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BY S. B. CRAETGN. SANDERSVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JULY 13, 1852. VOL. VMO. 25. THE CENTRAL GEORGIAN IS PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING, TERMS : If paid strictly in advance, per year, $1 50 If not paid at the time of subscribing, $2 00 These terms will be strictly adhered to, without respect to persons, and all SUBSCRIPTIONS WILL BE REQUIRED TO BE SET TLED UP EVERY YEAR. Advertise ients not exceeding twel re lines, will be insert id at one dollar for the first in sertion, and fifty cents for each continuance. Advertisements not having the number of in- gertions specified, «vill be published until for bid. Sales of Land and Negroes by Executors, Administrators and Guardians, are required by law to be advertised in a public gazette forty days previous to the day of sale. The sale of Personal Property must be ad vertised in like manner at least ten days. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an es tate n ust be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of ordinary for leave to sell Land and Negroes, must be published weekly for two months. Citations for letters of administration, must be published thirty days—for dismissiQn from administration, monthly for six months— for dis mission from Guardianship, forty days. Rules for foreclosure of Mortgage must be published monthly for four months—for estab lishing lost papers, for the full space of three months—for compelling titles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond has been giv en by the deceased, the full space of 3 mojilhs. Publications will always be continued ac cording to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. All letters on business must be vost-paid mendous consequences were suspended up on the result! Having retired for consul tation, the Virginia delegation, wise in council and patriotic in impulse, returned and through the venerable, and dignified and polished Barbour, they cast the fifteen votes of the “Old Dominion” for Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire. The announce ment fell upon the ear of the Convention with suggestive and soothing effect. It awakened memories of the past and calmn- ed the agitations of the then passing mo ment. it revived the recollection of the oc currences of the Convention of 1844 ; and with magic rapidity, called up the history ot General Pierce. He was the son of a POETRY. Every body has read, or heard sung, that popular ditty “Ben Bolt,” but few have heard his replj, so we will pull the string step out, and give it. Listen ! BEN BOLT’S REPLY. Ah! ves I remember that name with delight, Sweet Alice, So cherished and dear; I geek her grave in the pale hou<- of night, And moisten the turf with a tear, And there, when the heart is o’erburdened with woes, I wander and muse all alone, And long for the time when my head shall re pose, Where “sweet Alice lies under the stone.” I roam through the wood where so joyous we stray’d, And recline on the green sunny hill; All things are as bright in that beautiful glade, But my heart is all lonely and chill. The hand that so londly pressed that in mine, And the lips that were molting with love— Are cold in the grave, and I’m left to repine, ’Till I meet with sweet Alice above. Ah! well I remember the school house and brook, “And the master so kind and so true.” The wild blooming flowers in cool shady nook, So fragrant with incense and dew. But I weep not for these, though so dear to my heart, Nor the friends that have left us alone— The bosom will heave and the tear drop will start, For “sweet Alice lies under the stone.” POLITICAL. Speech ol Judge JTohnsou, at the Macou Democratic Ratifica tion Meeting, June 24th. Fellow Citizens ;—The occasion that brings us together is one of thrilling inter est to every true hearted Democrat. We come to testify our approval of the nomi nations for the President and Vice Presi dent of the United States, made by the late Democratic National Convention at Balti- moie. We come to exchange congratula tions with each other, and to send joyful greetings to our political brethren in every section of this broad republic. Let us in dulge, for a few moments, in the reflections which the occasion suggests. Prior to the meeting of the Convention there were fearful divisions in the great Democratic party of the United States. We differed widely in our choice for the Presidency. We had our Cass, and Buch anan, and Butler, and Douglass, aud Marcy and Dickinson, and Houston, and Stock- ton, each the bright centre of a wide circle of warm and devoted friends and suppor ts—each worthy the highest honors with in the gift of the Democratic party. The Convention assembled; the friends of the respective aspirants urged the claims of their favorite, with earnestness and perse verance during two days the ballotiiigs con tinued, holding the body and the country in painful suspense as to the final issue, un til it became evident, that neither of the distinguished personsfvoted for, could pos sibly obtain the requisite majority. It was a moment of peril to the party; the hopes of the most sanguine trembled, aud clouds and darkness seemed to curtain the politi cal firmanent. For twenty-nine successive ballotings, the Southern Atlantic and Gulf States stood, in almost unbroken column, in favour of James Buchanan, of Pennsyl vania; while