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MESSAGE.
KXKi'I TIVK DEPARTMENT, )
3IiLUiiM:r:v!U.::. Ga., Nov. "i>, 1S04. 5
•urn fill if (>':
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\ n , nv attempt to justify all its mistakes and defend ail itejaction upon which the blood of thousands and the
errors, and may be ready in advance to approve everything it ness of million* may depend.
| may do, and still we may all, as one man, remain true to rT ” 1 "**x 4 i. —i-—>- —
i our sacred cause, and bo prepared, if necessary, to expend
: our last dollar and shod our last drop of blood in its defence.
While I am satisfied a largo majority of the people of this
State disapprove many of the acts and much of the policy
J.moral Assembly ( ot the Confederate administration, I. am ot opinion there
bappt-
Tho dermn i.Am party of the Xortb which is the Omy
partv there claiming to maintain State right principles anti
which ha* irreat'lrer.gth and powci whatever may he its
fortunes in riw coming election, lias declared in favor of a
suspension of hostilities, and a convention of all the States
as the. best means of adjustment. And I see no good rea-
the future statin of the different States, and tv*,
daries of the two Confederacies. e P ,0 per bou r ,.
While I am satisfied tiiat separate State act' •
most "probably will be a necessary preliminary " mv ' *n«i
peace, L do not wish to he misunderstood mj,, " a Ir *atv ( ,
The sovereign Status of (lie- Confederacyeach'lJ 1 . H | l
the vdd union. This ihev had a perfect rig| lf fro,,,
each is as sovereign in the present Confederacy °i A "‘l
shew;
t,U! like
in t j
res which she then’exercised. But when these s 1 ' 111
United States. There can certainly be norliing like humilia-1 seceded and formed the present Confederacy, . Ul( j‘ M
lion or degredation in a proposition to leave the settlement nto the present defensive war together, they at lea St A Ml ’'
implication, pledged themselves to stand bv ami ail j * '
other against the common enemy till the end ot y U(J
aU
enterei
roijrr
each
r p . “j v, “ me strup-
Tims situated I deny that any one of the n
.1.1 :.1. I C. . - ^ .1. ut ^caa
honorably w ithdraw from the contest, without the
Senators and 11'pt
The period'for your annua! meeting
having arrived, it affords me great pleasure to welcome you i are but a very small number of the people of Georgia who Ison why the treaty making power in our Government ; in the old, and has the same right under
to the Capitol, and to assure von of my earnest desire to an 1 disloyal to 1 he cause, or who would consent to close the should not tender this proposition to the Government of the J stances which she then'
unite with you harmoniously and cordially in «di practical ; war without the achievement of the great ends for which
measures which mav promote 1 lie general welfare, and re-, W e took „p arm*—the independence of the Confederate
dound to the trlmv j r.d honor of our beloved State. States and the vindication and establishment of the sover- of a question which the General Governments, which are
We ‘are passing through a trying ordeal, having staked eiguty of the several State*. the creatures of tire'States, can not agree upon, to their
upon the issues of war ail that can be valuable or dear to a Confederate independence with centralized power, vvith-
people. If we are Mibiugutod- we lose home, property, i out State sovereignty and constitutional and religious liberty,
liberty, reputation, ami a If so far as this would is concerned, would be very little better than subjugation, as if matters
that makes life desirable or irs burdens tolerable. j little who our master is, if we are to have one. We should
Our enemies have repudiated and trampled under "foot; therefore keep constantly in view the- great principles upon
the great principles of constitutional liberty, and* have at-j which we entered into this unequal contest, ami should re-jtineyl. In so trying an emergency, involving issues of such I abolish the Confederate Government whenever its usurps,
tempted to rear, upon tlm ruins of our republican iustitn- , Guke every encroachment made upon them by cur own! immense magnitude, the States would doubtless select tions and abuses of power liave reached a poiut, where
