Newspaper Page Text
Speech of Ben. fcinton Stephens,
Delivered before (he House of Representor
tires of Georgia, Friday November \ \th
1S62, on the Resolution of the Senate
authorizing the Governor to call out the
Mihtia of Camden, and adjoining coun
ties, to suppress (he raids of the enemy,
and on the unconslitutionahty oj the Con
tempt Law.
Mr. Stephens said : Mr. Speaker— i iie
question before us is one of great public
importance, and should be decided upon
its merits. I have no personal or patty
feelings in the matter, and deeply regiet
that an attempt has been made to give the
discussion a personal or party direction.
The cry has come to us that women and
children have been insulted by liegioes
from the enemy. The people have been
plundered, anil tbeir property destroyed
not by gunboats, but by armed negroes,
who landed from the boats, and then made
their raid into the country. They came
on shore, committed their outrages, and
returned with impunity—not a shot being
fired at them. Col. Floyd, in his letter,
says that he has militia at his command
that could be made available in repelling
these negro raids, and asks leave to call
them out.
It has been asked why this application
comesat this particular time? It is al-
ledged by some ihat it was a “got up’’
affair. It becomes us to view it not as a
personal or partisan matter. How can
men pretend to believe that this is got up
—manufactured for the occasion? The
raid took place on the 4th iustant, and the
letter of the Colonel was written on the
6th—before tha decision of the Supreme
Court was made, and before it was known
that the question would bo before them.
The Governor did not receive the letter
The gentleman from Monroe complains j militia.*’ The advocates of Conscription
because the Governor says it was made un* | aay that the militia in this connection,
dcr strong “outside pressure.” Is not J means nothing but the militia organization
this the truth? He says this is a calumny, / as distinguished from the men who com-
1 say it is the truth. Was there not
string “outside pressure?” I have no
doubt every member of the court was ac
tuated by a strong desire to sustain the
Government by the decision, if they could
do so. Judge Jenkins declared, in de
livering the decision, that he was grat
ified in being able to uphold the
hands of the Government. If so, there
was a strong “outside pressure.” The
Governor in saying so, spoke only what
every candid man acknowledges to be the
truth, and the court acknowledges itself
to have been under just such a pressure
as gentlemen have repeatedly avowed to
be operating upon themselves upon this
floor—a strong and earnest desire to be in
unity and accord with all the policy of the
Confederate Government. This being
true, is it calumny to say so? Is it not a
circumstance, which is properly consider
ed in estimating the value and weight of
the decision? I am not here as the Gov
ernor’s champion, nor as the champion or
censor of the courts or of anybody else.
I stand here as a Legislator. I form my
own opinions and follow my own convic
tions. The Governor has done many
things which I approve, and some which I
do not. I shall, whenever occasion re
quires, express my approbation or disap
proval of his acts, according to the convic
tions of my judgment. This comment of
the Governor is a true one and a fair one,
and appropriate to the circumstances of
the case.
pose it. I say the militia means the
arms-bearing or fighting men of the coun
try. Whether their meaning, or mine,
be the true one, one thing is certain, that
this power to call forth the militia, what
ever that militia may be, is guarded by
the Constitution in a manner which is so
rematkable that no man can overlook it or
fail to receive a flood of light from it as to
the trno meaning of the power itself. Let
us ascertain what these guards are.
In the first place, Congress cannot pro
vide for calling forth llie militia, except
for some one of the thro* purposes, of ex
ecuting the laws, suppressing insurrection
or repelling invasion. Here is a remarka
ble guard which is nut upon this power of
calling forth the militia, but which is en
tirely absent from that other power to
raise armies; and the power to raise ar
mies, whatever it may mean, is Nearly ap
plicable to a state oi peace, as well as to a
state of war; but the other power, to pro
vide for calling forth the militia, is con
fined to three of the greatest emergencies
which can summon freemen to arms. Who
confine and limit this power in so remarka
ble a manner if the framers of the Con
stitution did not consider it to be a very
great power, and one whose exercise
needed confinement and guarding? If the
militia, indeed, means nothing but the
mere organization, what rational reason
could the framers of the Constitution have
had for guarding the calling forth of the
militia, in so remarkable a manner? It is
collusion between the counsel who argued
i the case, and the court who decided it.
! The Governor has made no such charge.
; He only says that the counsel un both
i sides of the case were agreed in their indi
vidual opinions that the decision ought to
1 be as it was. He mentions this singular
| circumstance as another reason to show
that the case did not have a fair chance
before the court, and to detract from the
weight of the decision. The charge of
calumny on tin's score, is unfounded and
unfair. I affirm that every word of the
Govern before ri* e cour L that his judgment was
against the side which he represented.
1 his is a fact notorious in this town. I
do not hesitate to affirm that the circum
stances under which the decision was
made do greatly detract from the weight
to which it would otherwise be entitled.
Sir, 1 care but little for mere authority.
Onegood controlling reason f-.-r the faitli
highly indignant at another calumny,
which he imputes to the Governor, but
until day before yesterdav, and he sent in j h . e ™'V" tes erroneously. He corn-
ins message yesterday.' I happen to j _°. f ^ ovornor ** hav,n ? charged
know that a similar letter was received
yesterday, by the Governor, from McIn
tosh county, giving an account of a sirasl.tr
raid from the negioes and Yankees. An
old man was seized and his negroes car
ried off. Again the vandals returned to
their boats, and not a shot was fired at
them. Was that too, a got up affair? Will
gentlemen allow themselves to be blinded
so as not to accept facts like these? I bese
facts were got up for no purpose but to
give relief, if the Governor has the power
to afford it. Am I to stand here to per
suade men to grant relief to women anu
children and feeble old men, when they j
are outraged by negroes in arms? 1 do j
not believe there is a Georgian not ready I
to go over to Lincoln, who is not ready to j
afford relief, provided he has the power to !
do so. _
The gentleman from Monroe (Mr. Cal
aniss) speaks of the folly of the
or’s military s'rategy in proposing to re
sist gunboats with raw militia. I am
afraid, sir, that the gentleman is not calla
ble of judging the Governor fairly, and
with an unprejudiced eye. He asks what
use there is in sending a few raw militia
to fight gunboats. To fight gunboats is
one thing, and to repel the raids of negroes,
after they have left the boats, is another
thing. The gallant Morgan, with his
hand of guerillas, has covered himself with
glory and renown. He has not attacked
Buell's army ; ■ he had better sense; but
he knew how to full upon Buell’s detach
ed foraging parties and capture, or destroy
them. Col. Floyd asks to be allowed to
attack the parties of negroes and Yankees,
after they have left their boats to pillage,
and rob, ami insult, and abuse women and
children. He did not ask to he allowed
to attack gunboat.s. The gentleman im
putes to the Governor a military strategy
which the Governor has not suggested,
and then denounces its folly.
