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tse TIIE CENTRAL GEORGIAN. 8ATOERSYILLE, GEORGIA- TUESDAY AUGUST'IO, 1852. St. Mary’s Money In bills under $5 will be received in pay ment of demands due this office. Our correspondents and friends have drawn so largely upon our columns this week, that we have not room for much else. We give way, however, cheerfully, and com mend the articles to the attention of the reader, feeling fully assured that they will be read with much more interest than any thing that we could offer. We intended a notice of the Agricultural and farming ex hibits which some of our planting friends of the county have recently been giving, but defer it to next week. T»e Meeting in Jefferson.—We com mend the attention of the reader to the le- port of the committee in the Jefferson Third party meeting. It is an able and well written paper. We are requested to say that Elder W. M. Vekdery, will preach at Sister’s Church, on the Fifth Sabbath in thismonth* Fire —A destructive fire occured in Sa vannah on Tuesday afternoon last, which destroyed some $75,000 worth of property. The fire was in the western part of the city, known as South Oglethorpe ward in the rear of west Broadstreet. The fire origina ted in a house occupied by Thomas Blouut in Zubly Street. The most of the sufferers are persons of small means. Death of American Consul at Barba does—William R. Hays, Esq., American Consul at Barbadoes, died thereon 13th ult. of ereysipelas. He was a native of Ver mont and a partner of Hays & Trowbridge, of New Haven. Cotton Worms.—The Alabama Stan dard (Clark county,) says that the Cotton Worm has made its appearance in vast numbers in that county. One planter has had his crops almost entirely lost. SST The Hon. Wm, H. Seward of the U. S. Senate, will accept our thanks for a copy of a bill proposing to establish an Executive Department to be called the De partment of Agriculture, by Worthington Gi Snethen, Esq. The School Fellow.—We have receiv ed from Messrs. Walker & Richards, the August No. of this interesting publication. Published monthly at$l per year in ad vance. Address the publishers at Charles ton, S. C. The Nova Scotia Difficulty.—-The President of the United States has received a dispatch from Mr. Webster stating that the English Minister Mr Crampton has un dertaken to procure a revocation of the or ders issued by the British Goverument re specting the Fisheries, and the withdrawal of the British naval forces. Elections.—The elections of Missouri, are reported favorably for the Democracy. Price, the Democratic candidate for Govern - or, it is thought has been elected by a di minished majority. Hon. Thos. H. Benton has been elected to Congress from the St. Louis District. Iowa.—Both the Democratic Congress men are elected. Arkansas.—Conway, the regular no minee of the Democratic party, has been elected Governor of that State. North Carolina.—In New Hanover Now, uncle Ben, if you are right honest and clever, you will publish this explanation in the Banner, that the people may be able to judge of the matter between us—who is most “mean” or who is most “green.” Respectfully, GEORGE STAPLETON. Mr. Crafton : Dear Sir:—As Mr. B. Brantley has thought proper to make use of my name in an unwarrantable manner, and has refused to give me a showing in his paper, I must and Cuniberlanii cou'nties^ Kerr, the Whig ask thafavor of to P“ Mist . the New Cotton.—The second Bale of new cotton was received in New Orleans on the 6th inst. Crops are said to be favorable through that section. Capt. J. B. Reid, of Victoria county, Texas, commenced picking cotton on the 20th of July. The cotton crops throughout Texas continues as prom ising as could be. Unless the worm should make its appearance shortly, the product will greatly exceed that of any past season. Sav. Evening Journal.—T. W. Lane has assumed the Editorial management of this Journal. His cotemporaries of Sa vannah speaks very flatteringly of him. We tender him our best wishes for his sue cess and prosperity. The daily is publish ed at $4 and the try-weekly at §2 per year in advance. candidate for Governor, gains 200 votes. Frost.—There was a decided frost in Ashfield, Mass., on the 2d inst. Cool spot, that. Webster Meeting. Washington Co. Aug. 3, 1852. In pursuance of a previous call upon the citizens of Washington county favorable to the nomination of the greatest intellect of the age—the Hon. Daniel Webster, for the Presidency, and the Hon. Charles J. Jenkins, for the Vice Presidency—quite a respectable number assembled at the Court house in Saudersville. On motion of E. S. Langmade, Esq., Col. Silas Floyd, was called to the Chair, and Dr. J. R. Price, requested to act as Secre tary. Upon being requested by the Chair, E. S. Langmade, Esq., explai ned the object of the meeting, and vindicated the claims of the Hon. Daniel Webster upon the people of this Union, and more especially upon the South, in a concise, explicit and conclu sive manner. Dr.,J. R. Smith, being called upon ad dressed the convention. E. S. Langmade, Esq. moved that a com mittee of five be appointed to report the names of six suitable persons to represent, as delegates, the