ■ power in favor of
party adherents They have con
started >o change the system ofour
Government by preferring charges
against the President in th<* form of
Articles o! impeach ent and con
templating before hearing or trial,
i that he sheuld bo placod in a rest,
held in durance, and when it he
'came their pleasure to pronounce
r-his sentence, driven from place
ar.T po<V''-r tit Ai'-v-ivo. They have
in time of p. ace increased die na
tional debt by it reckless expendi
ture of the public moneys, arid
thus added to the burdens which
already weigh upon the people.
They have pefmitied the nation tc
suffer the evils of a deranged
currency in the enhancement in
price of all the necessaries ol Hie.
They have maintained a large
standing army for the ei.forcment
of their measures of oppression
; riiey-lnve engaged in class legis
lation. and built up and onrour
gnd monopolies, that the few
might heen'iccod at the expense
of the nanv. They have failed to
act. upon important ti caries there
by endangering out pr sent, peace
ful relations wilh foreign powers.
Their course of usurpation ha
not been limited to i roads upon
the Executive Department.
By unconstitutional and oppres
sive enactments the peo pi • o? ten
[States of the Union have b-vn re
de md to a condition more intoler
able than that f~om vhieh the pa
triots o. tho Revolution rebelled
Millions of American citizens can
cow sav of their opytressprs with
more truth titan our fathers did
of British tyrants that the? have
i ''forbidden the Gov rnors to pas
laws of immediate and nres-ing'
importance unless suspended until
tliejr assent Should hr? obtained.”
that they have “refused to pass
other laws for the accommodation
of large districts of people unless
those people would relinquish the
rifftit. of representation in the Leg
islature —a ri?tit inestimable to
them and formidable to tyrant* on
lv,” that thov have made judges
dependent upon their will almte
for the totiure of their offices, aud
the amount and payment of their!
salaries; that thee have •■oreqte.d[
a multitude of now oflice,?, and)
sent hither swarms of officers tn|
harrass our people and eat oui j
their suo-tauce; that they have j
"affected to t ender the military i
jndcpede@t of and superior to the *
civil power.,’ “e )iubiti,ed wi th;
others to subject us to a i'jrisdic-j
tion foreign to our Constitution
and unacl nowledgod bv ourlaws,
quartered large bodies of armed
troops among us,’ “protected
them bv a m'>ck trial /rnm punish
ment for ativ murders which they
should commit on the inhabitant,-
of these States,” imposed “taxes
upon us without our consent,” *Je-'
prtvedus in many cases of the hen-'
efit of trial by jury,” taken away
our charters, excited domestic in
surrection amongst us, abolished
our most valuable laws, altered fun
damentally the forms of our Gov
ernment. suspended our own Legis
latures and declared themselves
j invested with power to legislate for
jus in all cases whatsoever.”
I This catalogue of crimes, long as
jit is, is not yet complete. Tho
| Constitution vests the judicial pow
er of the United States “in one
Supreme Court,” whoso jurisdiction
“shall extend o all cases arising
under this Constitution” and “the
laws of the United States” Encour
aged by this promise of a refuge
from tyranny, a citizen of the
United States who. by the order of;
a military commander, given under
tho sanction of a cruel and deliber
ate edict of Congress, bad been
denied tho constitutional rights of
liberty and conscience, freedom of
the press and of speech, personal
freedom from military arrest, of
being held to answer for crime only
upon presentment and indictment,
of trial by fury, of the writ of Iht
heas Corpus, and the protection of
civil anil constitutional government
—a citizen, thus deeply wronged,
appeals to tho Supreme Court for
the protection guaranteed to him
by the organic law of the land.
At oijoq a fierce and excited major
ity, by tho ruthless hand of legis
lative power, stripped the ermine
from the judges, transferred the
swot dos justice to the General,
and remanded the oppressed citizen
to a degradation and bondage worse
than death.
It will also be recorded as one
of the marvels of the time-, that a
party claming for itselt a monopo
ly ol consistency and patr otisin,
and boasting too. of its iinlitr.ited
sway, endeavored by a costly and
deliberate trial, to impeach one
who defended the Cofistitu'ion and
the Union not onlv throughout tho
war of th > rebellion, but, du-ing
bis whole term of office as Thief
Magistrate; but at the same time
could find no warratri or moans
1 nt their command to Bring to trial
even (ho chiuf of the rebellion,
fndoed the remarkable failures in
his case were so often repeated
that for propriety’s -ako. *f for no
other reason it became at last ne
cessary to ex ten 1 to hur. an qiicon
ditional pardon. What more plai t-
Iv than this illustrates (he extrem
ity of parly management ami in j
consistency on the one hand. and
of faction vindictiveness and in I
tolerance *m *l c other? Patriot
ism will hardly he encouraged
when in such a record it sees that
its instant reward may be the most,
virulent, party abuse and obloquy,
if not hft chip ted disgrace. lest ad
of seeking to tn tko treason o lions
if. would in trti.ih scent to have
bee i their purpose rather 'o make
ilie.defence of the Coustiiu ion and
! the Union a crinu*; an I to punish
filelity to an oath ot'offie; ii coun
ter to party dicta’Lou by all the
means at tlifer comm in 1.
Htippv for tliivpe me of tho coun
try. the w ir has dfitortnino 1 against
the assume 1 power of the States
to witfilrasy at pleasure from tho
Union Trie iristituti mos slavery
also found its destruction in a re
bellion commenced in its interest.