Sir, you cannot be excused from grant
ing this relief, if you have the power to
grant it. Now, have you the power? The
gentleman from Monroe makes an admis
sion on this point which is fatal to his con
clusions’ He charges that the Governor
has uttered a calumny against the Su
preme Court in saying that under the acts
of Congress, and the decision of the Court,
the power seems to be denied to him to
call out the militia, even for the protection
of our mothers, sisters, wives, and daugh
ters, against our own slaves! He says
this statement by the Governor, that liis
_power to call out the militia for these pur
poses, seems to be denied by the Court,
is not true, and is a calumny. Then, if
the Governor lias the power, why not be
willing to tell him to exercise it? I say
The gentleman from Monroe is also j as demonstrable as any proposition in con
stitutional law can be. that it was not the
mere organization, which they intended to
protect. I challenge any man to assign a
rational reason they could have had for
protecting the mere organization, without
protecting the men composing it. I pre-
dictnow that there will be no response,
during this debate, to this challenge. I
ask the House to mark my prediction.
Again I ask what rational purpose they
could have had in confiding the exercise
of this power to the three great emergen
cies which I name, if, indeed, the militia
means nothing but the mere organization?
I, sir. can assign a great reason and a
great purpose revealed by this guard upon
the power, if militia means, as I affirm it
have but to look into the Conrtitution and tee
What powers are conferred upon Congress, auu
what powers are reserved to the Siaies over this
militia. Tne power is not given Congress to call
them forth, hut onlv the power to provide tor call
ing them forth. Ihe cuttingf> th must be done by
somebody else. Congress cannot even make a
provision for caliiug them forth, except for some
one ol the three gteat emergencies uhich^ hate
been named , and then each State has the Lonsn-
tutional power reserved to her of defeating the
call as to her own militia, by refusing to appoint
the necessary officers, or by abrogating the ap
poiutment of such officers as may happen to exist
at the time.
Why leave Congress free to constrain the citi
zens of this country into their armies in time ot
peace, and yet withhold the hand of Congress
from touching a mere militia organization, except
for the great purpose of executing the laws, sup
pressing insurrection, or repelling invasion?—
Were the f r smrers of our Constitution so stolidly
stupid? It is impossible to believe it. It is a
stam and a shame upon tbeir character for sense,
to suppose that they intended to leave Congress
unlimited power to drag all the citizens of the
States into its armies by compulsion jn a time ol
peace, and yet suppose that they intended to con-
tine the power of Cengress over the militia organ’
ization to three of the greatest possible emergen
cies ; and then to suppose, further, that they have
failed in their intended protection to that organiz
ation, since they have left it to be destroyed by
the removal ol all the materials ol which it is com
posed. The advocates of conscription place the
framers of the Constitution in the attitude ot siu-
pidity. They impale them for the ridicule of man
kind ; they cannot rescue them from that position.
Ido rescue them, by imputing to them an inten
tion which is easily rea.), and which wo should
naturally expect to emanate from the men who had
just achieved their liberty at the price of great
blood and great treasure, an intention to shield
personal liberty by limiting the case in which
compulsory military service could be required, and
and the greater intention of shielding State Rights
and State existence, by leaving to each Stale the
power to withhold her citizens from any compul
sory service which she might deem destructive to
her existence. Gentlemen who cannot read these
great purposes in the language used must be blin
ded by prejudice—by the foregone determination
not to see them. They do not see them, only be
cause they close their eyes to them. According
to my reading of the Constitution, all the citizens
of all the States are protected from compulsory-
military service to the Confederate Government,
except in those great emergencies where none
should be protects-: and each state is armed
with a power to protect herself from the danger ol
having her lighting men forced into a cause which
she may condemn, or deem injurious or destructive
to herself According to my reading ot the Con
ly a young man when he uttered that lentiment.
It was years afterwards that he, as Goveruor.ot
Georgia, became distinguished as the champion
•ot State rights It ynu quoie his words, sir, as au
thority on \ out side. 1point you to his subsequent
deed as authority on my side. If you quote his
language which was uttered in a heat d party
contest,and under the indignation width he fit
against ih« New Eng.and States for their blue,
light Iedtralisai, I p„ u; you to w hat he did as
Georgia s champion, wtieu her rigi tr were assail
ed by' the Fedtial Government. When Governor
l roup uttered that sentiment he was *un ter a
sirong bias, arising out of apart.cular emeigency.
and out of « special desire to compel the New
England States to perform what he thought was
their duty. He did, iu that heated contest, ex
press the idea that sovereign States might be co
erced. In my judgment it was a great error, and
it wasau eru. afterwards reptnted of, atid nobly
atoned.
And this leads me to remark upon another view
in which Conscription preseuls itself to my mind.
I he essence of Conscription is the right to take
away the lighting men of the Slates against the
will of both the citizens and the States It is the
right, make what you will of it, to coerc# sover
eigu tates. It is the right which Mr. Lincoln is
now claiming over us, and which we are resisting
with our blood, and which, 1 trust, we shall nevei
cease to resist until 'lie pretensiou is abandoned
1 do say it, sir, not with the iuiention to offend
anybody, and I do not believe, t eretore, that 1
shall offend anybody ; but I declare Conscription
as it presents itself to my mind, is. in its essence
and its constitution, the very embodiment of Lin-
colnism, which our gallant armies are to day re
sisting. It is a power in the central head to coerce
soveieign States.
A tew words now as to the history of Conscrip
tion and I have done. Its justification ha- been
placed upon the plea ot necessity. Sir. it is a
fei hie plea. There never was any necessity for
it, and there is none now. This plea of necessity
is generally a pretext, and under our happy Con
stitution, it is always uutrue. Our Constitution
was made for war as well as for peace, and the
powers conferred by it upon the different depart
ments of tbo Confederate Government are ade
quate to all the necessities of war, without anv
enlargement of them by doubtful construction, or
by usurpation. The particular necessity which
has been alleg-d for Conscription was a necessity
to seize and hold in service the twelve-months
nien w hose term was about to expire. Rut, sir,
this is a pretext. It is within my knowledge that
as long ago as iast fall, several months before the
expiration of the term of the 12 months men, Gen.
Toombs, then a member ot the Confederate Con
gress, introduced a bill to replenish the army and
supply the places of those 12 months men who
would be going out. His bill was in conformity
with the old recognized constitutional mode of re
STANDING COMMITTEES OI TUB
HOUSE OE REPRESENTATIVES.
On State of the Republic.—Messrs
Cochran of ..Glynn, Black, Washington,
Cabaniss, Love, Hook, Smith of Brooks,
Harbour, Burney, Carswell, Mallard, Lee,
Barnes, lteese, CarlU
Adams and Hargrove.