friends of this meeting in the convention to be held in Macon on the 17th inst. Whereupon the Chair appointed as that committee Dr. E. C. Williamson, Daniel Harris, Dr. J. B. Turner, W. C. Riddle and Dr. R. Y. Rodgers, who, after a short absence, reported as delegates, the names of E. S. Langmade, J. J. Long, Daniel Harris, Harris Brantley, John Curry and E. C. Williamson, who were unanimously elec ted. y On motion of E. S. Langmade, the dele gates were irapowered to fill vacancies. Moved by E. S. Langmade, that the pro ceedings of this meeting be published in the Central Georgian. On motion of Dr. E. C. Williamson, the meeting adjourned. SILAS FLOYD, Chair’n. J. R. Price, Sec’y. [for THE CENTRAL GEORGIAN.] Mr. B. Brantley, Dear Sir :—I discover a small article in the “Banner” of the 29th of May, to this effect: "v “something mean. “If the object of George Stapleton, Esquire, of Spread Oak, Jefferson county, Georgia, is to tax us with postage, by en .’eloping, in letter fashion, papers ad.Ircssed Officers of the Henry clay.—The Coroners Inquest, in the case of the steamer Henry Clay, has been brought to a close, The Jury returned a verdict of guilty a- gainst all of the officers. The Engineer, Pilot and Clerk have been arrested and held to bail in $1000, each. JJSPRobt. II. Griffin,Esq., has been ap pointed Clerk of the Sixth Circuit Court, and the District Court of U. S., for South ern District of Georgia, vice Geo. Glenn de ceased. .. Withdrawal.—The Savannah Republi can of Saturday, in throwing out some sug gestions to the Union party, advises the withdrawal of the ticket recently put forth by the Miliedgeville Convention. Mr. Thomas, of Hancock, and Crawford, of Sumter, it is authoratively stated, have de clined, and the Republican says that the move has not met with that response from the people which was expected. He, there fore, thinks it advisable for the Executive Committee shortly to meet at Macon to ham down their colors. That’s sensible. &3T The Cholera has made its appear ance at Sandusky, N. Y. In Rochester,,on -h inst., it was reported on the ia- . fen deaths had occurred in twenty ■P " * to him and returning them to us with 25 cents charged, he is defeated in his purpose; all such packages are returned to the de partment as dead letters. How green !” Now uncle Ben, as you have thought proper to indulge in Some small and un warrantable implications—of mean and of green—(while giving vent to your spleen) will you just cool down a little, until I can let the people know the truth of this mat ter ? If you will, I will begin right here, and tell them that I had intended to dis . continue the Banner for some time past, as sdou as the time for which I had paid for it, had expired, which was sometime in April last; and about that time I received a number of the Banner with one of uncle Ben’s notable black marks, indicating, ac cording to notice, that I was in arrears.— Not positively certain but that I might be in arrears a few days, and deeming this a fit opportunity to get rid of uncle Ben, I immediately sent on one dollar, with special instructions to discontinue the paper, fully expecting uncle Ben would take a seven- pence or so aod return the balance of my dollar. But how green I was. Instead of getting any of my dollar back, uncle Ben fobs it all, and gives me a credit for another year, and continues sending on the paper. I directed the Post-master to send it back, which he informed me he done, but uncle Ben continued sending on the paper, as though he was determined I should take it. I was equally determined I would not take it; aud began to study how I might defeat the old lark—fortunately, I readily hit up on it. Knowing that a seven-penny post age would grind him to the. very gizzard, I directed the Post-master to envelope it in letter fashion and sennit back to him—that fixed it. Unde Ben never sent any more. This is the sum total of the whole matter ; and this postage, I suppose,: uncle Ben, is the in the Central Georgian, and oblige Yours, GEORGE STAPLETON. [for THE CENTRAL GEORGIAN*] Letter 11. To the Hon. Ciias. J. Jenkins : You admit that your “objections” to vot ing for Gen. Scott “have no relation what ever to the Southern question.” This is, at least creditable to your caudor. For the stale and sickly attempt to make him ap pear obnoxious on that point, is flimsey and contemptible. It would be so, even if the party were not pledged in the matter. But is it equally creditable to your judgment, when it would seem to condem an illustri ous citizen, a gallant chieftain and able di plomatist, because it may not be denied “that he has a hasty, arbitrary temper—an imperious self-will, impatient of all opposi* tion—overweening confidence m his own judgment, and inordinate ambition ?" I say it may not be denied—but how would you prove he is laboring under these “very de cided disqualifications,” as you are pleased to term them ? Before stopping to answer such “objections,” it may be right to inquire whether they utterly preclude the possibili ty of a man, who possesses them, being a brave and gallant soldier, a great aud useful man, or an honest and just Ruler ? If they do, then it is useless to