the North and. East and West were divided between the other aspirants. It was known, that their divisions were permanent and deep seated, so that they could not concentrate upon any one candi date. Hei.ce, the necessity devolved upon the South, finally to abandon her favourite and bring forward another name for the consideration of the Convention. The duty was both painful and delicate —painful, to surrender the noble son of Pennsylvania— delegate to make a selection among so many "■eifiere'wbtny of her highest confidence. But the crisis was upon us, and what tre revolutionary sire, a native of New Hamp shire, which has never bowed the knee to federalism—the firm friend and supporter ot General Jackson through the trying scenes of his eventful administration—the man who had been invited into the distin guished cabinet of the lamented Polk— who had voluntarily withdrawn from public life, never to be seduced from the sweets of retirement, unless his country should be involved in war—who had publicly declined a nomination for the Presidency—these, and such reflections as these, flashed across the mind of the Convention, and singled him out as the man for the occasion. North Carolina and Georgia led the Southern pha lanx at the call of Virginia; and as if impell ed by the power of inspiration, the dele gates from the North and West and East united in the triumphal shout. Never shall 1 forget the impressive scene. It defies de scription. Its enthusiasm, its joy, its sub lime exultation transcend the power of lan guage to portray. They were the out- b rths of deep, unutterable, patriotic emo tion. Woman obeyed its impulses by strewing flowers and bouquets; youth yielded to convulsive transports, and hoary age wept tears of patriotic delight. This termination of the labours of the Convention is suggestive of valuable in struction. It is supposed, that much in trigue had been resorted to by politicians prior to the Convention to secure the nomina tion of their respective favourites. I know nothing of the truth or falsehood of this charge; but if true, how withering a rebuke does the nomination of General Pierce ad minister to intrigue andjpragrnatisrn ! How impotent the machinations of cliques and tricksters to control or muzzle the popular will. The action of the Convention demon strates another truth, full of hope for the future welfare of our country. It is this. It shows that, amidst our bitterest conflicts— our most rancourous schisms—the warmest strife for supremacy between Presidential aspirants, there exists an occult, but po- rent under current of conservatism, in the popular mind, always ready to be develop ed, in times of emergency and danger. This feeling lies at the foundation of that veneration for our institutions which charac terises the American people; and so lor.g as it remains pure and uucontaminated, the Republic is safe. It is the vestal flames bums upon its altars, and inspires tne pa triot’s heart when temptests waste their fury against its impregnable battlements. The two-third rule may now be regarded as the deliberately settled law for the reg ulation of the nominations of the Democrat ic party. It was almost unanimously ad hered to: and it cannot be considered op pressive, because it has been voluntarily a- dopted. In this connexion, consider the power of the South, when united. In the Convention, we were in the minority, as a- gainstthe North or West, but we wielded more than a third as against all other sec tions, even if they had been united. For thirty-nine ballotings we interposed Bucha nan successfully against others less accep table to our people. It was fmpossible to have made a nomination which was objec tionable to the South. She had not in deed, and did not desire to have, the power to force a candidate of her own section up on the party ; but she did have, and she wisely exercised, the power of self-protec tion. Hence, General Pierce, although Northern man, is in truth, the candidate of the South. Virginia and North Carolina and Georgia were mainly instrumental in procuring his nomination. Well then, may we as Southern men and Georgia Demo crats, rally with confidence and enthusiasm to his support. There is another most auspicious feature connected with the nomination of General Pierce. It is one that augurs an old fash ioned republican triumph at the ballot box in November next. If united, when did the Democracy of the United States ever experience defeat ? That union has been most felicitously effected. General Pierce has been for years in private life—uncon nected with the exciting politics of the country. He was no aspirant—he was the competitor of no one—his claims- were not urged by his friends, to the detriment of the prospects of any other candidate. Hence, he. incurred neither jealously, nor opposi tion from any quarter; and his nomination cannot be regarded as a triumph over any body. All are therefore contented—-he is acceptable to the entire Democratic party of the Union. Nor should we, in this connexion, fail to render merited tribute to the disinterested patriotism of the distinguished statesmen who were prominent candidates for nomi nation. Their conduct is almost without a parallel—certainly unrivalled by the brightest examples of Roman or Grecian virtue. Cass, aud Buchanan, Douglass, Houston, Marcy, Lane, and Butler, all, all, with one accord forgetting the momemtary sring of their own