Un the Judiciary.—Messrs. Lester,
Cabaniss, Coe.hran of Glynn, Love, Big-
ham, Hook, Hester, Whittle, Norwood.
Kaifbrd, Trammell, Tatum, Candler,
Hargrove, Baines, Culberson, Dubose and
Briscoe.
Adm inisti ator’s Sale.
mid hftforoafee'Court H. use d 0(;
TXJILL be
I? Abbeville. Wilcox County j on rh, (j rM i ' ln
! day in DECEMBfcK next.the •ullnwiiurj. r ,' 8 "
’ 1 viz: Part of tot .No 1 GcS, the Nurth giU.'
i part ot No lifit, north aide; and a part
i Soul h side: all lying in the 1st .District „t
nd
2. the
"iigi.
village of Abbeville, Wilcox county. . old as the
property ot Keia-et-a Fitzgarald. d* ceased
JAMES EH ZGAKALD, Adi,i>
; Sept,30th, If02. a.),*;
Administrator's Sale,
A GREEABLE to an order of the Court of Or
dinary of Jones couritv. will be fluid on the"
stitution, the guards which are thrown around J quisiduns upon the States for troops, leaving to
Governor s statement on this point is true, i means, the fighting men, or arms-bearin
and that the decision -was rendered as the ' '
Governor declares it was, under peculiar
circumstances, and under outside pressure.
I do not thiuk 1 go iieyoud the bounds of j liberty by limiting the cases in which corn-
propriety, when I say to you that Judge pulsoty military service can he required
Jenkins himself stated, that the counsel j by the Confederate Government. Sir, in
for the conscript declares in his <argument j these times, and with some men, this pur-
rneu of tVi e country. With that meanin e
of the term militia, u.o great purpose
which is revealed, is to protect pmuu..i
pose may be regarded as of slight impor
tance; but in my estimation, it is one of
immense importance! 1 am proud, as a
son of Georgia, in believing that she has
never surrendered to any power outside of
her the right to require military service of
her citizens by compulsion, unless there
is some one of the three great emergencies
which I have named to justify the exer-
tliat is in me, is in my judgment worth j cise of that power.
more than the opinions of all the courts, j But there is another guard thrown around
and of the President, and of Congress, ' this power of calling forth the militia
and of every body else, unsupported by
reason. I intend to treat the decision
respectfully, but I feel well assured that
it lias no binding authority upon me, nor
upon this House. As a Legislator! deny
Whenever the militia is called forth under
a law of Congress, the appointment of the
officers is reserved to the States. The
true nature and importance of this reserva
tion seems not to be generally understood
the power of the Governor, or of the Jttdg-; and appreciated. I do not doubt, sir,
| that this reservation to the States, of the
! appointment of the officers, amounts to,
and was intended to amount to a complete
veto in the hands of each State, over the
calling out of'her own militia. Mark you,
sir, the appointment of the officers is a
thing reserved to the States. If not ex
ercised by them it cannot bo exercised
by anybody, no more than elect Senators
to the Confederate Congress for the State
of Georgia, if Georgia herself should fail
or refuse lo elect them. Now, troops can
es, or of all the judicial tribunals on earth,
to construe the Constitution for me.
On what foundation of reason then does
this decision rest? The Court; the Presi
dent, and all tlie advocates of conscrip
tion rest it upon the power which is given
to Congress to raise armies. They all ad
mit that this power has limitations upon
it, but disagree as to what those limitations
are. The great point of difference be
tween all of them and me, is, as to wheth
er it is limited or not by that other power
which Congress has to provide for calling j not be moved without officers to conduct
forth the militia. Judge Jenkins begins j them. The} cannot be removed one inch;
liis argument by denying that there is any j and the control which the States have re
connection between these two powers of j served to themselves over the appoint-
Congress—denying that tho one exercises
any limitation over the other. He says
that this is too plain to he made plainer
by argument and lie does not argue it.
'Thus he commences by assuming or beg
ging the whole question; for, sir, the whole
question of the constitutionality of Con
scription turns upon the meaning of this
power in Congress to provide for calling
torth the militia. If it bo true that this
! power has no connection with, nor limita-
ment of the officers, gives them a perfect
check—a veto over the calling forth of
their militia. If the officers do not exist,
the States may refuse to appoint them. If
they do exist, having been, appointed by
the States, the States may unquestionably
abrogate tbeir appointment. The Con
gress, then, cannot exercise this power of
calling forth the military without the con
current action of the States, in appointing
the necessary officers, each State appoint
in the name of the insulted, outraged, and j tion over the other, then, sir, I admit that j ing the officers ior the troops which she
suffering women, let him order the help at
once, if, indeed, tiiere be no obstruction in
Conscription is constitutional; hut, on the
j other hand, if it be true that this power to
the way? T he Governor does not say provide for calling forth the militia has a
that these acts and this decision are a real j connection with, and must be construed in
obstruction. What he says is, they seem connection with the other power to raise
to deny him the power by declaring that j armies, then sir, conscription is unconsli-
Tbat this connection and limi-
the whole militia of the State are subject
to the command of tho President. The
gentleman, in disavowing this as the effect
of the Conscript Law, and of the Court’s
decision, strikes down all pretense for op
posing the exercise of the power which
the Governor asks. If there is no difitcul-
ty on the score of power, how can the gen
tleman oppose himself to this relief which
is besought on the part of our robbed and
bleeding citizens ! But, sir, these acts
and this decision do, as the Governor af
firms, seem to deny to him the power to
call out tite militia for any other purpose
whatever. They do seem to deny to the
Governor, and to the Slate, the right to
protect the citizens of the State from in
vasion, by her own militia. 1 therefore
propose to review this whole subject with
a view to prove that the acts are unconsti
tutional, the decision wrong, and that the
obstruction in the way of the Governor’s
duty is only a seeming, and not a real one.
First, 1 am met with the proposition
that the decision of the court closes the
whole matter, and is binding and conclu
sive on the Legislature of the State, and
that it is not competent for the Legisla
ture to criticise, or even to express a dif
ferent opinion from it. This sir, is a doc
trine only less dangerous than Conscrip
tion itself. The court, I acknowledge, is
the .highest judicial tribunal in this ,State,
and legitimately controls all subordinate
judicial tribunals, but it is a new doctrine,
and a dangerous one that the judiciary is
superior to the Legislature. Kachdepait-
ment of our government is independent,
and each is supreme in its own sphere,
and in the exercise of the functions with
which it is clothed by the Constitution.
Nobody outside of the old Federal party
ever held that tlie courts could hind the
Legislature or the Executive, or their ex
positions of political rights. T his action
of the Supreme Court is no more binding
upon us than the decision of Judge
Thomas in opposition to it. Neither his
opinion, nor their opinion has any binding
authority over us, aud neither is entitled
to any weight with us, any farther than
the reasons go, by which it is supported ;
but tbe weight of the decision will be mote
or less affected by the circumssances under
which it was made, it is competent and
proper for us to consider, as the Governor
bas done, what these circumstances were.
sends. That this reservation to the States
amounts to a check and complete veto in
the hands of the States, is a proposition
which I lay down with all confidence, and
challenge a denial of it.