argue ; but if they do not, it is well that we should ascertain how far they have disqualified the Presiden tial nominee of the Whig party. I will give you, for the sake of argu ment, the full benefit of your “objections,” though I question .nuch that they could be proven to any great extent. What has Gen. Scott’s “hasty, arbitrary temper” caused him to do, that is discredi table to a gentleman, or dishonorable to his profession ? Has it been productive of any thing that has required public censure ? Examine, if you please, the records of his acts—Forty Years service will certainly show sufficient to satisfy the most scrupu lous and exacting. His country has kept the records—examine it, and if there is aught against him, let it be known. Has his “imperious self-ivill, impatient of all opposition,” caused him to violate any of the orders of the Government—to set at naught any of the army regulations—defy powers—or disregard his constitutional ob ligations in a single instance ? Examine« sir, and see. Has his “overweening confidence in Jus own judgment f been the means of failure in any plan of operations which it may have caused him to adopt ? Has it ever produced disaster or defeat? Does it ap pear from the records that his “overween ing confidence in his own judgment” has ? in a single instance been misplaced in forty years of public service ? And finally—do the records show where his “inordinate ambition” has caused him to trample upon the laws, or disregard the restraints of discipline and good order— where it has involved his country in danger, or jeoparded her smallest interest? Do the records which his country has kept of his acts and his services, sustain your “object ions,” and agree with you in the conclusion that they are “very decided disqualifica tions?” If they do not, sir, would it be derogatory to your usual modesty and de ferenco to abide their decision ? But the catalogue of your “objections’’ is continued by the very astute enquiry, “ Will it be pretended that he has a clear, calm, well-balanced mind, whose equili brium cannot easily be disturbed ?" I am somewhat ata loss to decide definitely, your meaning; but I presume it is that lie has not a clear winter moon-light sort of a mind —calm and cold as a cucumber. If it is, I must confess he falls short in this qualifica tion. But if I am wrong in supposing this to be your meaning : —you will pardon me for putting the following questions, and an swers, on that head, with the analogous conclusions :— Could a man with a muddy mind have conceived and executed what Gen. Winfield Scott has done ? I think not. Then it may be reasonably “pretended” that he has a “clear" mind. Has any one ever charged that General Scott is confused or agitated on the field of battle ? Too disturbed and unsettled to give prompt and decisive commands? No, Then it may be “pretended” that he has a calm mind Is Gen. Scott known to be vacillating in his judgment—unable to decide between right and wrong ? The answer to this is , found .in your first batch of “objections.” part that constit utes the head of that j And I will be bold enough to pretend he has 11 notable article. I a “well lialanced mindVWthdievtix*iliAj-e &i W: ^ iH sufficient proof in the labors of his long and active public life to establish the pre tension. " _ Sir, I rejoice as a Whig, (and i wish your prejudices would permit you to do so) that the illustrious standard bearer of the party can have nothing worse urged against him —or if there can be, that a long, arduous, and brilliant career is replete with honora ble answers to them all. Point to a single public act of his life that his country has unequivocally condemned. You cannot do it, sir. Point to the first trust that has been confided to him, that he has abused—or a commission that he has not executed with credit to himseif and honor to his country. Have not all his acts the stamp of gallantry upon them—the honor, the glory of his country, and his own power ? And is such a man not to be trusted ? There probably never lived a man more devoted to building up a great and honorable name, in the pub lic service, by the able and faithful execu tion of all the trusts confided to him, than Gen. Winfield Scott. And I do not be lieve that any man in this country is now living, who has performed as much, been enstrusted with power as much, of whom so little to his disparagement can be truthfully alleged. Is it tot so, sir ?—Then., how pitiful, how contemptible does the conduct of those men appear, who admitting his pa sition to be unequivocally correct in prin ciple, turn their back upon him, for mere personal preference ? And if they do not give their support to a “fainting hero,” so manouvre as to throw power into the hands of a party whom they have never before been willing to trust—and should not trust at this time! What inducements does such a source hold out, for public men to be faithful ? But yon do not like military men for Presidents—I do not prefer them myself. I support Gen. Scott from principle. I pre fer him with Whig principles, to. any man without them. But suppose, sir, that we establish these preferences or predilection, as a principle, by which we are to govern our choice of candidates for the Presidency hereafter, what will be the result ? Why that a military man must relinquish all hope of the highest office in his country.