nous a consolidated empire, under t in; popular name of a government, while we resist, with arms in our hands, like j their wisest ablest and best men to represent them, men j sovereignty of the States and the rights and liberties"*) ft*
union of the States. ^ \\ e have taken up arms to resist this, ! vaults made upon them by our enemies. While our gal-!Whose passions have been subdued by age and reflection, people are no longer secure under it. The people of tb
and to maintain republican ism in iu purity, with t he sov- |. u q j loops in 1 he fi“!<l are sacrificing the comforts of home, j and who are alike distinguished for love of justice, balance; Xorthen (lovernmeut liave a right to do the same bv a like
rreignty of the States and the personal rights and liberties property, health and even life, itself, and are enduring all j of mind and dignity of character. * Such a convention com-j convention, and to establish a new Government in placed
of the people. No people ever accepted the alternative ot pvivatiot ' 1 ' j ' ’ " 1 * ’ n 1 ’ * £ ' 1
war in a nobler cause, or exhibited to the world a more tluw should p 0wer
tig
nteei
ponthe boundaries and
treaties necessarily growing out of a separation which is al
ready an accomplished fact if
I am well aware that the advocates of strong central
power botii in the United States and the Confederate States,
including many of the office holders of both governments,
and the place hunters and large government contractors
who have made millions of dollars out of the government,
gallant armies have won for
stand upon a blight page i;
decayed, and marble monuments have crumbled into dust.; „ rms till these principles are recognized by our foe, and to decide in favor of a continuation of the war, with all its
It should be the pleasure of the patriot and pride of J faitliftjlly carried out in practice by our own government, blighting effects upon both the North and the South, or to
hero to contribute lus property, his energies, and, if need i j u other words, we should never be content Jill we have | adjourn without submitting a plan of settlement honorable
be, hisjife, for the success of so noble a cause. Upon onr j established upon a firm basis the good old republican insti-!and just to the people of both Confederacies, and to all the
success depends the last hope of republican institutions and . tution.s of our fathers in ail their purity, and should never, I States.
civil liberty, with constitutional guarantees. lie who ;M .y circumstances, consent to accept in their place j All questions of boundary, and inland navigation, and all
would prove recreant to.so sacred a cause, or from a desire • strong centralized government with military despotism. JI treaties of ami tv, commerce, and alliance, and all agree-
of personal aggraudizenu nt or the gratification of personal • ,j () j; tH . |, 0 w it can be denied by any candid man that wt
infamy w ith the everlasting execrations of mankind upon j militarv, and the concentration of the supreme power in the
liis head. . | hands of the Commander-in-Chief of the armies. The
As a band of patriots, let us unite all our energies and longer the war lasts, the greater the tendency to this result,
exert all our influence for tlie success of our glorious cause,
•nd for the maintenance in their original purity of the great
principles of civil and religious liberty, which form the very
pillars upon which the temple of our republicanism rests.
< ONFEDERATE RELATIONS.
The war is still waged against the people of the Confed
erate .States, bv the Government of the United States, yith
and the less probability at its termination of a return to
the constitutional forms and republican simplicity which
existed at its commencement.
But it may be asked, when is this bloody struggle to ter
minate? No human forecast can so far penetrate the fu
ture as to give a satisfactory reply to this question. The
nents necessary'to preserve in future the just balance of; without once exposing their persons to danger in battle.
of the governments
sen iff funds at
their buldins:,
and drive line
convention settle the whole question and that its action be j horses and carriages supported out of the public crib, while
final and conclusive when submitted back to the people of[ a || around them is misery and want; and the large provost
the several States and ratified by*them respectively.