Now. sir, I ask, what is the purpose of it ? Up
on the supposition that militia means nothing but
tho mere organization, th-re is no purpose in il.
There can be none. Again, 1 challenge the sug
gestion—even the suggestion—of a rational pur
pose in this great reservation, if the militia means
nothing but the mere organization. Upon the sup
position that it means what I say it means, the
arms-bearing or fighting men, a great purpose
stands revealed—the purpose of leaving each State
armed with the power to shield her fighting men
tutional.
taiiou do exist, seems to me to be demon
strable; and yet the court have based their
whole decision upon an assumption of this
very.point upon which the whole question
necessarily turns, therefore I say, sir, that
that decision and all its reasoning must go
tor nothing, because it is founded upon an
assumption of the whole casq at the begin- j from any compulsory military service which she
mug. The only thing which the court had
to do, was tu prove tbe proposition which
they assumed and pronounced to be not
capable of being made plainer by argu
ment. I think, indeed, sir, their proposi
tion, denying a connection between these
two powers, cannot be made plainer by
argument. But, sir, argument can refute
it to a demonstration. According to their
own construction of the power to raise
armies, it embraces all possible and prop
er inodes of raising armies. Now sir, call
ing out the militia is one mode of raising
an army. Gentlemen cannot deny it.—
1 heir own construction for raising armies
—their own necessary construction—
makes it include ail modes of raising them.
I here may be an army of militia as well
as an army of regulars. Calling out the
militia, therefore, is one mode of raising
armies. Now, sir, will any man deny (hat
in raising armies by this mode, Congress
is confined to the conditions and manner
which tbe Constitution has prescribed for
calling forth the militia? Here then, sir,
is at once an obvious and most important
limitation which the power to j rovide for
calling forth the militia has over the other
power to raise armies. When armies are
raised by calling forth tho militia, there
are remarkable guards thrown around its
exercise. From these guards, sir, we learn
what the meaning of this power is to pro
vide for calling forth tbe militia. In my
judgment there are but two modes of rais
ing armies; one is by voluntary enlistment.
This mode is without compulsion, and the
other is by calling forth the militia. This
is a process of compulsion. My construc
tion of the Constitution is that the general
[tower to raise armies refers only to the
first mode—by voluntary enlistment; aud
'hat the other power, to provide for calling
forth the militia, refers to tbe only com
pulsory mode which Congress can use un
der the Constitution. The whole question
turns then upon the meaning of these
terms—“to provide for calling forth the
may deenr injurious to her rights or destructive to
I her existence. These two guards, which cunsist-
j ing, confening by enumeration the occasion on
! which it may be exercised, and in reserving to the
i States control and veto over its exercise, mani-
; fest that this power of calling forth the militia was
a great power, in^lie estimation of tho fiamerg ot
the Constitution, home great purpose or purpo
ses were to be served by these guards. The ques
tion returns, sir, with accumulated force, w hat ra
tional purpose can be served by either of them, it
the thing guarded was the mere organization, leav
ing the men who composed it to the unlimited con
trol of Congress; it ihe thing guarded is the
mere hull leaving the kernel to the unlimited con
trol aud destruction of the Confederate Govern
ment ! I have asked this question in vain ; and
vain will be the asking to tho end of the chapter.
I affirm, first, that there could have been no ra
tional purpose in thus guarding the militia upon
their supposition of what the militia means ; and
I affirm, in the next place, that any pm pose which
may have been in view, if it indeed be possible to
suggest, one, is necessarily defeated The.advo
cates of conscription say that these protecting
guards are confined to the mere organization. But
the organization itself is subject tu destruction by
Congress, if the men of which it is composed are
left to Congress'unlimited control. I am told by
gentlemen, that under the power to raise armies,
rney may take the citizens who compose trio mili
tia organization, but cannot take the organization
itselt. Now, any purpose founded upon the pro
tection of the mere organization must fall, for the
organization itself is gone, when all its materials
are gone. 1 ask you, sir. where will be'that mili
tia organization which the Constitution has so
j carefully guarded and put under the control ol the
.States, alter conscription has performed its office
of taking all the materials of which that organiza
lion i- 1 composed ? Gentlemen argue as it the
conscription law respects and passes by tiio mili
tia organization ; but how docs it respect it, sirs ?
All its men and all its officers are taken away by
conscription, provided they fall within the pie-
scribed ages of Id and 45 years. Gentlemen
argue as if, after all the fighting men are gone,
Georgia would still have the satisfaction of retain
ing a proud array of Generals, Colonels, Majors.
Captains. Lieutenants, Sergeants and Corporals,
without a man to pull a trigger. But, sir, sha is
spared this mockery—this pretense of respecting
her militia, for the conscription act leaves her not
a man.nor an officer, unless he is exempted by age.
This whole controversy torus upon the meaning
of “militia.” The advocates of conscriptiou say
that it means nothing but the militia organization.
I say it means the fighting men of the country
whether organized or unorganized. This is the
issue between us. To decide it satisfactorily, we
he power of Congress to provide for the ca.liing
forrli of the militia, secure objects of gigantic im
portance. According to the reading of the advo
cates of conscription, these guards secure nothing
at all. I defy any gentleman to point out to me
one single useful or national purpose that is served
by them.
Their alleged protection of the military organi
zation is useless, so long as all the fighting men
of that organization can be taken away from it by
Congress. But that, alleged protection itself is
an invention—a myth. It don’t exist, and can't
exist so long as organization, which they allege to
wn»n.vi,jvvi,.r 1 —i. l„#» to destruction
by removing its materials. These gentlemen
stand here to day in the attitude of affirming that
there is a power outside of Georgia which can
come into her borders, and rightfully drag all her
fighting men into its armies against Ihe will of her
citizens, and against her own wid. After this, let
gentlemen cease to talk of Georgia's sovereignty.
When all her fighting men can be taken away
from her against t..eir will and her own, by on ex
ternal power, site has, and can have no sovereign
ly left. To taik of sovereignty after that is mock
ery: it is an insult added to injury aud robbery
Throw such sovereignty as this, sir, to the dogs!
Don’t insuit men trained in liberty by thrusting
it in their laces.
I stand here, to day as tho advocate of Georgia’s
sovereignty. 1 deny that any power has deprived
or can deprive her of benighting men against their
will and her will. The conscription law which tu -
deriakes to do it, is against the great charter of the
Constitution. In my judgment, sir, it is void, and
forms no obstruction to tbe exercise of Georgia’s
rights—the exercise of Georgia’s sovereign rights,
to protect her own people Ironi invasion.
