The Sandersville herald. (Sandersville, Ga.) 1872-1909, May 08, 1874, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextBy the Sandersville Publishing Company. “LET ALL THE ENDS THOU AIMEST AT, BE THY COUNTRY’S, THY GOD’S, AND TRUTH’S.” Terns: $8 00 per Old Series New Semes- es—Vol. xxvm. —vol. n. SANDERSVTLLE, GEORGIA, MAY 8, 1874. NO. 44. nEiiSTrLEE Heiuld <& Georgian isj,ple were not satisfied with these;their teeth with rage. They knew sent that the usurpations were legal,!In the mean time, most of our great- at Sandersville, iJa^every Frieluy |p rorQ pj; anc | manly concessions by 1 that such a trial had no parallel and these punishments were just ;;est men, who were most familiar with nnnse entered upon 1 our people of every legal, necessary, in human history. They knew the and it must ever be a sad recital, for the facts of the past, so essential to ■ ot r. years j reasonable and even incidental result whole world and posterity for all all time, that some of our people j our vindication, had passed away, or lon^'liTensh' defeat in the war. The war being time wouid review it. There teas were willing to barter their section,: were rapidly passing away. Avery 1 over, our arms surrendered, our gov- the written law, and they knew it had, State, race and blood, for the privi-few of these were released from these ernment scattered, and our people not been r otated. Eight millions of lege of aiding in this work of destrac- helpless, they now determined not people, struggling as one man for ition, degradation and infamy. The re',', only to enlarge the issue made by liberty, were not traitors only be-:future historian will .weep bitter tears when he finds himself compel! • mail door, uu . \r [ " riptinn has been pawl- No ^prosper unless conducted ur Our pri, fof advertising .ar-^thoso lived by the .press Association am. . the war and during the war, but they! cause*’ power and treachery combined ,, «« has a circulation of about twen- |^ g0 determined to change those is-, to defeat and enslave them. To try me hundred copies weekly, and presents I , ’ ’ ’’’’ ’ ’• ’’ “ - ‘ rior advantages to those who wi--.li to rtise. . \H communications, mid be addressed, “Hebali _ Von the margin of your paper indicates your subscription has expired, and that nub isher would like to have yon renew ! Two xx marks, indicate that unless you i t'an early day your name will bo '!]- , n from the list. We hope not to be il.-r’the necessity of placing a X mark up- . mole paper during the year f M vn7.m.Of!Tr. Se: ad-1 sues and make demands which had and convict, was to commit perju i not before been made, which indeed iries whicli would redden human na- letters on business,! jj a( j ]j eeil utterly disclaimed in every tore with an eternal blush of shame. kald A eokgian. pQggjjjjg f orm by every State of the MEDLOCK, Sen. Editor. SELECT 7» tSCELLAinr. ADDRESS. ELI VB RED BEFORE THE SO TJTli.ERE HISTORIOAL ; SOCIETY. -AXTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY FEBRUARY 18, 1S74. it. Hi ES. 81. IIILI*. resident, L.ydies and Gentle men : Tlieohj- ct of this meeting is to maize, in Georgia, an auxiliary uich of The Southern Historical eietv.” The object of tliis Socie- is to collect and preserve authen- materials for a full and correct story of the Confederate States. iave accepted the flattering invi- ion to address you on this occa- n and now proceed to perform c part allotted me, as Loth a duty id a pleasure, Alien the war between secession (1 coercion ended, the Southern ates were under every obligation eli defeat could imply or surren- impose, to abandon secession as medy for every grievance, real apposed. Whatever might have en their convictions touching the istiaet right of secession, or the fficiency of the causes which pro ved itsexercise, surrender w r as a nfession of inabihty to maintain it the sword, and honor and fair ling demanded that the sword mild he sheathed. But defeat, in physical contest, does not prove uit the defeated party was in the rong. It is certainly no evidence ■ criminal motive. It is a confes- oii of weakness, not of crime, 'ere it otherwise, the robber is a w-abiding citizen and his victim a ief. Socrates was a felon and the oh that sentenced him to death ere patriots. In a wicked world mocence and right are not at all j compatible with failure, sorrow and uiniliation. Else the man who fell mong thieves on his way from Jeru- ileni to Jericho, was a criminal, and is plunderers were entitled to the laudits, the oil and the wine of all ood Samaritans. Nay, the Saviour imself was a malefactor and his ucifiers were Christian gentlemen, allure to dissolve the Union, and North, and by every department of the Federal Government—legislative, executive and judicial. Nay, they now made demands which they had in every form, declared they could have no power or right to make with out violating the Constitution they had sworn to support, and destroy ing the Union they had waged the war itself to preserve. Over and over during the war they proclaimed in every authoritative form to us and to foreign governments, that seces sion was a nullity, that our States were still in the Union : and that we had only to lay down our arms, and retain all our rights and powers as equal States in the Union. Ae laid down our arms and immediately they insisted our States had lost all their rights and powers in the Union, and while compelled to remain under the control of the Union, we CGuld only do so with such rights and powers as they might accord, and on such terms aud conditions as they might impose. Over and over again during