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BY S. B. GRAFTON. SANDERSYILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, IAY 11, 1852. YOL. YI—-NO. 16 THE CENTRAL GEORGIAN IB PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING, TERMS : If paid strictly in advance, per year, $1 50 If not paid at the time of subscribing, $2 00 These terms will be strictly adhered TO, WITHOUT RESPECT TO PERSONS, AND ALL SUBSCRIPTIONS WILL BE REQUIRED TO BE SET TLED UP EVERY YEAR. Advertisements not exceeding twel /e lines, will be inserted at'one dollar for the first in sertion, and. fifty cents for each continuance. Advertisements not having the number of in sertions specified, -vill be published until for bid. Sales of Land and Negroes by Executors, Administrators and Guardians, are required by law to be advertised in a public gazette forty days previous to the day of sale. The sale of Personal Property must be ad vertised in like manner at least ten days. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an es tate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of ordinary for leave to sell Land and Negroes, must be published weekly for two months. Citations for letters of administration, must be published thirty days—for dismission from administration, monthly for six months— for dis mission from Guardianship, forty days. Rules for foreclosure of Mortgage must be published monthly for four months—for estab lishing lost papers, for the full space of three months—-for compelling titles from Executors Dr Administrators, where a bond has been giv en by the deceased, the full space of 3 months. ■ Publications will always be continued ac cording to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. All letters on business must be vost-paid BUSINESS DIRECTORS'. R. L. WARTHEN, Attorney , at Law, SANDERSVlliLE, GEORGIA feb. 17, 1852. 4—ly MULFORD MARSH, Attorney and Counsellor at Law, ' feb. 10, 1852. street. Savannah, Ga, 3—ly J. B. HAYNE, ATTORNEYAT LAW. IIALCYONDALE Ga. Will attend promptly to all business en listed to his care in any of the Courts of the iddle or Eastern circuits. Halcyondale feb. 2 1852 2 ;y TnowTrudIsill. ATTORNEY AT LAW, SANDERSVILLE, Ga. March 10,1851 8 ~ 1 >Y JAMES S. HOOK, Attorney at Law, SANDERSVILLE, GEORGIA WILL PRACTICE IN THE COUNTIES OF , „ . ) Washington, Burke, Seriven, ddle-ctrcuil. ^ j e ff ersou an d Emanuel. m Circuit. | - - - - Laurens. rnulgee Circuit | - - - - Wilkinson. Office next door to the Central Georgian ce. jan. 1, 1852. 51—ly S. B. CRAFTON, Attorney at Law. SANDERSVILLE, GEORGIA, Vill also attend the Courts of Emanu irens, and Jefferson, should business be en< ,ted to his care, in either of those counties sb. 11. 4 ~ t L LOUS & CO. Factors and Commission Merchants, No. 118, BAY STREET, ‘savannah, ga. J. W. C. Loud.] [P. H. Loud. nov. 4, 1851. 42—ly BBBV A FOSTER, ors and Commission Merchants, Savannah, Ga. . BEHN,] [JOHN FOSTER. . 10,1852. 3—ly J. X. JONES. Manufacturer and importer of uns, Pistols, Rifles, Sporting Apparatus, &c., No. 8, Monument Square, Savannah, Ga. feb. 10, 1852. 3—ly* S, E. BOTBWSU &CO. Wholesale and Retail Store, No. 173, Bay street, Savannah, Ga. dealers in QUORS, WINES, GROCERIES. $c S. E. BOTHWELL.] [R- R- GAMBLE. feb. 10, 1852. 3—ly SRAJfTOHT, JOHNSON & CO. GROCERS. Savannah, Ga. r. SCRANTON, ) g avarma jj. EPH JOHNSTON. $ t W. B. SCRANTON, J No. 19, Old Slip, N. Vor ? eb. 10,1852. ly JOB NT 3VEALLBR1T. Draper and Tailor. )ealer in Ready-Made Clothing and Gentle- n’sfurnishing Goods. 155, Bay street, cb.10, 1852. Savannah, Ga. 3—ly X. 3>ASHBR’S Cheap Dry Goods Store, No. 146, Congress Btreet, Savannah, Ga. ; (Late H. Laihrop’s) A well selected stock of seasonable staple d Fancy Dry Goods, are kept constantly on nd, and will be sold cheap for cash. gSjjf” Please call and examine, fab. 10,1858. S—ly POETRY. [FOR THE CENTRAL GEORGIAN.] TO MISS R. I’LL THINK OF THEE. I’ll think of thee, when rosy mom Breaks forth upon the skies, And man, to ceaseless labor born With early birds doth rise. I’ll think of thee, when night shall cast Her mantle o’er the sky; And all but me, in sleep locked fast Unconscious as they lie. I’ll think of thee, in solitude When the heart beats silently, And pot a thought shall there intrude That shall not be of thee. I’ll think of thee, amid the crowd, WRere wit and joy are found The cheerful song, and laughter loud, And scenes of mirth abound. I’ll think of thee, beloved one For thou to me hast been A joy, to cheer my life so lone, A day-star o’er the scene. I’ll think of thee; though ’tis not all My he irt to thee can give, This gift refuse not, although small, This offering, oh, receive. SAP. “Why Bless Bier, let Bier Go!” Some time ago I fell in love With pretty Mary Jane; And I did hope that by and by She’d love me hack again. Alas 1 my hopes, a dawning bright, Were all at once made dim ; She saw a chap, I don’t know where, And fell in love with