I do not. propose to rtsist ttuse unconstitutional
laws by arms. I propose to leave them to tbe ad
ministration ol the courts, wherever their admin-
i-tration properly falls within the sphere of the
courts; but while I do not propose to resist them.
I do propose that the Legislature of Georgia shall
declare its opinion of t: em—its deliberate judg
ment that they are an encroachment upon tlie sov
ereignty of Gporgia. I would also accompany
this declaration by the practical assertion of the
right. I would have Floyd and his forty militia
men ordered out under Georgia’s retained right of
keeping troops in war for her own protection, and
have them to stand upon the seaboard as a rnonu
raent of Georgia’s sovereignty, to be seen and
known by Georgia's sons, by her invading enemy,
and bv the whole world as a monument of Geor
gia's -sovereignty.
But the advocates of conscription, departing j
from the.constitutional construction ot the power, I
have entertained us with the presentatiou of the j
dreadful consequences which would ensue, if Con
gress were denied the power which they claim j
We are told that any government which lacks such j
a power is deserving of contempt, fir, does the i
government of England deserve the contempt of '
mankind.? Will any man read her history and
look at her present position, and dare to make such
arr affirmation? Aud yet sir, the government ot
England has not the power of raising armies from
her citizens by compulsion. We are told by Mr.
Ilallam in iiis Constitutional History, that the pow
ers do not belong to the British Government under
the British Constitution. He tells us, it is true,
that it was exercised by the Parliament, but was
afterwards receded from because it was unconsti
tutional. It was exercised by the Parliament again,
but was confined to such persons only, as had no
occupation, that is to say, it was confined in its ex
ereise in the second instance to vagabonds. The
British statesman could not be found who would
affirm a power in tbe British Government to exer
cise conscription over anybody but vagabonds, and
a< Mr. Hallam well remarks, the exercise of the
power even in that case, was as unconstitutional
as in any other, and it has not been exercised by
the British Government in any case for more than
a hundred years. Remember, sir, that her histo
rian says it was abandoned upon constitutional
grounds. This history throws great light upon
the meaning of the power in our Constitution to
raise armies. The men wh > made that Constitu
tion lived in the midst of Colonial and British iJeas
and usages. They had been accustomed to see
armies raised only by voluntary enlisments, and
when they speak of raising armies, we may natu
rally suppose they speak of armies to be raised in
the mode to which they had been accustomed, aud
in the only mode which they had been in the habit
of considering to be consistent with liberty. So
much, sir, tor the British Government.
I beg to refresh t u e memories of gentlemen as
to the history of another Government, and ask
them if that Government deserves contempt ? 1
allude to a Government which has passed away—
nottheold United States Government, but that
other Government which perished in giving birth
to the United States Government—the Government
f the old Confederation Sir, that was a glorinns
Id Government. Whatever its defects and its
faults were, it is entitled to the gratitude, not only
of every American, but of every lover of liberty
the w ide world over. It was the Government that
achieved our liberties. It was the Government
whose Commander-in-chief was Washington. It
was the Government that successfully resisted the
most powerful Government upon the face of the
earth. It was the Government ftom whoso hands
we have received all the blessings we have enjoyed,
arid for which we are fighting to day. It «vas a
Government whose memories are dear to our hearts.
Who will rise up and say that Government de
serves the contempt of mankind 7 and yet, sir,
that Government had no compulsory power over
tho States. Tnat Government and not the very
power, the want ot which, gentlemen now affirm,
subjects any Government to the contempt of man
kind. Their power over the States was advisory-
only, and not compulsory. They con-ld get no
troops from the States, but such as the states
would send them; and yet that Government was
adequate to the achievement ot liberty, and to iis
achievement against the greatest power that exis
ted upon the earth. Can our people close their
eyes to the grand lesson which is to be gathered
from the history of that Government? We aie
warned by gentlemen, aud by some of our public
journals, against the danger from the State govern
merits. Sir. I have no such apprehension. Let
gentlemen who are alarnn.d from an excess of State
lights take comfort from the history of tho old
Confederation ! There is no danger from that
quarter. Centralization, consolidation, central
usurpation, is the rock upon which we have split,
and it is the rock which we have to dread in the
future. We judge the future by the past; and
judging onr future by the American past, 1 pro
claim that the danger which we have to apprehend
is not from the States, hut from Central usurpa
tion, which has already resulted in the destruction
of the old United States Government, and in our
secession, and in our repudiation of it on account
of that usurpation.
Governor Troup has been quoted as authority
for this statement, that our Government would be
deserving of contempt if it lacked tbe power of
conscription. Governor Troup waa comparative
the States the appointment of officers, where the
Constitution places it; and I have heard it said
by those who heard him on that occasion that, in
support of that bill, he made the greatest speech
of his life. But it was lost, and it was lost be
cause the President said he did not want troops at
that time The subject of replenishing the«army
was then allowed to sleep until the eve of the ex
piration of the J2-months men, and then Conscrip
tion was sprung upon the country, and rushed
through Congress under the cry of necessity.—
Now, sir. I say, in the first piace, if there was any
necessity for it at the time when it was adopted,
that necessity was intentionally created for the
occasion. Their attention had been called in a re
markable manner to the replenishing of the army
in u constitutional way, and they had reiused to
make provision for it, dittbrralely, intentionally,
refused The appoinlment ot ’.lie officers wasjthe
milk in the cocoa-nut.
But, sir, I go further and say that, with all their
attempts to create a necessity ior Conscription
they did not create it; and that at the -rerj time
it was passed, tiiere was not the slightest necessity
for it. The 12-mouths men whose time was about
to expire could have been retained in the service
under the old constitutional mode of making re
quisitions upon the Slates, just as well as by Con
scription, and 1 defy any man to deny it. It will
not he deni< d in this debate This, sir, is another
one of the points in my argument which I predict
will not be touched. Congress in making its re
quisitions upon the States had only to shape the
requisition so as to specify the 12 months men as
the troops which they desired, and the States by
their sov, reign power could have furnished each
for herself, her 12 months men. who were then in
the field, just as she could furnish any of her citi
zens who were then at home, in response to a re
quisition. There was, therefore, no necessity for
Conscription.
But the history does not stop there, we have
had two conscription laws. Has any man dared
to urge the plea of necessity in favor of the second
one? When that one wts pissed, we had just
emerged from a series of brilliant victories. We
had no troops w hose terms were about to expire.
It was a simple question as to the mode of get
ting raw recruits from home to our armies already
in the field. \\ here was tlie necessity in that in
stance. lor disregarding the rights ot the citizen,
and the rights of the State by repeating conscription
upon us?