— You put a bar between him and the highest eminence—you destroy or make void a great constitutional privilege—a privilege certainly as dear to him as. to you or me. On that point he would be no better 'than a foreigner. Would it be right ? But per haps you may adroitly get over the difficul ty, by arguing like Junius,—that it is a right which should never be denied by the one party, nor insisted upon by the other. That would doubtless suit some mea, at. this time very well. I have been exceedingly astonished, sir, how it is possible, that men like yourself who have heretofore been staunch party men, so suddenly refuse to come up, and that too, when a model Whig administra tion is in power, and the principles of the party more clearly defined than I haveever known them before; and the party through out the country more firmly and clearly up on them than at any previous period. I can only account for it from treachery l— There is a traitor among us ! And though he may stand aloof—not vote at all—yet he has betrayed us 1 He has manoeuvered to divide and distract the Whig party, that the Democrats may carry the State. It is currently reported that he pledged himself so to do, when he was intriguingfor the Uni ted States Senatorsliip—I allude to Rob’t. Toombs 1 He is paying the wages of an iniquitous bargain. He has deceived and betrayed his party in such a manner, that when it shall be exposed, as it soon will be, be will take rank with John Tyler. You, probably, are not astonished at what I say, unless it be that I should know it. For, to blind our weak and confiding eyesstill more, they are to couple your name with Daniel Webster’s. So that a large body of preju dicial Whigs, will have the high honor, ac cording to. Mr. Toombs, of maintaining their principles by throwing their votes away. O, honest Bob Toombs! O, con sistent Whigs !! Beautiful example of pa triotism !! I They doubtless intend it as an honor to you, sir, but how far you will con sider yourself honored by being made a scape-goat, ior the politi^il transgressions of the men who proscribed you last fall, is yet to be seen. It is adding insult to injury ; and if you have a spark of manly pride left in you, you will treat it with contempt.— But that is neither here nor there. Toombs is determined that the vote of the Whig party shall be thrown away. Does it mat ter with him whether upon a Webster, a Jenkins, or a Hottentot ? Not a bit, sir. As I wish to put myself in communica tion with the Hon. Senator elect, not through the medium of spiritual rappings, but through the rappings of the printer, I shall, for the present, take leave of you— though I have somewhat yet against you, of which I wish to speak in time. Your obedient servant, PATHFINDER Meeting in Jefferson County. In accordance with previous notice, a por tion of the Whig party of Jefferson county, assembled at the Court-house in the town of Lousville, on Tuesday the 3d day of August, when, on motion of Maj. George Stapleton, Dr. Philip S. Lemle, was re quested to preside over the meeting. On taking the Chair, the President, in an able speech of about one hour’s length, explain ed the object of the meeting, canvassed the claims of tlie two candidates for the Presi dency of the United States. Shewed the position of the Whigs of Georgia, by rea son of the action of the recent Convention at Miliedgeville, and what he conceived be the duty of the Whig party of Georgia. When he resumed the Chair, on motion of fhomas H. Polhill, Esq., Maj, Stapleton, well baluMed' las Diehl, requested to act as Secretary, j On motion of Thomas H. Polhill, Esq., Resolved, That a Committee of seven be appointed by the Chair, to report business for the meeting, and the names of four dele gates to the Convention to assemble in the city of Macon, on the 17th inst. The President appointed Messrs. T. H. Polhill, W. S. Alexander, J. T. Brown, R. Boyd, M. Brinson and E. McCroan, that committee. The committee retired for a time, and, on their return, by 4heir chair man, T. H. Polhill, Esq., submitted the fol lowing report:— Your Committee beg leave to submit the FOLLOWING REPORT I In assembling again in primary meeting as Whigs, it may be proper to state the causes which impel us to this course, and to explain why we have seemingly deserted the recent organization with which we have been connected, viz: The Constitutional Union Party of Georgia; and also, why we have taken astand against the nominees of both the National Conventions. A very brief review of the history of the organization of the Constitutional Union party and the events transpiring since, and which bear upon that organization, will plainly show the position, and toour minds, the duty of the Whigs of Georgia. Our recent organization was formed of Whigs and Democrats, for the sole purpose of in ducing the people o.f Georgia to acquiesce in the series of acts (commonly known as the compromise measures,) passed by the Thirty-First Congress, and to use their in fluence in the final