the war they, in like authoritative forms, proclaimed that our people had taken up arms in defense of secession un der misapprehension of their pur poses toward us, and that we had only to lay down arms and continue to enjoy, in the Union, evfery right and privilege as before the mistaken act of secession. We laid down our arms and they declared we were all criminals and traitors, who had for feited every right and privilege, and were entitled to neither property, liberty or life, except through their clemency! Over and over again during the war they, in like authoritative forms, proclaimed that the seats of our members in Congress were vacant, and we had only to return and oeeupy them as it was both our right and duty to do. Qur people laid down their arms and sent on their mem bers, and they were met with the startling proposition that we had neither the right to participate in the administration of the Union, nor even to make law or governments for our States! Addressing this Society in Virgin ia during the last summer, Mr. Da vis said: “We were more cheated joicing in a manifest new lease of pon- than conquered into surrender.” siitutional government aud republi- The Northern press denounced this can liberty, as a slander, and some of our South- But the very reasons which made ern press deprecated the expression (he return of our ablest men to Con ns indiscreet ! I aver to-night what gress a glorious opportunity for us, history will affirm, that the English made it a dreaded one for our ad- language does not contain, and could versaries. Victors, as they were in To try aid acquit, was a judgment under oath by their own courts, that the war of coercion was itself bnt a gigantic crime against humanity, and a wicked violation of their own form and principles of government. Here was the terrible dilemma which confronted our accusers, and it was sc) palpable that all the inso lence f of recent triumph could not hide it: and they were left no re source out to pretend a mercy, whose necessity they despised, and turn the prisoner loose, after a long and most cowardly delay. The next forum in which our peo pie had a right to be heard, was the Congress—the National Oounoils. By every protest and' profession of our enemies, before and during the war, the Union was preserved, and by the plain terms of the Constitu tion each State was entitled to rep resentation in both branches of Con gress. The refusal to test the crime of secession before the courts, in creased, if possible, th obligation to recognize this clear right of rep resentation. This was a rare op portunity for vindication. The forms of government had afforded it to few defeated parties in history, and to noneon such terms of fairness and equaity. There never was a time whei the intellect of a people was so needed for their vindication, and no, people ever possessed grander intelects for the work, We had trailed statesmen; constitutional lawrars; skilled debaters, who were perfectly familiar with every fact, anil learped in every principle in voked. And tbo very ablest and best of these there was no reason to doubt every Southern State would at once, and with unanimity return to Congress. If this had been done, not only would the South have been vindicated, but the present horrible sectional acrimony, with all the block record of reconstruction, would hive been avoided. The reunion would have been made cordial, with secession abandoned and slavery abolished. The Southern States would already have been far advanc ed in the work of material recovery, of social order and political content- nent; and all the States—co-equal in a common Union—would be not form a sentence of equal siZ' which expressed more truth. W were cheated not only by our enc othing more, was the confession of mies; but the profuse proclamation) urrender, and the obligation to re- j our enemies, before referred fo, aiu in the Union and discharge all were taken up and repeated by ma.- s duties under the Constitution nec-. contents in our midst, many of then, sarily resulted. I too, who had done all in their .power So, on the other hand, the North-1 to hurry our people into secession, ru States—the assertors of the right They coupled these professions ail promises of our enemies with braz-a assertions that the laws of the Gca- coercion—were equally under cry obligation to accept surrender .s meaning this and only this. They unclaimed no other purpose in mak- tlie war of coercion, but to defeat cession and preserve the Union, hey had no right, political, moral honorable, to enlarge the issue af- er the contest had ended, and the a physical contest, they were not willing to meet the vanquished in intellectual gladiatorship. To pro tect themselves from this collision of mind, they determined to add yet further crimes to their cowardice. ed to record this darkest exhibition of human treachery , and depravity, and he will close up the chapter as, with nervous energy, he shall write the withering judgment of all decent humanity for all future ages; Cursed thrice, cursed forever, be the memo ries of such unnatural monsters among men! These motley constituencies of ig norance and vice, having no concep tion but in hate; no birth but m strife; no nursing but in usurpation, and no strength but in crime and treachery, were placed, in each State, under the appropriate lead of adventurous vagabonds, bankrupt in fortunes and hungry for the spoil of their victims; paupers from birth in every sentiment of honor, and en joying with keen relish the humilia tion of their superiors! And these formed the government under