defeat, unite to swell the triumphant rejoicings that reverberate like choral anthems from the Granite Hills of New Hampshire, to the distant shores of the Pacific. Are the Democratic nominees personally and intellectually worthy the confidence and support of the Democracy ? The fact that they have been nominated by the Bal timore Convention, is an endorsement which will secure them a ready passport to the suffrages of the country. But they stand not, even upon such a foundation their characters and talents will abide the most rigid scrutiny. General Pierce is a native of New Hampshire, the son of revo lutionary ancestry, a distinguished lawyer, and a polished gentleman. No man is so popular in his native State, and her high est honors have been offered to him and modestly declined. In 1833 he was le- turned to Congress, where he remained un til 1837. He was then elected to the Sen ate of the United States, and continued to occupy that distinguished position until 1842, when he voluntarily resigned and re tired to private life. Since then, he has been removed from the strifes of the politi cal arena and industriously engaged in the pursuit of his profession, with the exception of his brief, but brilliant service in the Mex- can war. In all the stations which he has occupied, public and private, he has main tained a character without a stain and ex hibited capacity equal to any duty. But nnostentatious and retiring as he has been, and blameless as has been his walk, no sooner was his nomination announced than the vile serpent of slander sought to breathe its venom upon his spotless escut cheon. Already has it been asserted that he is a sot—a street drunkard. The charge is so improbable, that it scarcely deserves refutation. Is it probable, that such a man would be the favourite of the Democracy of New Hampshire for the Executive Chair— for the Presidency of the United Slates ? He served in Congress with James K. Polk for the series of years—laboured and voted with him through some of the most exci ting and critical scenes of our country’s his tory; if he had been a drunkard, would that pure and elevated statesman, upon his elec tion to the Presidency, have solicited him as Attorney General of the United States to take a seat in his Cabinet, as the associ ate of Marcy, and Walker, and Buchanan, and Mason, and Johnson ? Would he af terwards, when our country was engaged in a foreign war, have given him, unsolicited, a Brigadier General’s commission ? The supposition is absurd and ridiculous. But 1 refer to this point, because I have the power to give to the slander the most e- quivocal and positive denial. While in Washington a few days ago, in a conver sation with Mr. Hibbard, a member of Con gress from New Hampshire, and an inti mate acquaintance and friend of General Pierce, 1 enquired particularly touching this accusation. He promptly branded it with falsehood, and portrayed the character of General Pierce in most glowing language, as distinguished for its unswerving integrity and unsullied moral purity. Of the merits of YVilliam R. King it is unnecessary to speak. His name is inter woven with the history of the country for the last thirty years. In the Representa tive Hall, in the Senate Chamber and as late Minister to France, his character and talents have been subjected to the most sat- factory tests. He is sound in all that con stitutes the polished gentleman, the able statesman, and the unyielding Democrat. Such are the personal, moral and intel lectual qualifications of the gentleman, whose nomination for the highest honors which a free people can confer, we have as sembled to ratify. We do it with cordi ality and delight. Let our rejoicings min gle with the manifestations of Democratic approbation which pervade our extended republic. . But let us teat General Pierce by the principles of the Democratic party. They are known and read of all men. They glit ter in letters of light upon every banner; and wherever the stars and stripes float over land and sea, they cheer the hearts of the free and inspire the down trodden vic tims of tyranny and oppression with hope. They were proclaimed in the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of l798-’99, expoun ded and enforced by Jefferson and Madi son, maintained by Jackson and Polk, and re-affirmed and adopted by the late Dem ocratic Convention at Baltimore. The car dinal tenet of our creed is, that the Con stitution clearly defines the powers of the General Government and is to be constru ed strictly. Hence, we deny the right of the General Government tocariy on a sys tem of Internal Improvements, to estab lish a Protective Tariff, to charter a Na tional Bank, and to interfere with with or attempt to control the domestic institutions of the respective States. How stands Gen eral Pierce upon these important questions? Let his public acts in Congress answer. Regarding it as unconstitutional, he nev- e r favored appropriations for roads rivers and harbors. Whilst he sanctioned judi cious expenditures, for such works as were of a national character, he always voted a- gainst those that were local or sectional. The uniformity of his course on questions of this sort, (and indeed upon all others,) shows, that he was governed by fixed and well defined principles of Constitutional in terpretation^ I cannot of course enter into detailed referenee to particular votes. One or two must suffice as