him! Next time I went—(Now how it was I don’t pretend to say)— But when my chair moved up to hers, Why, hers would move away. Before, I always got a kiss, (I own with some small fuss,) But now, forsooth, for love nor fun, • ’Tis non-come-at-a-5«ss. Well, there we sat—and when we spoke, Our conversation dwelt On everything beneath the sun, Except what most we felt. Enjoying this delightful mood, Who, then, should just step in, But he of all the world whom I Had rather see than him. And he could set down by her side ; And she could—all the while He pressed her hand within his own— Upon him sweetly smile; And she could pluck a rose for him, So fresh, and bright, and red, And gave me one, which hours before Was shrunk, and pale, and dead. And she could freely, gladly sing, . The song hedid request; The ones 1 asked, were just the ones She always did detest. I rose to leave—“She be glad To have me longer stay!” No doubt of it 1 No doubt they wept To see me go away. I sat me down—I thought profound This maxim wise I drew : ’Tis easier for to like a girl, Than make a girl like you. But after all, I don’t believe My heart will break with woe ; If she’s a mind to love “that chap,” Why, bless her, let her go ! MISCELLANE0 US. POLITICAL. Housn o» Representatives, ) April 15, 1852. J To the Editor of the Union: Sir : The following letter from Col. B. F. Hallett, chairman of the Democratic Na tional Convention, has been in my posses sion for many days. Whatever of fault there may be in not making to the public an earlier vindication on tne part of Mr. Hallett is in a great degree attributable to myself. However much I may deplore the agitation of disturbing questions of a per sonal or sectional character in the bosom of the party—however much I may deprecate the action of extreme antagonisms, calcula ted to destroy the great centre and nuecle- us of the democracy—however much I might be gratified to see the union of the entire democratic party upon its funda mental principles, calculated to preserve the Union of the States on the necessary basis of the rights of the Slates—I know there is something due to individuals, and I feel no longer justified in withholding Mr. Hallett’s letter from publication. With respect, GEO. W. THOMPSON. . Boston, March 15,1852, Dear Sir : We are fast getting rid of free-soilism as a presidential element in the North. Can we not hope for a better feel ing South? The controversies between southern democrats on their former divis ions upon abstract principles will give our enemies their strongest hopes of trinmpb. We must not divide again as in 1848, and let them conquer. The South may hold the next election in its hands. Acquies cence in the compromises will'secure it. A conflict on that point may defeat us. I ask leave to call your friendly attention to a personal matter. I perceive that in a speech of Mr. Rantoul, the free-soil member from Massachusetts, he is reported as hav ing attempted to justify his own treason to nationality by alleging that all democrats in Massachusetts were nearly as much free- soilers as himself, and to prove it quoted an isolated part of a resolution which, as chair man of a committee, I bad been directed to report in a Massachusetts convention. Mr. Cabell, of Florida, asked if the Mr. Hallett quoted from was the chairman of the Na tional Democratic Committee. To which Mr. Rantoul answered in the affirma tive—“What is called a hunker democrat.” Now, I cannot give Rantoul the reply di rect, as I should do if face to face, because he has the floor and I have not. I would give the best fee of my professional life for half an hour to answer him on that floor, and expose the false construction he has at tempted to fasten on me and the national democrats of Massachusetts. But what I want to know of you and my friends at Washington it, whether it made any false impressions such as to require any notice from me. He has dishonestly seized upon part of a resolution, which expressed an ab stract sentiment as common to the North, and suppressed the conclusion which repu diated it as a political test. Probably no man in New England has written and spo ken more distinctly and uniformly in de fence of the rights of the South, under the constitution, than I have ; and yet the in dependent men who stand up at the North against fanaticism in all its forms are too generally, by the South indiscriminately classed with those who pander for home popularity to the abolition party, and thus gain more than their own party. My whole political course stamps Rautoul’s insinua tion with falsehood; and yet so readily is a political lie passed over the wires that truth never overtakes it. While I was sitting as a magistrate, trying the rioters who rescued a fugitive slave in Boston, Mr. Rantoul was attempting to rescue another by volunteer ing as a “higher-law” advocate, and deny ing in court the constitutionality of the fu gitive law. By this mean