Again sir, tire old constitutional mode of ma
king requisitions upon the States was tendered
by Mr. Yancey of Alabama. His proposition was
voted down—deliberately voted down, upon no
plea of necessity, and when no man had the har
dihood.to allege necessity. I tell you sir, and I
tell the people of Georgia, that conscriptiou has
been put upon them, and this great wrong has
beeu done to the lights of her citizens, and to her
sovereignty, from no necessity, from no convic
tion of necessities, but from premeditation and
deliberation. It has been a matter o(choice with
our gox-ernment, and they intend to adhere to it
to the end, unless you drive them from it, by
using in the majesty of a free people, and calling
them back to the landmarks of the Constitution
This sir. is the great reason why I ask and be
seech an expression from the Legislature of the
Sovereign State of Georgia, upon this great vio
lation which has been perpetrated, upon the
rights of her citizens and of her sovereignty.
The object to be accomplished by such an expres
sion of opinion on your part is to prevent its be
ing drawn into a precedent for your subsequent
oppression, and to induce your rulers to recede
from tbe existing aggression upon your rights.
A !Yrw Georgia Brigade.
We understand that the following Geor
gia regiments in the army in East Tenn
essee have been organized into a brigade,
which is now commanded by Col. Barka-
loo, of the 54th Georgia Regiment.
54th Georgia Regiment, Lieut. Col.
Guyton.
39th Georgia Regiment, Col. McCon-
nel.
3Gth Georgia Regiment, Col. Glenn.
56th Georgia Regiment, Col. Wat
kins.
34th Georgia Regiment, Col. J. A. W.
Johnson.
Acting Brigadier General Barkaloo is a
South Carolinian by birth, and first enter
ed the service % the Palmetto Regiment
in the Ylexican War. He was wouuded
in the breast at Chapultepec* He has
been in the army, we believe, some 15
years; and entered the Confederate ser
vice on tlie 14th of Oct., 1861, as Colonel
of the 54th Regiment. He is, dnybtless,
entitled to the position of Brigadier Gen
eral—a position which he now temporarily
fills, both on account of his gallantly and
the Zeal with which he discharges the
duties of his office.
inrasnen aicw.my, ” ’ of men, women and children, boys and d ‘
son, Bacon, Render, Lane, vvyiey, H.ir- blacksmiths, cooks, and valuable house servai r!’
hour, Jones of Lee, Findley, Monk, ttlap-
pey, Clements,Bryan, Waiton of Stewart.
Schley, Irwin, Ezell, Cantrell, Hines and
Jernigan.
On Public Education.—Messrs. Mallard
Smith of Brooks, DtrWose, Schley, Green,
Atkinson of Troup, Reese of Lumpkin,
Cochran of Wilkinson. Eason, Tomlinson,
Mullins. Peterson, Owens of McIntosh.
Roberts, Dover, Jackson of Clarke, and
Bigham.
On Finance.— Messrs. Washington,
Adams, Moore of Thomas, Norwood,
Cochran of Glynn, Barnes, Lester, Blood-
worth, Bigham, Jernigan, Felton, Render,
Williams; Mitchell of Taylor, Schley,
Beall of Randolph, Whitehead and Du
mas.
On Banks.—-Messrs. Adams, Love,
Washington, Norwood, Barnes Hester,
Pitts, Whittle, Atkinson, Black, Lee,
Thomas, Hook, Walton of Wilkes, Swear
ingen, Moore of White, Pitman, Gross
Stephens of Oglethorpe, Brawner, Smith
of Towns, Bloodworth, and Trammell.
On Enrollment.— Messrs. Trammell,
V v ,11 ,1 . Servants
&c bold tor tlie purpose ot making a divisioh
among the heirs. Terms made known on tL- iL.
of sale. M.M, MILLS, Adm’r y
Oct. 2: th. 1862. ’
Administrator's Sale.
B Y virtue of an order of the Cutnt cf Ordinary
ot Bui loch County''will be sold before the
Court House doer in tbe town of Statesboro on
the first,Tuesday in DECEMBER next, within
tbe legal hours of sate, tbe follow imr properly t 0
wit: Several tiacts or lots ot land, containin'-
thiify-seven hundred acres, more or Icbs, tha wi”
orv's dower excepted; lying in said county,and all
adjoining, and a portion of said tracts well in-,
proved arid-bound by James J. Bowen, Nathan
Roberts, estatt of William Iier, John 8. Hogan
James Rimes, Jr., and' others, belonging to tha
estate of Jacob Fntch, and sold for a"diri s j oa
among the heirs. Terms on the day of sale- -
JAMES DENMARK. Ailiri r
REBECCA FUTCH, Adm’x’.
(D K) 22 tds.
Oct. 14th, 1S62.
Administrator’s Sale.
W ILL be sold, on the first Tuesday in DE
CEMBER next, in the town of Monticello
J.asper county, tlie land belonging to the estate of
Geotge Dawkiii3, deceased, containing one Imn-
dred and eighty acres, more or less, when on said
Dawkins formerly lived. Terms made known on
Moore, Kirby, Hawkins, Culberson, Beall ! ihe day of sale B. T. DIGBY, Adm’r.
.r T). n Jn1 n l, \T o + fLawc 1 lnin9fi Poivpll. Oct. 15th, 1862.
22 tds.
Bulloch Administrator's Sale.
B Y virf.ure of an order of the Court of Ordinary
of Bulloch county, will be sold before .tbe
Court House door in the town of Statesboro’, on
the first Tuesday in December n“xt, wi'liin the
legal hours of sale, the following property, to wit.
One’lract of land containing seven bundled
acres more or less, lying in said county, aud
bounded by Stephen Kennedy. Henry Richardson,
Noah Nesmith and others, Ijing on the Rt bel road
with thirty acres under cultivation—belonging to
the estate of General K. 31ikell. and sold for the
benefit of the heirs and creditors. Termeon the
day of sale. JOHN'GOODMAN. Adm’r.
NANCY M1K.ELL, Adm’rx.
Oct. in, 1862. (d b) 22tds.
of Randolph, Matthews, Dumas, Powell,
Johuson, Hudson Cameron, Fain, Patter- j
son, Kelley DuBose, and Smith of Brooks
On Penitentiary.—Messrs. Zachry, Cars
well, Briscoe, Barker, Guldens, Thrasher,
Gresham, Brown of Coweta, Cantrell,
Harper, Beall of Paulding; Monk, Laven
der, Smith of Oglethorpe, Bloodworth,
Slappey, Pitts, Beall of Randolph, Bleck
ley, Underwood, Jackson of Heard, Key
and Scott.
On Public Printing.—Messrs. Hester,
Fleming, Finley, Smith of Hall, -Butts,
Hines, Tatum, Beaty, Beasly, Blake,
Bleckley, Brown of Clay, Cook, Dickison,
Dili, Howell, Jones and Hawkins.