In that event it must of course be understood that each
State would enter the convention as a separate independent
Sovereign—the equal of every other State,—and that the
action of- the body as in case of the conventions which
formed the constitutions of the United States and of the
Confederate States would only be binding upon each State,
Northern States have resources and men enough to enable i when submitted back to and freely ratified by the people
and passport corps, scattered among our country villages
and upon our Railroads, jealous of the prerogatives of the
central power, and anxious to maintain and extend them,
are ready by their action to deny that the States have any
thing left but the name, or that they can have any agency
in negotiating a treaty ot peace, or that they can meet in
convention to consider of this subject without being guilty
'Those minions of power protec-
as “traitorous States
a vindictiveness and cruelty which lias few parallels in his- j them to continue lire war for years to come, anri we have I thereof in their sovereign capacity. ted from the dangers of the battle field, never fail to in;
torv. For nearly four years we have met the mighty as- I sufficient power of resistance and endurance to enable us j The propriety of submitting the question by the treaty p U gn the motives and question the loyalty'of every ore
vaults of the Federal armies, and hive repulsed and driven j to continue to baffle all their schemes of subjugation. The j making powers to a convention of the Sovereign States is * v jf 0 ( ] en } es t| ie legality of any act of the government, ci
thern back on many a liard-lought field. We have lost im- j sword can never make peace between the two contending I the more obvious, in view of the want of power in the questions the wisdom of any part of its policy,
portant points, but none which we can not temporarily sur- j parties. When this is done, it will he by negotiation. Thej Presidents and Senates of the two Governments to make a They very cordially adopt the maxim “tne King can de
render to the enemy, and, with good management, finally j prospect seems to indicate that the war may probably last j treaty of peace without the consent of the sovereign States! no W rong.” Of course all such are loud and clamorous is
succeed. Ailauta was probably the most vital point to our ; till both sections are exhausted, before the passions of the j io be affected by it. No-permanent treaty of peace can be j denunciations of those who advocate a convention of
success that has been won bv t lie superior numbers of the 1 people will subside, and reason so far resume her sway as I made which does not contain an article fixing the bound.i- j States to agree upon the terms of separation and stop the
enemy. Its fall was a severe blow, and for a time caused j to prepare the people of both countries for negotiation, asjries of the two Governments, when the whole country is | effusion of blood. If the war should cease they must sink
great" despondency amonsr our people. I am happy to sec, the only means of adjustment which can terminate the j inhabited as ours is, and one or • the other Government
however, that tlicv arc fast recovering from depression, bloody strife. This may not take place till we have accu-j must exercise immediate jurisdiction over the inhabitants
and confidence is being restored. j undated a debt on both sides greater than wo or our poster- of each State and each county. In other words we can
At the time of General Sherman’s march from Dalton to j ity can ever pay—till hundreds of. thousands more men liave no treaty of peace that does not define the States or
Atlanta, we had a large force west of the Mississippi of as ' have been slain, and millions of women and children parts of States that are to be embraced in each Govern-
to their natural level, for then, ‘•Othello’s occupation's
gone.” •
But the advocates of free government may safely appeal
from all such to the sober sound judgment of the great muss
of the American people, North and South, who bear the
the Army in Virginia, with which he drove the* Federal | erate governments have usurped and exercise all the powers
General out of the valley of that State, and pressed for- j claimed by the most absolute despots, each pleading in
ward into Maryland and Poqnsvlvania, and remained there : extenuation of its usurpations the necessity growing out of
till his presence provoked those and the adjoining States to the like usurpations by the other
organize a force sufficient to drive him back and to threaten ' There is reason to fear that IV
Richmond in the rear. General Forrest, with a. large eav
ilrv force, was operation- in X
raids from a country that had b<
but little public property fin* flit
General Morgan was raiding in K _
ees were thus scattered triim Pennsylvania to Texas, Gen’l aggregate capacity as sovereign States, bring their powerful
Shennflu, strengthened l»v a concentration of the enemy’s ; influence to bear, requiring both governments to stop the
forces from different departments, was steadily pressing for- war, and leave the question to be settled upon the princi-
subsequent to the date of the treaty, but in either case t he
effect is the same, as the validity of the treaty is dependent
upon the action of Separate States.