settlement of the issues in controversy. This was the object of the organization of that party, and to be car ried out in good faith ; and in adopting the platform of this organization, every thing which had previously been matters of issue, between the two parties of the coun try, was most studiously avoided, being un derstood and agreed that the sole object of this organization was to induce an acquies cence in the compromise measures; there was to.be no connection with past political issues, no. abandonment of previously adopt ed political faith, but all former party bick erings or tergiversations were to cease, and the energies of the new party, were to. be directed to the objects of its creation ;, so long, therefore, as its objects were carried out in good faith, no difficulty arose in maintaining a harmonious and effective par ty ; though the Democratic portion of this organization, although largely in the minor ity, assumed, or endeavored to assume, its- direction and control, in a way that did not comport with, a modest appreciation of eith er theii numerical or intellectual relation with, it, and though they took to themselves nearly all the offices, viz: Governor, five eghths of the Congressmen and other of fices in same ratio. Y et, for this we cared naught, as w.e had agreed to forget all old party differences and distinctions, and in elevating them to high places, we felt that we were putting in office patriotic brethren —standing together with us on a platform for the preservation, of the Union. Sanction ed by the constitution, we had naught to complain of, until during the session of the last legislature, when, by a coup de pied to Whiggerv, which was no doubt thought to be un cotup de*etat, they got up a caucus and recommend the party to affiliate with the NationaL Democratic party, by sending delegates to-the National Convention. Thus, then, commenced the breach of faith—the entering wedge to that series of movements consummated’by the Convention recent ly assembled at Miliedgeville. and whose acts we meet to-day to, review. The next movement was immediately following the Convention assembled in April last, at the call of this legislative caucus.— That Convention and its history is well known to-the people of Georgia, and its ac tion should have been regarded as the most authoritive expression of the opinion and principles of the party ; but Democracy was not asleep in the breasts of a portion of this Convention, and after the adjournment ^f the Convention, a supplemental Conven tion w:as held, and the Suppleraentals, as they have been called, sent to Baltimore anti sought admission into the great Nation al Democratic party, as what ? As Con stitutional Union men ? Most assuredly they could act upon no other ground than as Democrats.. Again, at the next so-called Union Convention, no inducement could be offered, which a harmonious action eould be had, unless by a perfect surrender of all principles upon the part of the Union Whigs aud a perfect metamorphose of the Constitutional Union party, into a new Democratic party. A resolution, simply Complimentary to, and approval of, the Ad ministration of that pure patriot aud states man, Millard Fillmore, could not pass their committee without qualification and pro visos, and not even with that, until denoun ced by a member as an abolitionist. A por tion of that Convention believing that they could not longer remain without an aban donment'of previously adopted and cherish ed political principles, and without giving sanction to the platform of the Baltimore National Democratic Convention, and there by endorsing the odious resolution relative to the Mexican war, believing that the ac quiescence in the same ought to be the po litical condemnation of any man, withdrew and declared for a third candidate. These dissenters have our warmest sympathies and our hearty approval, as we cannot, for the reasons above stated, act with that por tion of the late Constitutional Union party, who declared for Pierce and King. We believe the effort was made to Democratize the Whigs of that. organization, and that the majority of that Convention acted from no more patriotic motives than to reap the spoils of a successful campaign, regardless of political principles. „ .jW; / • As regards the two nominees for the ^esi4.ency,wej)eiieve V heartily and cordially approve of the one as being in its principles andits spirit,clear ly more conformable to the conservative in fluences which induced the organization of the Union party, than the other, and cer tainly nothing personally offensive to our Democratic friends; while the other is a direct assault upon the patriotism of the Whigs, denouncing them as traitors, be cause of the non-approval of the Mexican war. The assertion that we shall not be giving countenance and support to the De mocratic platform, by voting for the nom inees, accepting and approving the same, is an absurdity that requires no lengthy and deely drawn essay to refute ; Its ab surdity is self-apparent, and the assumption that we can, as Whigs, maintain our prin ciples and our party intact and yet sub missively bow in obedience to the mandates of the late (so