specimens. In June 1838, whilst he was a member of the House of Representatives, a bill was introduced making a large appropriation for tire con tinuation of the Cumberland road. On the final vote, his name stands recorded among the nays,. Again, in 1838, whilst he was -in the Senate of the United States, he gave a sim ilar vote against a bill for precisely the same pupose. The Tariff question was but little agita ted, during the period of his service, in eath- er branch of Congress. The Compromise Law of the 2d March, 1833, was in opera tion, when he entered Congress, and he re signed his seat in the Senate, before it was disturbed by the odious act of 1842. But various questions arose during his Congres sional career, in which he showed by his votes, that he favored a Tariff for Revenue only; although he exhibited no hostility to such encouragement to domestic industry, as might result incidentally from a well ad justed system of imposts. The Democrat ic Tariff of 1846 will be safe in his hands. He may sanction modifications to suit the altered condition of the industrial pursuits of the country, but the great ad valorem principle on which it is founded he will not disturb. He will not permit the agricultu ral classes to be fleeced for the support of manufacturing monopolies, and then, the robbery to be concealed under the cover of specific duties and minimum valuations. Thearf valorem principle is sanctioned alike by justice and common sense. It has been triumphantly vindicated by the salutary op eration of the Tariff of 1846. It may now be regarded as the settled and fixed policy of our government. His hostility to a National Bank and the soundness of his financial views are clearly exemplified, by the fidelity, with which he stood by General Jackson, in his herculean conflict with that corrupt institution. He sustained him in the removal of the public deposites from its vaults; voted for the bill to place them in the custody of the local banks; and in every aspect in which those exciting questions presented themselves, with unflinching firmness, he was found in the ranks of Jackson’s supporters. This should endear him to the Democracy of the country. If the Bank had triumphed in this momentous struggle for power, the government itself would now have been* un der the control of corrupt mercenary influ ences and popular freedom totally under mined. But the prostration of the Bank was only the first step towards the establishment of a wise financial policy. The public depos ites, were not designed to remain perma nently in the local banks. The pet bank system, as it was termed, was a temporary arrangement, for the safe-keeping and dis bursement of the public monies, until a wi ser could be divised and adopted. In 1837, Mr. Van Buren was inaugurated, and in pursuance of the policy commenced by Gen eral Jackson, the Independent Treasury was finally established in 1840. This effected a total divorce between the government and the banks; and for this, General Pierce, then the Senate of the United States, voted. It has continued in operation ever since, and time and experience have demonstrated its wisdom to the satisfaction of all parties. Very few, if any, would disturb it. It is truly refreshing to review the course of Gen. Pierce, on questions touching the subject of Slavery. In the session of Con gress of 1835, &c., the abolition feeling of the North seemed to take a fresh start and nerve itself to its work of discord and mis chief. Congress was flooded with petitions, and the most intense excitement and ap prehension pervaded the whole extent of the country. But with Gen. Pierce there was no faltering; he calmly faced the storm and he stood firmly by the Constitutional rights of the South. It cannot be uninteresting to refer briefly to a few of his votes, on some of the most important aspects in which the subject was presented. On the 18th Janu ary, 1835, Jackson, of Massachusetts, pre sented a petition to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia. Gen. Pierce voted to lay it on the table and during the debate thereon, he said, “he would prefer to meet the question in some form, which could by no possibility be considered either equivo cal or evasive.” During the same Session, Mr. George W. Owens, one of our own Representatives, of fered the following resolutions: “Resolved,^That in the opinion of this House, the question of the Abolition of Sla very in the District of Columbia, ought not to be entertained by Congress. “Resolved,' That in case any petition praying the abolition of Slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia, be hereafter presented, it is the deliberate opinion of this bouse, the same ought to be laid on the table without reading.” General Pierce was in favor of these res olutions as the Journal shows. During the session of 1835-6, Mr. Pinckney of South Carolina, moved to refer all petitions and papers touching slavery to a select commit tee, with instructions to report against the power and expediency of legislation by Con gress on the subject. Gen. Pierce’s name is recorded on the Journal, on the South ern side of the question in every phase in which it was presented. The motion thus to refer was finally. adopted and through Mr. Pinckney their Chairman, the select committee reported: “1. That Congress had no constitutional authority to interfere, in any way, with the institution of Slavery, in