Suppose for instance it is agreed by the treaty making | above mentioned in extravagant'indulgences, atm
President Lincoln, if re-elec- powers that the State of Ohio shall become part of the | w \, osc posterity and property must pay the immense pub-
ted, and President Davis, whose passions are inflamed | Confederate States, when an overwhelming majority of her j q c \ V hi c h is constantly augmented. And the appeal
or other government officials, without paying them any
thing for it, who bear the burdens of the enormous taxation
necessary to carry on the war, and support all the large
thirds of her people decide to go with the Confederate
States. AVill any one contend that the treaty making
power has the right thus to dispose of States, an<T assign
will any body say that a treaty of peace can be made with
out defining the Government with which Ohio or Kentucky
shall be associated in future?
Suppose again that the treaty making powers in fixing
ward to Atlautn, the very heart and railroad centre of the pics ofi 17 71>, as laid down in the Georgia resolutions, j them their future positions without their consent? And
Confederacy, with a force sufficient, by reason of its superior passed at your late session. --
■umbers, to continually (lank and drive back the gallant ! These resolutions, in substance, propose That the treaty
Army of Tennessee. During this whole campaign, General making powers in both governments agree to stop the war,
Sherman's base of supplies at Nashville and Louisville was and leave each or any one of the sovereign States, by a
hundreds of miles in his rear, and he was dependent for convention^of its own people, fairly chosen by the legal and
transportation upon a railroad constructed through an ex- duly qualified voters, to determine for itself whether it will
ceedingly rough country, with bridges, culverts and curves unite its destinies with the one or the other Confederacy,
along its entire line. In this condition, more than three , There may he doubts whether Missouri, Kentucky, or Mary-
hundred miles from the border of' Kentucky, in the midst bind wish to remain component parts of the government of
of an enemy’s country, he was permitted to go forward, the United States, or to unite with the Confederate States,
without serious interruption in his rear, and to accomplish B either one of those States shall refuse to unite with us,
tiaus in both countries. Shall this bloodshed, carnage and
desolation continue, to gratify the ambition and obstinacy
of those in power ? Or shall the people of both countries
demand of their rulers that the war sh^ll cease, and as it is
impossible that the people of the two sections can again
live together in harmony, that a convention of all the States
be held to agree upon terms of separation, and upon the
treaties necessary to the happiness and prosperity of neigh-
the boundaries of the two Confederacies should agree to a ; faring governments at peace-with each other.*
division of Virginia,and that the territory embraced in the — -
pretended new State formed of part of Virginia, shall be
come part of the United States, and that the balance shall
go with tlie Confederate States. Will any southern man
contend that she can be thus dismembered and part of her
territory ceded by the President and Senate to the Govern-
We maybe told that the Northern Government will not
agree to such a convention. I very readily admit that neith
er the Lincoln Government nor our own will probably agree
to it, till a stronger pressure of the people is brought to bear
upon both, and that the advocates of tin* policy in the
North cannot control it so long as our presses and officials,
we have no just right to demand such union, as we have; ment of the United States without her consent? He who! < tat0 au( j Confederate, denounce the movement and tliere-
rtv neither the right to coerce a sovereign State, nor to govern so contends denies the very fundamental principles upon n- f| 1p j, nn ,o ru»vprr.m:->nt .-it Wash-
his grand design.