It Abort 1 l be borne in mini, howev
er, that, the war neither impaired
nor destroyed tho Constitution, but,
on the contrary, preserved its
existence aril male apparent its
real power arid e» luring strength.
All the rights granted to the States
or reserved to the people thereof,
remain therefore intact. Among
those rights is that of the,people of
each State to declare the qualifica
tions of their own State electors.
It is now assumed that Congress
can control this right, which can
never be taken away from the
States with >ut impairing The fundamen
tal princlplesbf th<;Government itself,
ft in necessary to the existence of the
States. as well ns to the protecti m of the
liberties of the p-viple. for the right to
select the elector* in whom the political
power of a State sh ill bo lodged involves
the right of the State. to govern it*3lf.
When deprived of this, pro rog.itives, the
States will have no power worth ret lin
ing; all will be gone, and they will be
subjected to the arbitrary will of Con
gress. The Government will then be
centralized, if not by the passage of
laws, fhen bv the adoption, through par
tis hi influence, of an amend men' direct
ly in bonflict with the original design of
the Constitution. This proves lnw ne
cessary it is that the people should re
quire the administration of the three
groat departments of the Government
strictly within the limitations of the
Constitution. Their b'unhric- have
LT. 11. MORGAN, FriuUr.
KO. 47.
ben w-urntnly defined, and neither
should he allowed to trespass upon the
other,, nor. above all, to encroach upon
the reserved rights of the people and
th« States. Iho troubles of the past
j ‘‘ m *' years will prove to tho nation bles9-
: ings i. they produce sj desirable a ro
! suit.
j Up ih those wli;» became young men
| ntmd the sound of cann >n and din of
I arms, and quietly returned to the farms,
| the factories and the schools of tho
i I‘ad. will principally devolve the solemn
I duty of perpetuating the 1 inion of the
| States, in de'baae us which hundreds of
j thou-uuds of their comrades expired,
and hundreds of million of national ob
ligations were incurred. A manly peo
ple will not neglect tho training neces
sary to resist, aggression: hot they should
be jealous lest, the civil be made subor
dinate to the military element. Wo
need to encourage, ' in every legitimate
way, a study ot the Uenstitution for
whicu the war was waged, a knowledge
of au 1 pQverence for whose wise checks
by those si soon to oecupyjjtho places
'died by their seniors will he the only
a .;r; of pros trying the Republic. The
young m at of the nation, not yet under
[th. control of party, must resist tho
tun 1 moy to centralization—an out
growth of the great rebellion—and be
th.uJi.u' witii the fact that the country
consists of united 'States, au l that when
the States surrendered certain great
rights for the; sake of a more perfect
ujiiou, they retained rights as valuable
•m l important as those which they re
linquished for the common weal.
This sound old doctrine, far different
from the teachings that led to the at
tempt to secede, and a kindred theory
that htatis wore taken out of tho Union
by the rash acts of conspirators that
happened to dwell within their borders,
must be received and advocated with*
the enthusiasm .of early manhood, or
the p ; iple will be ruled by corrupt com
binations of the commercial centres,
who. plethoric from wealth," annually
migrate to the capital of the nation to
purchase special legislation. Until the
representatives of the people in Con
gress more fully -exhibit tho diverse
views and interests of the whole nation,
anl la Vs cease to be made without full
discussion at the behest of some party
leader, there will never be a proper re
spect shown by the law-making power
rather to the judicial or executive
branch”!,' the Govern nant. gen
eration jii'st beginning to Use the ballot
box, it is believed, only need that their
attention should be called to these con
siderations to indicate, by their votes,
tb it* they wish their representatives to
observe all the restraints which the peo
ple. in adopting the (’ institution, in
tend'd to impose upon party excess.
Calmly reviewing my n<Untni.strafmii
of the Government. I feel that, with a
souse of accountability to God, having
r in-o'ientimisly endeavored to ciseharge
ny wb do duty, 1 have rfothing to re
gret. Events have proved the correct
ness of the p ilicy set forth in my first
and subsequent messages; the woes
which have followed the rejection of
forbearance, magnanimity and eonstitu*
ti otalrule, are known and deplored by
tin nation.
It is a matter of pride and grat
ification, in retiring from the
most exalted position in the gift of
n free people, to feel and know
that in a long, arduous and event
ful life, mv action has never been
influenced by desire for gain, and
that T can in all sincerity inquire,
“Whom-have I defrauded? whom
have I oppressed ? or of whose
hand have I recieved any bribe to
[blind my eyes therewith?” No
[responsibility for wars that have
been waged, or blood tffat has been
she ! rests upon me. My thoughts
have been those of peace, and my
effirt has ever been to allay cons
tentions among my countrymen.
Forgetting the past, let us return
to the first principles of the Govern
ment, and, unfurling tho banner of
our country, inscribe upon it, in
ineffaceable characters, “The Con
stitution and the Union, one and
inseparable.”
ANDREW JOHNSON.
Washington. D. C., March 4 18G9
Tribute to Ge.v. Lee —The
Lynohburg R publican, of yester
day, says :
“An Oxford scholar named
Worselev has recently published a
translation of Homer in Spencerian
stanza, an l dedicated tho volume
to -Gen Robert E. Lee, the most
stainless of living commanders,
and. except in fortune, the great
est.’ The translation is said, to be
faithful to (he text of the original
Greek, and to reproduce much of
the antique Homeric fire and beau
tv. We owe the above informa
tion to a gentleman recently return
ed from a tour through Europe.