he got to Con gress, and there he attempts to brand oth ers as being as bad as himself. The South too readily seize upon this, especially whigs like Mr. Cabell, and thus, by listening to and encouraging the imputation, injure the national influence of those who stand by the constitution and the compromise at heme, while the traitors are encouraged a- broad. This injustice of a portion of the South—I mean the whigs—is a fruitful source of abolitionism at the North. Among volumes of like speeches and writings of mine, ever since abolitionism be came political, I send you the address of the State committee prepared by me as chairman in 1848. These are my deliber ate opinions of free-soilism, and of northern and southern democrats. The idea of defending myself on this point seems to me as absurd as if I were called upon to prove my identity. I have had but one opinion on this sub ject, since it became political. In 1840 1 traced polical abolitionism to the Hartford convention in 1814. In 1844, on the 4th of July, I made the first speech that was uttered in Massachusetts in favor of ihe an nexation of Texas, and therein strongly con demned anti-slavery disunion. In 1846 I reported and carried the following resolu tion in the Massachusetts State democratic convention, September 16,1846 : “Resolved That we hold to the integri ty of the Union as established by the con stitution, and therefore we deprecate, as disunion in its worst form, the attempts of any party class of men to.stigmatize and de nounce one portion of the Union for its domestic institutions, with which the constitution does not interfere, and of the proprietor of which each State is its own in dependent judge.” This has always been my political action whenever I could bring it to bear upon this sectional, disunion issue—abolitionism. At our last State convention, after Mr. Rantoul had gone over to the free-soil par ty and opposed the fugitive law, and when the attempt was made by him and others to abolitionize the democratic party, I pro posed, as chairman of the committee on that subject, and the convention carried through the resolutions, August 20, 1851: “Resolved, That the democratic party is pre-eminently national, anti-sectional, and for the Union as a whole Union—that it has always sustained and can only regain its supremacy in the Union by adhering to its own men and measures, reposing on its fundamental principles of excluding all test marked by sectional lines South or North, East or West, and by leaving to the sound sense of the people of each State and Terri tory their domestic policy and institutions.” “Resolved, That the democratic party of this Commonwealth fully and unreservedly adopts the resolutions of the National Dem ocratic Convention at Baltimore in 1848, as the only true democratic creed'' “Resolved, That the Baltimore platform covers, and was intended to embrace, the whole question of slavery agitation in Con gress, and therefore we go for a faithful ex ecution of, and acquiescence in, all the com promise measures settled by tne last Con gress.” This was the position which the “hunker” democrats, as Mr. Rantoul calls them, occu pied when, as he represents, they were with in one step as near free-soilism as he was when he joined the free soil party, and in his Lynn speech, April 3d, 1851, (when free-soilers nominated him for Congress,) declared as his creed, “the fugitive-slave law is unjust, unconstitutional, in deroga tion of the fundamental maxims of free government, and ought to be speedily and forever repealed.” And yet Mr. Cabell, a southern whig pretends he can sec no dif ference between Mr. Rantoal and Mr. Hall ett. At the convention in 184#, which out abolitionism, (because our democrats wore smarting under the defeat of General Cass, by the South, as was then contended having deserted him for General Taylor,) and when the barnburners of New York were overrunning us, the test was put to abolitionize our party 4 by making anti slavery one of its element*. This was suc cessfully resisted, and the free-soilers were put down in that convention, which Mr. Rantoul misrepresents as favoring free soil- ism ; and it was resolved that the question of slavery o>* anti slavery should not be made a national party test. This was the conclusion of that very resolution of which Mr. Rantoul quoted half, and left out the negation of free soilism as a party test. I dare say that I am troubling you with a matter of little importance; and I would never descend to notice this for myself a- lone; but, from the position I have been honored with as chairman of the National Democratic Committee, I do not want my friends to be misled, whatever my enemies may choose to say behind my back. If Mr. Cabell, though a southern whig really desires to strengthen the north ern sentiment for Union and the con stitutional rights of the South, he will not take satisfaction, on reflection, in having co