Georgians, whose homes have been overrun, property neither the right to coerce a sovereign State, nor to govern i so contends denies the very fundamental principles upon I p Ut weapons in the han*ia oftlie Government at Wash-
destroyed, and fields laid waste, have naturally inquired, as her without her consent. And, it we had the right, we which the Government ofthe Confederate States was or- j iiJrrton with which to crush out this growing sentiment
doubtless the future historians will, v. hv part'of the largo certainly have not the power, as we can only govern a State ganized. What would the old Virginians of the Jellbr-1 j u ”i, P Xortli, and more especially in the North Western
force unemployed west of the Mississippi were not brought without her consent by subjugation, and we have no power sonian School say t.o this sort of State Sovereignty ? What j States. But I think recent developments have shown that
to aid the Army of Tennessee during the summer months ? to subjugate any one of tho*e States, with the whole power ! would Washington. Jefterson, Madison, Monroe,Henry, Lee, t 4,j s ( | 0( .frhie will soon bear down every thing before ir in
And why, when the enemy were driven from the \ alley ot <( f Git; United States at her back, prepared to defend her
Virginia, the key points were not garrisoned and held by , against our attacks.
part of Early's force, and the balance sent to Georgia, instead i We should staud ready therefore at all times to settle the
of the whole being sent upon the campaign into Maryland difficulty by a reference of the question of future alliance,
and Pennsylvania, which only served to stir up and unite ! to the States whose positions may be doubtful for determina-
Northern sentiment against us, and to enable the Federal j tion by them in their sovereign capacity.
Government to raise an additional forc^. sufficient to drive [ Our Congress in its. manifesto has virtually indorsed the
back the expedition with disaster to our arms. If thi* ( great principles of the Georgia Resolutions, and the Presi
-Urhnln fnrna nrmlil I in enavml frnm 7? inli tiinn/1 fn inv<ulo 7Jnn.._ dent llM 4 Said l!l hG mOSSnflres that, lie desirPR IW3(“(‘ linen tll<
rest, even at the expense of temporary loss in Mississippi,
have been sent to destroy the railroads in the rear, and stop
the supplies of the Federal army / if w<> J.ad adopted the
rule bv which most great Geuerals in such emergencies
have succeeded, of the evacuation for the time of all points
not absolutely vital, and the rapid and vigorqps concentra
tion of every soldier in the Confederacy not necessary to
hold Richmond and probably one or two other key points,
and had hastened the whole to Atlanta and to Sherman’s
rear, and hurled them upon him in his exposed and critical
condition, the repulse and rout, it not the destruction or
capture, of his army could scarcely have becu doubtful.
And as his army was the only defence provided by the
Federal Government for the Western States, such a con
summation would not onl£have relieved Georgia, Tennessee,
North Alabama and North Mississippi from, the presence of
the enemy, but it. would have thrown open the V green
fields” of Kentucky which have been more than once
promised to our troops, and would probably have opened
the way for an early peace. The powers that be deter- 1
mined upon a different line of policy, The world knows
the results, aod we must riequie^-e. But the misfortune*
following the misguided judgment of our rulers must not
have the effect of rehiumg Q ur zeal, or chilling our love for
tbc cause.
Wc may, as \vc have a right to do, differ among ourselves
as to the wisdom of a certain line of policy, and of certain
acts of the Confederate administration; aud some of ^
|»ay deplore its error# and mismanagement, while others
any direct tender ot adjust
ment. upon these principles having been recently >»»a«7e
by (.lie treaty making power of our Government
to the same power in the Federal Gorernment. I re
gret that the wish of Georgia as expressed through her
legislature has not been respected in this particular. Such
a direct tender made through commissioners by President
Davis to President Lincoln would place the question fairly
and properly before the States and people of the North for
discussion and action. Had it been done months since it
could not have failed to have had a powerful influence upon
the Presidential election in the North, which may have
much to do with the future course and conduct of the
war.
It may he said however, that the proposition to settle our
difficulties upon these terms made by President Davis te
President Lincoln, would be a letting down of the dignity
of our Government, and might be construed as an evidence
of conscious weakness on our part. I confess my inability
to see how the direct tender of settlement upon these great
and correct principles by the treaty making power in our
Government, to the like power in the United States, Gov
ernment, could compromit the dignity of our Government,
any more than an indirect tcuder of the same proposition,
through the irregular channel of au Executive message or a
Congressional manifesto.