any of the States of this confederacy. “2. That, Congress out not to interfere in any way with Slavery in the District of Columbia. “3. That all petitions, memorials, resolu tions, propositions or papers relating in way, or to any extent whatever to the subject of slavery, or the abolition of slavery, without being either printed or referred, ~be laid uj. on the table, and that no further action whatever shall be had thereon.” General Pierce’s name is recorded in the affirmative upon these resolutions. Later, in 1838, after he had been irans ferred to the Senate, he voted for the cele brated resolutions offered by Mr. Calhoun, in which he expressed so clearly and with suchjmasterly force, the respective powers of the Federal and State Governments, un der the Constitution of the United States. As they are decisive of the opinions of Gen eral Pierce, it is important that they should be seen and read by the people throughout the country. As they passed the Senate, they are as follows: 1. Resolved, That in the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the States, adop ting the same, acted severally, as free, inde pendent and Sovereign States; and that each for itself, by its own voluntary assent, enter ed the Union with the view to its increased security against all dangers, domestic as well as foreign, and the more perfect and secure enjoyment of its advantages, natural, polit ical and social. 2. Resolved, That in delegating s por tion of their powers, to be exercised by the Federal Government, the States retained severally, the exclusive and sole right over their own domestic institutions and police to the full extent to which those powers were not thus delegated, and are alone responsi ble for them; and that any intermeddling of any one or more States, or a combination of her citizens, with the domestic institutions and police of the others, on any ground, political, moial or religjpus, or under any pretext whatever, with the’view to their al teration or subversion, iAjjdfcwarranted by the Constitution, tending to endanger the domestic peace and tranquility of tbeStates interfered with, subversive of the objects for which the Constitution was formed, and, by necessary consequence, tending to weaken and destroy the Union itself. 3. Resolved, That this Government was instituted by the several States of this Union j as a common agent, in order to carry into effect the powers which they had delegated by the Constitution, for their mutual secu rity and prosperity; and that, in fulfilment of this high and sacred trust, this Govern ment is bound so to exercise its powers, as not to interfere with the stability and secu rity of the domestic institutions of the States that compose the Union; and that it is the solemn duty of the Government to resist, to the extent of its Constitutional power; all attempts by one portion of the Union to use it as an instrument to attack the domestic institutions of another, or to weaken or des troy such institutions. 4. Resolved, That domestic Slavery as it exists in the Southern and Western States of this Union, composes an important part of their domestic institutions, inherited from their ancestors ana existing at the adoption of the Constitution, by which it is recogniz ed as constituting an important element in the apportionment of powers among the States, and that no change of opinion or feeling on the part of the other States of the Union, in relation to it, can justify them or their citizens, in any open and systemat ic attacks thereon, with the view to its over throw, and that all such attacks are in man ifest violation of the mutual and solemn pledge to protect and defend each other, given, by the States respectively, on enter ing into the Constitutional compact which formed the Union, and as such are a mani fest breach of faith and a violation of the most solemn obligations. 5. Resolved, That the interference by the citizens of any of the States, is endanger ing the rights and security of the people of this district; and that any act or measure of Congress designed to abolish Slavery in this District, would be a violation of the ftiitb implied in the cessions by the States of Vir giniaand Mary land, a just cause of alarm to the people of the slaveholding States, and have a direct and inevitable tendency to distract and endanger the Union. 6. Resolved, That any attempt of Con gress to abolish slavery in any Territory of the United States in which it exists, would create serious alarm, and just apprehension, in the States sustaining that domestic in stitution, would be a vioalation of good faith towards the inhabitants of any such territo ry who have been permitted to settle with, and hold slaves therein, because the people of any such territory have not asked for the abolition of slavery therein, and because when such territory shall be admitted into the Union as a State, the people thereof will be entitled to decide that question ex clusively for themselves.” General Pierce not only voted for these resolutions but he advocated them in an able speech, .upon the floor of the Senate. He firmly and boldly met the arguments by whiclnhey were opposed. It was urged against them, that they contained the doc trine of Nullification; he replied that he could not detect it, after the mosteareml ex amination, and that “be must be excused if he did not take the alarm.” It was urged, that they invaded the liberty