called) Union Convention, is beyond our comprehension. If the inter- terest of our State or our country, required the preservation of the Union organization, it is clear they should have affiliated with neither of the political parties of the na tion, but nominated candidates of their own. This not being done, and as we can no longer act with them and suffer ourselves Democratized and denounce ourselves as traitors, we are, therefore, called upon to choose between the nominee of the Whig convention and the course advised by the dissenters. As before remarked, the dis senters have our sympathies, as we can never enter into the support of Gen. Scott,, for many good and obvious reasons which time and space will not admit of now men tioning. We might allude to his want of experience as a civilian, having claims only of a military chief—of his disposition and temperament, &e., as others have done ; but we pass all these by, to notice alone, one of the positions he occupies by his letter of acceptance. We most cordially approve of the platform of the Baltimore Whig Con vention—are satisfied, to- stand upon it,, be lieving it to. be both constitutional and pa triotic, and care not to have it added, to, or taken- from; yet Gen. Scott, in. accepting the tendered nomination, cum onere, was not satisfied, until he added thereto, and what we consider a rotten, plank,, and dan gerous to. the liberties of the people if they attempt to. stand- thereon, which will be- found, ki his letter of acceptance in. the. words- following, Aiz i “And also,, recom mend or approve of a single alteration in. our naturalization laws, suggested by my military experience,. viz t giving to alL foreigners,.the right of citizenship who slialL -faithfully. serve in time of war,, one year on board'©! our public ships,, or. in. our land! forces^regular, or volunteer, on. tlieir. receiv ing an, honorable discharge from, the ser vice J’ This addition.oF Gen-. Scott to' the-Wing; platform, is, tosay the least of it,.a.presunip- tous dictation to the Whig party, of. the country, to identify themselves in the sup port of a.measure which lias no sanction ini the past action of the party, but which is at war with, all the conservative influences which have heretofore,governed the party in. this regard. The proposition is in itself so- preposterous that if it were not sustained by the-position, which Gen. Scott occupies- as the nominee of the Whig Convention for the highest civil; station in fthe country, its- absurdity wouldsave it from assault andi our minds from, alii apprehension in regard to it; but then, sustained, it becomes atonco an element in the Presidential campaign, now before the country.,, and. will derive all the influence which can be given to it by Gen. Scott’s position. As Whigs, we are, therefore, called upon, to consider the merits of this question, and. endeavor to asceitain in how far. it will commit us to a policy which has heretofore received, the unquali fied reprobation, of the party. In the first place it proposes to increase the facilities for the naturalization, of foreigners, to an ex tent and in a manner which has no coun tenance in the past action, or spirit of the party. 2d. It invokes a. mercenary defence of the country which is humiliating to us as Americans. 3d. It is a onvoi t appeal to a factious influence wliiui no affinities orsympath- ieswith the Whigparty of the country, and whose jfolicy is openly at war with the third article of the platform of the convention which nominated Gen. Scott for the Presi dency. m Although it is not a. proposition whjch directly countenances the doctrine of inter vention, yet, in the present condition ofthe country, when an active, energetic effort is being made to direct and concentrate the foreign vote of the country upon our politi cal contests, so as to make political victories inure to the benefit of the doctrine of inters vention, any movement by either of the National parties, giving encouragement or character to this organization, or giving countenance to the rearing up of a foreign feeling in the country, must, in the nature of things, give energy and vitality to this influence—-such will be the effect of this suggestion of Gen. Scott. Itis an appeal to the foreign vote of the country as a spe- cial influence, and there is no way in which that influence is specially directed at this time, except as the advocate of the doctrine of intervention. Just so far as this move ment has the effect of giving weight, char acter and position to this organized foreign influence, just so far in the present condi tion of the country is it giviug countenance to the doctrine of intervention. As Whig3 we stand pledged by our National platform against this position, and if it is right to re sist it as a question of political economy, it becomes clearly our duty to resist all move ments which tend to engrafting it upon the Administration of the government. Such, we believe, to be the tendency of this posi tion of Gen. Scottand as we desire to be true and faithful to the Whig principles of the country, we cannot give our support to consider these sufficient reasons to withhold our support from him.