operated with Mr. Rantoul in his course sneer at “eating southern dirt,” and in his attempt to place the constitutional men of the North in the false position where he stands, or as anywhere near him, in his pre tended doctrine of State rights. This doctrine, artfully used by Mr. Ran toul to abolitionize northern democrats, and obfuscate the South with a notion of bis ul tra State-rightsism, he- has perverted from Mr. Calhoun, by assuming that the best way to protect the State-rights of the South, iu reclaiming their fugitives, is to tie up the bauds of Congress in enforcing the compact of the constitution! This new “State rights” leaves it to abolition States to put an end to all southern State-rights in the restitution of theii fugitives, which the con stitution guaranties to them. By the same rule, we should leave it to the States to en force the revenue and other laws of the Un ion, or let them alone, at their optron. And this brings us back to the old confederation. Why, the South would never have made the Union but for the guarantee for their rights of property; and now they are to be told that “State-rights” mean that this guarantee is to be enforced or let alone, at the whim of the free States, with such agi tators as Rantoul, Hale, and Sumner to stimulate them to resist all laws,, State or national, to restore fugitives to their claim ants. Surely the South cannot consent even to seem to co-operate with northern ag itators by adopting this abolition construc tion of State-rights and the constitution. And yet the only way to avoid such an inference is to recognise the binding effica cy of the compromise resolu tion of the next Congress and thereby sustain the laws ne cessary to a faithful enforcement of the fu gitive law, and put an end to further slave agitation in Congess. Let us get rid of sectional strife North and South, by leaving it where the constitution and the sovereign policy of the States place it, and the demo cratic party will be invincible and the Union perpetual. Very truly yours, B. F. HALLETT. To Hon. George W. Thompson, M. C., Virginia. [from thb new-yore express.] The Spiritual Telegraph. Arrest of Col. Fremont in London.—In the U. S. Senate Wednesday last, Senator Gwin, of California, said : “By the mail this morning I received a letter from Colonel John C. Fremont, late a member of this body, dated London, April 13,1852, in which he states that on the evening of the 8th instant, as he was step ping into a carriage with his family to visit a friend, he was arrested by a party of four Bow street officers, who were of a low or der—rude and insolent; that they were ac companied by a solicitor’s clerk of the same character. No time was allowed him to collect information or have intercourse with his friends; he was simply informed that he was arrested on the suit of unknown parties for the sum of $50,000; that he subse quently ascertained that he was arrested on liabilities connected with his military opera tions in California during the years 1846 and 1847; that he was confined under lock and key for twenty-four hours, and subject to thr most exorbitant oxtortiofls. He also says that he will be compelled to maintain an expensive law suit, employ solicitors and able counsel, to go through all the anxiety, delays, and individual expenses of the law, or pay $50,00. He further says he has reason to believe that this suit will be fol lowed by many others for large amounts beyond his ability to give security—thus permanently endangering his personal lib erty. 1 have reason to believe that this whole proceeding was unusual, and as could not have happened to an Englishman of char acter, and that it is considered by Ameri can citizens Resident in London, conversant with the eireiimstances, hot otly an out rage to Col. Fremont, but disrespectful to our Government. I am requested by Col. Fremont to bring the subject to tb« notice of Congress, and in doing so,gl make this appeal toth e Senate to take up the bill (have indicated and act upon it.” . J ■ - Springfield has become _ a city, having for acceptance of a charter by a ra- WJMV1% , f _ eent popular vote. Sprinftsld city in the the mott difficult trial w* ever had iek**p old CeramfiweaUkv We see by a notice in the New-York Tri bune that a weekly newspaper devoted to Spiritual Rappism is about to make its ap pearance in this City and Brooklyn. And the Tribune entertains not the least doubt that “it will be cordially received by those who are interested in modern mystical phnenomena.” We were not aware that the oft exploded humbug of which the new journal is to be the official oiacle, had gain ed disciples enough to make an enterprise of that character pecuniarily profitable, un til we were recently informed, that certain female professors, or mediums, are even now rapidly amassing fortunes, in the upper part of the city. One, in particular, whose name figured somewhat conspicuously, in the “Rapping” exhibitions, at the Howard Ho tel, where the nuisance was first imported into this city, some two years since, we are told is making a handsome thing of it. She has established an office, in an elegantly furnished mansion on the line of the Siith avenne; and the patronage she is daily and , nightiy receiving, we are assured by one who knows, is not confined, exclusively, to that class of people, commonly thought to be the most superstitious and credulous, and gullible,—because the most ignorant of our population. It is success of this Lady Spir it, in money making, we suspect, that has prompted the prospectus for the Spiritual Telegraph, to which we refer. We are not informed whether the Editorials are to be written by the rappers or the rappees— whether a side is to be taken in the approach ing Presidential contests, or -whether each successive issue is to bring with it, -——airs from heaven, or blasts from hell;’ but doubts will soon be dispelled, however, for this new channel of communication be tween the world of spirits and the world of flesh and blood is announced to be open and,—as the North River steamboat cap tains would say,—“ready tor travel,” on about the first of May. We quote from the Prospectus as much as follows, in order to enable our readers to judge for themselves what the scope and tendency of the new pub lication is designed to be: SPIRITUAL TELEGRAPH.—Friends of Spiritualism: To meet the demand of the times, and to furnish an earthly channel through which the important facte and com munications emanating from the Spirit World may be collected together and pre sented for the mutual benefit of mankind, it is proposed to establish in the city of New York a paper, to bo issued weekly, commen cing the first week in May, 1852, to be en titled as above. The Spiritual Telegraph will be devo ted chiefly to an impartial presentation of the evidence of intercourse between the nat ural and spiritual worlds, and communica tions of general interest from spirits, through whatever medium and wherever they may have been given, and however diverse the sentiments may be in themselves, or from those held by mortals; to the end that all the facts in spiriturl phenomena, and all the sentiments expressed by spirits, may be brought together in one sheet, and made accessible to every person, energizing thought, progress and social intercourse, and exert their influence in harmonizing and elevating mankind. Seriously. Was ever blasphemy so im pious or brazenfaced before? Was ever im- E ostureso importunate, rascality so rampant? [ere it is plainly professed to open a chan nel of communication in order to receive “emanations from the Spirit World,” and for every message so received, we find there is to be charged so much money, according to the number of words in the message, just as they charge for an ordinary messages over the wires of the Electric Telegraph, at House’s or Bain’s office, in Wallstreet. To call this obtaining money on false pretences is but to utter a plain truth, involving a moral delinquency of greater magnitude than has hitherto been the basis of indict ments that have sometimes sent men to State’s prison. So sorry a delusion, so silly a superstition, would disgrace the heathens, and to a country and community like ours, it is a sad reflection on common sense and self-respect. No doubt it will die out soon among us,—for like all other blasphemous impostures oi the same sort, it will have its “hour upon the stage” with fools enough to look on at, and run after it,—but reason and shame, in the end, must overtake it and bury it in everlasting oblivion. The com bined influence of these will suffice for Us extinction. We keep chrbtianty and civil- zatiou out of the question, for both are es sentially hostile to the blasphemous suppo sitions upon which this new philosophy un dertakes to predicate its faith. Aiitausas Eloquence. We’ll put the following sample of an Ar kansas lawyer’s eloquence against any thing they can bring from the West. As to the justness of his reasoning, we say* nothing, but as to its conclsiveness, we defy any one to find a match. His clianfc was brought up for stealing a mule. After the witness- ess had all been sworn and the lawyer on the other side had give in his opinion, our or Aim gave the jury the following blast; “Gentlemen of the jury, the whole of you there where you set-you have all heard what those witnesses have said, and of course you agree with me, that vaj client didn’t steal that mule. Do you ’spose, for one second, that he would steal a mule?