of speech and the press; he replied that they did not eon- tain a syllable like it—that he would not be driven from his position by false issues. It was urged, that they were mere abstractions; he replied, “Sir, itis immaterial what name you apply to them; sufficient is it, that they meet the case, that they encounter the abo litionist upon sound and tenable ground, and furnish a conclusive answer to his impor tunities.” Such is a brief glance at the political ca reer of General Pierce, We see him in both branches of Congress from 1833 to 1842, which covers one of the most critical afid eventful periods of our history. In the House, he stood shoulder to shoulder with Polk in defence of Jackson’s financial policy, and did battle for the South against the encroach ments of abolition. Lithe Senate, he stood side by side with Mr. Calhoun, in the pas sage of the Sub-treasury and in support of his memorable resolutions quoted above. In his whole course, there is a consistency, a firmness and dignity of purpose, that shews his conduct to be regulated by fixed and clearly defined principle. The Constitution strictly construed, was his polar star: with his eye steadily fixed on that, his bark, how ever furious the tempest, never was driven from the true republican track. There is a nationality in the political prin ciples of General Pierce which entitles him to the confidence of the Democracy, in every part of the Union. Devoted to the Consti tution, he knows no North, nor South, nor East, nor West, but he looks with impartial eye to the interests of every section. In his constrnctiori of the Constitution, he is as sound as Jackson, or Polk, or Calhoun,; and an unwavering friend of the Union, he watches with jealousy the rights of the States, as the best means of maintaining its integrity and perpetuity. If these thing be true—if I have fairly and truthfully exhibited the career of Gen eral Pierce, is there one within the 60und of my voice, whether Whig of Democrat, who does not feel in his heart,' that he is the man for the occasion—emphatically the man. for the South? That they are true, I ap peal to the Journals of Congress. It has been my purpose to present facta without comment, feeling that the public acts of our candidate are his best vindication—plead most eloquently his claims upon the confi dence of the country. Fellow Citizens, how favorable an oppor tunity does the ^resent aspect of political affairs afford; to restore the government back to its pristine purity, by confiding its administration to a sound republican like General Pierce? With his views of strict construction, abuses will be corrected, econ omy will take the place of extravagance, mutual confidence and fraternal harmony between the various sections will succeed to the strife and angry contests which have threatened the Union itself. Rigid adhe rence to the Constitution is peculiarly im portant to the Southern section of the confed eracy. We are in the minority; to abandon or forget the rule of strict construction, is to abandon and forget us. Throw the reins of government loosely upon the neck of latitudinarianism, and however other sections may flourish for a while, ours is doomed to utter ruin. How beautiful the opportunity, for the people of Georgia, of both parties, to stand as a unit, in the maintainance of sound prin ciples? How beautiful the opportunity, for high minded and patriotic Whigs, without mortified pride, without the abandonment of principle aud in perfect parallelism with the best interests of their section, to unite cordially in the support of the Democratic nominees. It is true we have differed wide ly as to men and measures. But I would pot revive the asperities of the past. Let them all be buried in the grave of obli vion, never to meet a resurrection morning. But in all sincerity, I would appeal to my Whig fellow citizens, to reflect upon what they are now called upon to do. They are ask ed, at the bidding of party, virtually to ral ly under the banner of Win. H. Seward of New-York. You will never do it? It is forbidden by every consideration which ean move the heart of patriots. By the allegi ance we owe to the Constitution, by our love for the union of the confederacy, by the ties that bind us to the generations to come, oht let not such a leproach as this, rest upon the proud escutcheon of our beloved Geor gia- Muggins once read Shakspeare,. and thinking it was “not much of a book,” de termined to let the world see a touch of hie quality, in the way of authorship. “So you wrote a model, eh 1” said we ; “strange that we have not seen it. Did you publish it l” “Why, yes—that is—I wrote it, and took it to an editor, and the block-head only made light of it l” replied Muggins. “Made light—how ?” “He looked over it, carelessly, and de liberately lighted his cigar with it l” JfSP “Sonny, where is your father ?” “Father is dead, sir.” “Have you any mother ?” “Yes, I had one, but she’s got married to-Joe Dunklin, and doesn’t be my mother any longer •, cause she’s got ’nough to do to ’tend to his voung ’ans.” “Smart boy; here’s a dime for you.” “That’s ye, sir; that’s the way I gits my livin’.” “How ?’ f “Why, by teUia’ big yarns to greeny like you at a dime a pop i” A person once sent a note to a waggish friend for the loan of his noose paper, and received in return his friend’s mar riage cer-t i , ^papers, says which will enable buainess. '^1^.. . • ■■ —