On Journals.—Messrs. Tatum, Favor,
Gay»Jjibbs, Ellington, Eze'l Duke, Stew
art, Mitchell of Pulaski, Mizell McAfee,
Strickland, Surrency and Haygood.
On Lunitic Asylum.—Briscoe, Cochran
of Wilkinson, Reese, Roberson of Mus
cogee, Smith of Brooks, Martin, Clements,
Stewart, Mulkey. McAfee, Hargett, Ir
win, Jackson of Clarke, Snell, Lemond,
Walton of Wilkes, Scott, Reynolds, Jerni
gan. Lazenby, Sheats, Jackson of Heard,
Horne, Mallard and Bleckley.
On the Deaf and Dumb Asylum.—Messrs.
Moore, Culberson, Johnson of Echols,
Dever, White, Green, Thrasher, Neal,
Horn, Key, Lowe, McCord, Mulkey,
Nesbit, Rice, Dumas, Speight, Tye,
Smith of Brooks, Hines, and Howell of
Lowndes.
On the Asylum for the Blind.—Y[essrs.
Whittle, Smith of Brooks, Spain, Smith ot
Hall, Harper, Gay, Henderson of Worth,
Heard, Lott, Williams, Powell, Rushin,
Y’anbrackel, Bird, Griffin, Lindsay, Mitch
ell ot Taylor, Overstreet, Kirby, Gresham
and Scott.
On Manufactures.-—Messrs. Schley, j terms made kho'vn on the day ot sale.
Pitta, Jackson of Clarke, Green, Robinson J ‘ ' * >8, Sen., Ad -nr.
of Muscogee, Carlton, Mathews, McAfee,
White, Briscoe, Henderson of Worth,
Howell, Henderson of Pierce, Key of
Dooly, Moss, Cantrell, Atkins, Dumas of
Chattanooga, Hargrove and Aired.
On Consolidation of Bills.—DuBose,
Mitchell Sheriff Sale.
W ILL bo sold before the Court House door in
Camilla. JJitcheli county, on the first Tues
day in December next, the following lot-of land,
No. 40, ii! the Eleventh District of Mitchell coun
ty. Sold to satisfy one tax fi fa issued from Ban-
itolplr Inferior t’ourt, August Term, 1862, vs.
Bennett L. Btidg- s. Property pointed out by
defendant. HENRY SMITH, Sheriff.
JS’ov. 4, 1862; . 24 tds.
Executor's Sale.
VT/’ILL sold, on the first Tuesday in DE-
TT CEBERncxt.in the town of Monticllo,
Jasper county, all the land belonging to the es
tate of John Cunnard, deceased, consisting of
two hundred and thirty three acres, lying on the
Alenvy river, with tolerable rood cabins, and
seventy or eighty acres of fresh land. Terms on
the day of sale. JEMINA CUNNARD, Ex'rx.
Oct 7th. 1862, (btd) 22tds.
Administrator's Sale.
\ GREEABLE to an an order fronr the Conrt
Yl of Ordinary -f ’Vileox county will be
sold on the FIB,ST TUESDAY IN' FEBRUA
RY next, within the legal hours of saie, be
fore ihe Court House in said couulyj 1)11 acres
more or less ol lot No. 83 in the 1st District of
originally Irwin, now Wilcox county. Sold for
the benefit ot the heirs and creditors ct law. So d
as the property of James D Gil bs, deceased.
Beall of Paulding, Candler, Bacon, Kirby,
Thomas, Briscoe, Owens, Love and Whit
tle.
On Petitions.—Messrs. Lawson, Nesbit,
Neal, Hightower, Underwood, Spain,
Zachry, Haygood, Felton, llaiford and
Gresham.
On Military Affairs.—Messrs. Cabaniss,
Barnes, Royal, Adams, Burke, Gibson,
Cochran of Glynn, Matthews, Love. Hook,
Lawson,Black, Owens, Render, Wvley,
Bacon, Jones of Harris, Whitehead, Hes
ter, Washington, Lester, Culberson, Har
grove, Hargett, Tatum, Elingtou, Schley
and Bryant.
On Privileges and Elections.—Messrs.
Raiford, Reynolds, Barron, Hines, Cook,
Moss, Mulkey, Peterson, Beasley and
Surrency.
On Xew Counties and County Lines.—
Messrs. Martin, Cochran of Wilkinson,
Hargett, Hudson, Neal, Burney, Butts,
Administrator's Sale.
B Y’ virtue of an order from the Court of Ordina
ry of Jasper county, will be sold before tha
! Court House door iu Monticello, in said county,
j on tbe first Tueslay in January next, w ithin ihe
legal hours of sale, the following property, threa
negroes to wit: Matilda, a woman about.forty-
seven (.47): Heater-Arm, a girl about eleven (II):
I and Augustus, a boy about fourteen (14) years of
I age. Sold for division among the heirs oi l homas
I j. Vaughn, deceased.
Teinis on the day of sale.
SHELLY P. DOWN, Adm'r.
| Nov. 18. I8G2. 26 tds
Executor’s Sale.
YYPILL be sold before the Court House door in
TT the town of Stateiiville. in Echols county, on
i the first 1 uesday in JANUARY next, 1863, w ithin
j tho legal hours of sale two negroes—Tom, a matt
j about 2"> years of age, and Ellen a woman about
25 or 30 years of age; belonging lo the estate of
j Lott Copeland, late of said county, deceased.
Sold for the bemfit of the said estate. Terms
j made known on the davof sale.
JOHN D. PETERS. Ex r.
Nov. 1st, 1862. [TBCj 25 tds.
GEORGIA. Appling county,
Tu ad whom it may concern.
"V\7 HEiJEAS, John R. Johnson having iu pro-
TV per form applied to me tor letters ofaduiims-
Seott, Snell, Tye, Whitehead, Stephens, j ,'^d countyl'de^ed 0 / Malcom Johnson > late of
THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY.
BY HAXLEITEK & {ADAIR,
ATLANTA, GA.
nnHE DAILY SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY
1 under arrangements just completed, will contain al
the latest intelligence of every kind, repotted express
ly for ns by Magnetic Telegraph, and the Mails. Also,
daily reports of the ALlauta aud other Markets, Loe,,l
Incidents aud Items, &c., &.c. Price—$5 a-year; $3
for six months, or 50 cents for one mouth—always in
advatice.
Tbe WEEKLY SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY ts
made up from, and contains the erram of, the Daily,
ft is a large sheet, and gives more fresh reading matter
than any other Weekly in the Confederate States. Its
Market Reports, will be lull, and made lip from actual
transactions. Price $2 a year;.or fl 25 forsix mouths
—invm iably in advance.
|3P“Poetniasters are authorized to act as our Agents
in obtaining subscribers and forwarding the money—
for which they will he allowed to retain, ascommision,
:wer.tx-five cents on each Weekly, or fifty cents on
each Daily subscriber.