which we have been dying. Ignorant ne groes have been made masters proud,educated masters made slaves. Robbers have been made rulers; thieves have been made detectives, all protected by Federal power, while hum t>le submission to the re morseless demands of this insatiate wickednes has been made the only test of loyalty and devotion to that Union which our fathers helped .to form in order to secure the bless ings of liberty to them and their posterity! Many of the effects of this policy of reconstruction the future histori an will have no difficulty in discov ering. The millions of taxes we have had to pay to feed these vampires upon our substance, and sickening eye sores to our pride and honor; the millions of debt piled up for our posterity to pay in bonds issued by these licensed gamblers upon the the property, liberty, life and hope of the people of these States; the miscegnating orgies of loyal legisla tors, and reckless plundering of car pet-bag Governors; the readiness with which criminals were turned loose, and the equal readiness with which good citizens were arrested without warrant, tried without law, convicted without evidence and hur ried off to foreign prisons without mercy, only because they were sus pected of having too much manhood to bear their wrongs with unmurmur ing submission; how our lands were e- depreciated, our society demoralized, and all our most intelligent and vir tuous citizens were denied the right to provide remedies: These and many more of like character, the fu ture historian will easily see, and must see, though every glance cre ate nausea. But there are other facts and incidents, not so patent to the world, and not on record, which may be found in every neighborhood, and which we ought to gather up as far as we can. Rich men have been made poor; proud men have been made humble; noble women have And now we approach the analysis! been insulted; innocent men have of the most stupendous series of i been imprisoned; many, very many crimes ever perpetrated in lininuu 1 have been too weak to bear their history by individuals or States, civ- ilized or savage. federate Government, enacted to ear ly on the war, were unconstitution al and void. They scattered th ir documents of twin falsehood ;s:id treachery among our people topjpve to them they had a right to ref se supplies to the soldiers. They sett ssue made by the contest was ex- j tered them through the army to austed and determined. j convince soldiers it was no criife to /Ike Southern States and peoplei desert. And they scattered iiem [.ccepted, in a frank and liberal spirit, among our enemies to prove to Bern 11 the just consequences of their] that oui people were dividing, hat lefeat. They abandoned secession,: our armies were weakening, md ml the doctrine of secession, as a! that ^ ie J h&d on ty take couage mces,: and keep up the struggle, and; ,nr- >ast or future, and for all time. They j render was inevitable! Oh, my lid more. Property in slaves was|fnends, we were fearfully, sally, lot the cause of the war. It was| treacherously; altogether cheatelin- lot the great fundamental right for | to surrenderi If the demands Lade vliieh the Southern States went into after the war was over, had >een eeessiou. It was only an incident ; frankly avowed while the war wis in o that right. The right of the i progress, there would have beei no States to regulate their own internal! pretexts for our tieacheious,jnal- a flairs, by the exercise of the pow- contents; there would have bei^no rs of government which they had never delegated, and the conviction hat independence was ne.eessary to division or wearying among our peo ple ; there would have been no de sertions from our armies, and there preserve that right of self-govern- j would have keen no surrender of ment, was the great, moving, inspiring arms, nor loss of our cause. Never. ° .1.- rni,™ Vever cause of the seceding States. There was not a day of the struggle when the Southern people would not have surrendered slavery to secure inde- peudence. But slavery was the par ticular property which, it was be lieved, was endangered without inde pendence, and which, therefore, made the assertion of secession necessary. The disciples of coercion denied this, and asserted they had no intention of interfering with slavery in the States. True, a war.proclamation of emanci pation was issued Anally, and move- ent was made to amend the Federal onstitution and if to make this em ancipation effectual. But this was avowedly done as a threat to induce surrender to avoid such a result, et, promptly after surrender, the •Southern people waived the diseus- Never! But the Northern States aud peo ple having male these demands as results of the* war, when wa could join no issue qa them in battle, there were only legai and political forums left in which to test their justice, and truth. Had sovereign States com mitted treason? Were tight mil lions of people traitors? Y'ere lead ers who had onV obeyed tLeir States, and served thsir people, criminals worthy of deati ? These were the greaf questions, and most usial forums to deter mine such issuis were in the courts of law. There’Wts cerhdnly no hin drance to such/t test. ! Our great chief was a primer, in a dungeon— in chains! Hefw; s not only ready and willing to bo tried, but demand- sion of all technicalities on this ques- ed a trial. By limself h e was most tion, and relieved their late enemies of all necessity to enter upon such discussion, and, in conventions as sembled, each State for itself, most solemnity abolished slavery forever anxious to vindicate the innocece of his people; or is ],i mse lf expiate their guilt by an ignominious death! Our enemies bad % appoint™of the judges; the/formation of the court; in their borders. To protect the! the selection of the jury; the entire negro in his freedom was more than j control an (Indirection of the proceed- a corollaiy to this emancipation. It j ings. Why did they hesitate ? Why was a duty which the preservation of society made necessary in each btate, and by each State for itself. But the Northern States and peo- mgs. 