Mason, Randolph, and other .Statesmen of their day havej North, if met by demonstrations of approval in the
said, .if they had been told that the constitution of the: 3outh. Stop the war and call a convention of the.States
United States conferred upon the treat}' making power, the t0 negotiate, and the people ofthe North who are as tired
ef it as'\ve are, will agree to a proper.adjustment upon the*
terms above indicated sooner than resume hostilities.
In the mean time till proper arrangements can be made
t» adjust our difficulties and stop the effusion of blood by
aegotiation, it is the duty of every man in the Confedera
cy to do everything possibly in his power to strengthen and
sustain the gallant and glorious armies ot States and the
Confederacy. Every man able to bear arms y^ho can be
spared from home, should be sent to the Front either in the
armies of the Confederacy or as part ot the Militia of tbc
- .. . States and everything possible be done to provide for the
would not only degrade the States to the position of proy.n- Availt8 an(1 comf - ort OU r troops in the field and their loved
ces, but would clothe the treaty making power ot the Con- onesat home . T o enable us to cone
federacy with imperial dignity greater than the most en
lightened monarchs of the present day assume to them
selves. It has been claimed as one of the prerogatives of
right to cede one half the territory of Virginia to a foreign
State, without consulting her or obtaining her consent?
If President Davis and the Senate have the power to
cede part of Virginia to the United States in fixing the
boundaries ofthe two Confederacies without her consent,
they have as much power to cede the w hole State to Great
Britian or France for commercial advantages. Or to cede
Georgia to the United States in p^naiAoration that the other
states shall be recognized and the war cease. Such a propo
sition is too preposterous for serious argument.
lie who claims such powersfor the President and Senate,
lo conduct negotiations success
fully we must renew, our efforts to strengthen our armies
and maintain our cause with ability and energy in the
.... . T field, cost what it may ill blood or treasure. We must not,
sovereigns that they could cede to each other their provm-, |, ou . eve r. expect the troops to do all by hard fighting.
«* at will. But in the late treaty between the Emperors of bloodshed and the sacrifice of life. The Statesman and the
France and Austria the former refused to accept a province
ceded by the latter, and incorporate it into his Empire and
govern it till the question was submitted to the people of
the Province and they gave their consent
It is certainly too clear to be successfully questioned that
the Governments of the two Confederacies have no power
to rjiake a treaty of peace and fix the boundaries of the two
countries, which, situated as we are is a neecssary part of
the treaty, without the concurrence and consent of the in
dividual States to be affected by it. If this can not be done
without the consent of the States, where is the objection to
a convention of the Sta tes to settle in advance the necessa
ry preliminaries to which their ccns&ut is indispensable be
fore the treaty can be valid and binding? In the conven
tion it could be agreed which States would go with the
There is certaiuly more true dignity in a direct open j North and which with the South, aud the ratification ofthe
manly tcuder through the constituted channel. But niee action of the convention .by the treaty making powers, and
questions of official etiquette and false notions of personal by the people of the several States to be affected by it, when
dignity should be laid aside, wfien they intervene to prevent of a character to require their separate action, would fix
people at home have an important part to act, as well as
the General and the troops in the field in terminating the
struggle. If the troops falter and fail to do their part in
the hour of battle, the Statesman is ready to cast censure
upon them. If the Statesman neglects his part in conduct
ing wise negotiations to stop the war, the troops have great
er cause to censure and condemn him, as he has no right to
trifle with their lives, and continue to expose them in baf
tie, if the object can be attained by negotiation wid^
the shedding of blood. In a crisis like the present
manship is even more important than Generalship ^ cl .
erals con never stop a war, though it may Iasi h ve '^_
years till one has been able to conquer the ot ,jer - * tiirc
men terminate wars by negotiation.
BLOCKADE RUNNING.
After the appropriation made by the . A5 J en ‘ a( i
for the exportation of cotton and the importation o
supplies of clothing for troop®; cotton cards, &c„ .