UyPersons getting up Clubs of five, ten ormore
subscribers, will be supplied with the copies ordered
at 12 1-2 per cent, less than our regular rates.
£y No name will be entered on onr books until the
money is paid, and all subscriptions are discontinued
when the time expires for which payment is made,
un!es-<tl]e same be renewed.
Address, HANLE1TER & ADAIR,
Atlanta. Georgia.
March 30, 1861. 47
McCamy, Horne, Love, Lott, Underwood,
Findley, Key of Dooly, Powell of Decatur,
Brown of Glay, Jones of Lee, Culber
son, Speight, Felton, Thomas and Rob
erts.
On Auditing—Messrs. Hawkins, Jack-
son of Heard, Martin. Pitman. YViliiams
and Slappey.
On Military Institute.—Smith of Brooks,
Moore, Black, Schley, Green, Pitts, Reese,
Burke, Barker, MartiD, Render, Walton,
Candler, Griffin, Henderson of Pierce,
Nesbit and Sheats-
This is to cite ail and singular the kindred and
I creditors of said Malcom Johnson, to be and sp-
j pear at my ofiice within the time allowed by law,
| and show cause, if any, why permanent adminis
tration should not he granted to the applicant
i Witness my hand and official signature.
J. L1GH I SEY, Ord'v.
Nov. 11. 1862. 25 ot.
S IXTY days after date application will be made to
the Conrt of Ordinary of Jasper county for leave
; to sell tiie lands aud negroes belonging to the estate
| of Hartwell W. B. Freeman, late of said county de
ceased
A. J. FREEMAN,Adm’r.
j Nov.3, 1862. (m h h) 259t.
rp\VO MONTHS afterdate application will b"
JL made to the Court, of Ordinary of Mitchell
ell the land and negroes be-
Slauding Commiltera of ike ffeunie.
On Privileges and Elections.—Messrs. Brown, ie**'° f ? e ix •».
a A nd th S Fle,Cher ’ Griffi “’ JamiS ° n ’ S ' Vea ' el,geU j Lid county, deceased! ^ ®
On Petitions.
-Messrs Iim Lane, McRea.Jas. Angust 28th, 1862.
rlpr oiwi Mpnlipm i
Tax Laws of Georgia.
COMPILED BY L. H. BRISCOE,
A FEWcopiesoftheTAX LAWS aroonhand«Bd
for sals at this office.—Price fl per eopy
Hilliard, Alexander and Stephens.
On Enrollment.—Messrs. Dyer, Fort, Gaston,
Bothwell, Smith and Ware.
On Journals.—Messrs. Anthony, Killen, Skew-
make and Thomas Hilliard.
On Confederate Relations —Messrs. Gibscn, Fur-
low, Seward, Gordon, Hansell, Echols, Vason and
Kendall.
On Judiciary —Messrs. Seward, Yason, Stafford
Lewis, Hansell, Boyd, Jackson, Killen, Mitchell,
Dyer, Gordon, Pinckard.
On Finance.—Messrs. Lewis, Hansell, Mosely,
Stafford, Dyer. Shew make and Brow n.
On Internal Improvements —Messts. Furlow,
Gordon, Beaseley, Vason, Shewmake and Steph
ens.
On Public Education and Free Schools—Messrs.
Echols, Anthony, Fort, Dyer. Lane, King, Gaston
Bovd and Benson.
On Ranks.—Messrs. Gordon, Hansell, Gibson,
Brown. Hill, Stafford, and Mitchell.
On Nem Counties and Lines —Messrs. Smith,
Simmons, Ware, Wright, Griffin, Jamison and
Bewson.
On Penitentiary—Messrs. Alexander, Boyd,Grif
fin, Lane, James Hilliard, Kendall, McRea, and
Jackson.
Lunatic Asylum—Messrs. Kendall, Furlow, Fort
Anthony. Harris and Bothwell.
On Military.—Messrs. Killen, Gordon. Smith,
Seward. Swearengen, Thomas Hilliard, Gaston,
King and Pinckard.
On Printing—Messrs Mosely, Harris. Simmons
McRea, Fletcher, Shewmake, Ware, Janies Hil
liard and Benson.
On Deaf and Dumb Asylum —Messrs. Beasley,
Lewis, Simmons, Mitchell, Stafford Boyd. Alex
ander and Pinckard
On Institute for the Blind—Messrs Vason. Both
well, Seward, Gibson, Mosely, Wright, Furlow
and Lane.
On Agriculture.—Messrs. Harris, Hill, Furlow,
Beasley. Echols, Lane and Jamison.
Auditing Committee.—Messrs. Stevens, Swear
engen and Griffin.
Engrossing Committee.—Messrs. Jackson,
Fletcher, Fort, McRea, and Thos. Hilliard.
B. B. KEATON, Adm’r.
16 Dt'
T WO months after date application w ill be
made to the Court of Ordinary of Bulloch
county for leave to sell all the lands belonging to
the estate of William W. Dickerson, late of Bul
loch county deceased. (DB)
18 9t | SEABORN WOODCOC K, Adm’r.
fc^lXlY days after date, application will be
rJ made to the Honorable, Court of Ordinary of
WLkinson county tor leave to sell the lands be
longing to the estate of Win. O- Beall.
Sept. 24th, 1862.
T. N. BEALL.
E. B BARRETT.
P. E. BEALL.
Ex’rs.
ID Ot.
S IXTY' days after date application will be made
to the Court of Ordinary of Irwin county f° T
leave to sell all the lands belonging to the estate
of John and Joseph Jernigan, deceased, for tb e
benefit of the heirs and creditors. ,
GEO. PAULK, Adm’r. i
Nov. 3d, 1862. (LA! C) 2t> 9t.
S IXTY days alter date applicaiion will betnsd 0
the Court of Ordinary of Irwin county, lo r .
leave to sell the lands belonging to the estato ot
\\ illiaru L. \V illson deceased.
GEO. PAULK, Adm r -
•»ri 9t.
Nov. 3d, 1862.
(Lin c)
O IXTY~ da\s afterdate application will be ® a
to the Conrt of Ordinary of Irwin county a’ 1
leave to sell all the lands belonging to tlie esta «>
of William Hobby, and Hemy 8. Townseiu
ceased, for the benefit ol tbe heirs and cremj 0 •
R. W. CLEMENTS, Adm r.
Nov. 3d, 1862. (i. m c] Ul ''
T WO MONTHS afterdate application
made to the honorable Court of OmtnatJ.
Bulloch county for leave to sell the interest m
Mill on Mill Creek: owned by the' state ot 1
C. Lee, late of said eouutv deceased.
JASPER WILSON, Adm r,
MARGARET A. E. LEE, Acrnr ,
Nor. 18,1862. [bb]