— a low-lived muiel Devlish clear of it. What does he want of a mule, when be has got a bang-up pony like that one tied to yon tree. (Pointing to a fine-looking mustang oppo site the log court house.)' What, I say, in the name of General Jackson, does he want of a mule? Nothing—exactly nothing. No, gentlemen of the jury, he didn’t steal the mule—he wouldn't be caught stealing one. He never wanted a mule—nor he never would have a mule about him. He has his antipathies as well as any body, and you couldn’t hire him to take a mule.. “Jurymen! That lawyer on the other side has been trying to spread wool over your eyes and to stuff you up with the faofcioa that my client walked off with the aforesaid animal without asking leave; but you ain’t such a pack of fools as to believe him. Lis ten to me, if you want to hear truth and reason—and while you are about it, wake up the fellow who’s osleeep; I want him to hear too. ‘“That other lawyer says, too, that my client should be sent to prison. I’d like to see you send him once. But it’s getting to ward dinner time, and I want a horn bad; so I’ll give you a closer and finish. Now, you have no idea of sending my client to prison—I can see that fact sticking out. Sup- his.” pose either of you was in his place—sup pose for instance, I was, and you should un dertake to jog me—put me in a log jail with out fire, where the wind was blowing in on one side and out oh the other, and the only thing to brag of about the place was the perfectly free circulation of air—r’o you sup pose, I say, that I would go? I’d see you shot first, and then I wouldn’t.” “We don’t know what verdict the jury returned, as when our informant left they had all gone to the grocery to ‘‘liquor.” A Joke Craftily Qualified.—The, danger of abolishing the property qualification for the members of parliament is thu—that if some of our legislators were without their property qualification, they would have no other qualification whatever. Railway Official—“You r d bettor not smoke, sir!” Traveller—“That’s what my friends say.” Railway Official—“But yeu misn’t smoke sir!” Traveller—“So my doctor tells me.” Railway Official (indignantly)—But you skam*t smoke sir!” Traveller—“Ah! just whit mj wife aaye.” " jy What is the singular of mas. ‘They is singular vea they pay up the printer withotit being asked to do it a do-; zentine*.’ Slaughter at Buenos Ayres.—A. letter dated Buenos Ayes, Feb. 18, describing the . defeat of Rosas by Urquiza, says; Urquiza is scarcely less of the tyrant and tiger than Rosas. He shoots without mercy. Eighty men and women were shot at once at the Quinta on Thursday last, and yesterday he issued a proclamation which will compro mise five or,six thousand,frequiring all mag istrates to arrest them wherever found, and every man will be shot His first proclama tion was that all who were found stealing or plundering should be shot in fifteen min utes after sentence. It, was only necessary to accuse—proof was scarcely waoted or asked for. It was estimated that 400 were shot in three or four days—the last was the fasil- ade of 80- There has been a discovery mads at the Quinta, which has produced some exeijt- ment even here, viz: some barrelsof pickled, human heads. I believe they were carefully put each in a cask, fifteen or twenty, by themselves. Two explanations are given of it—one is, that Rosas intended them to a triumphal entry into the city, and the other, that they were to be sent into the interior as scarecrows at the cross roads, aa is the custom in Spain to this day Hogs were introduced into St. Do mingo by Columbus, in 1493. Some of Piza- ro's followers, while wandering a year ift search of El Dorado, no longer fabulous, took along with them male and female pigs to stock their future colony, and this is the way they were introduced on the high table lands of Bogota. In half a century, so rapidly did they multiply, that they spread from the twenty-fifth degree of north latitude to the fortieth degree south; and in less than thirty years, herds of swine so infested Cuba, Porto Rico, and Jamaica, that they had to be hunted down to save the sugar cane. Qor. Young-, of Utah Territory, in his mesage states that he is endeavoring te put a stop to the purchasing of Indian chil dren for slaves by the Mexican traders s sys tem introduced from New Mexico. A correspondent of the National Intelv- gencer says, that notwithstanding Brigham Young’s pretended hostility to Indian sla very in his message, he has not ODly tolera ted the purchase of Indian children by the mormons but that he is the owner of many such slavba. The same writer gives a moat hoarible account of mormon a&mre. Lawrenceville t Ga., April 21st.—“Tha Lawrenceville Steam Tannery” was discov ered to be on fire at 3 o'clock this morning —all efforts to extinguish the flames proved unavailing, and it is now a heap of ruins. The probable loss is 5 or 6,600 dollar*— none of which is covered by insurance* ft b not known how the fire originated.—Au gusta ConstitukenwHst. The Coat without the Trimmings.—A countryman applied to a solicitor for legal advice.—After detailing the drcuinstencR* of 4 the case, he was asked if he had stated the fact as it occurred. “Oh, ay, sir” i he, “I thought it better to tell you 1 ruth; y#u «*h put the' lies te it yet