'll they n did they finaijy j ec jine to try? Was or a spirit of it becausetof' iv inerc.y, ® magnanimity? we shall see di rectly. No, they* were gnashing Unwilling to risk their own judges and juries, to pass legally upon the treason charged, our adversaries determined to pun ish without conviction. Unwilling to hazard the power of equal debate upon the minds and consciences of their own people, tjjey determined to condemn without a hearing. And why not? Their victims were un armed and helpless, and the luxury of vengeance could have easy, safe, and unrestrained gratification. The,first act was for Congress, composed chiefly of men who had been borne into their seats on the tide of sectional hate and strife, to seize all legislative powers into their own hands, and exclude the South ern States not only from actual rep resentation, but from the right of representatives. To justify this enormous usurpa tion, they declared the Southern States needed reconstruction. As this idea was wholly unknown to the Constitution, they boldly put them selves outside of the Constitution they had sworn to observe. To make the 'rogrk of- reconstruction ef fective, they; resolved‘that it belong ed exclusively to Congress—the leg islative department—and that the Executive department could not and should not participate, except to fur nish the military to aid in holding the victims still while the punish ment was being inflicted. To pre vent any embarrassing review of their measures, they further resolv ed that all questions arising under reconstruction were political and not judicial, and tbit, therefore, the courts could not and should notpass upon their constitutionality. Thus fortified in their usurpations, and goaded by rancorous, blind, long nurtured hate, they eommenced the work of dissolving governments, de stroying States, robbing, insulting and oppressing already impoverish ed and helpless peoples, and humili ating the white race! They enter ed each Southern State, and declar ed all existing governments to be il legal. They outlawed and set aside all existing constituencies—the con stituencies which originated State governments, and participated in forming the Federal Government. They created new constituencies composed chiefly of ignorant ne groes. They offered to include in these hew constituencies such of the resident whites as would con- sorrows aud flie sorrows of their country and kind death has brought them a refuge from grief. And yet the authors of all these wrongs boast of the great magnanimity, and gen erosity, they have exhibited to a fall en foe! They did not hang, and ex ile our leaders, nor confiscate our property! What conqueror was ev er before so manly and liberal ? But they made slaves of masters, and masters of slaves; law makers of vag abonds; rulers of strangers; and tax gatherers of robbers! They declined to take life, only that they might make life a lingering death. They did not drive us from home, only that they might make home the abode of sorrow and poverty. They failed to confiscate our property..by the usual act of government, that it might re main to be taken by negroes, thieves and strangers as their own lawful spoil! Death, exile, confiscation would end the punishment too soon. Such vengeance craved longer revel, and slower torture! And if we, who have been the witnesses to these horrors, and the victims of these wrongs, will only gather np and re serve the unwritten outrages, and unrecorded griefs of the last seven years, all posterity will, with one voice, declare that the punishment’s inflicted by our adversaries npon the Southern States and people under the name of reconstruction, for vin dictiveness of hate; for meanness of oppression; for cool, prolonged relish of torture, and for insatiate extrava gance of plunder, are without par allel in precedent, civilized or hea then. It must be admitted that our ene mies were wisely wicked. They well knew it would never do to admit Southern intellect into the national councils, until their work was fully completed and made part of the fundamental law. Even when re construction had reached the point that the doors of Congress must be opened, they were only allowed to be opened to such as were participants in, and products of the infamy. The caressing fathers took only to their arms the dirty children their ven- h a d begotten 1 bonds npon the use of their intellects. Bnt most manifestly, a better oppor tunity had returned at last to the Southern people, and it was expected by onr enemies and the world, that this opportunity would be improved, and our very ablest men everywhere chosen to Congress. And now comes the most carious chapter in our history. It will puz zle the future historian. Not a sin gle man who was in full sym^ and accord with the Confederate ministration, and who was intimate in the councils and, daily as it pro gressed, famjar with the policy of that administration, has been called by our own people to a single prom inent position, State or National! While many, who gave aid and en couragement to the enemy, by disaf- fecting onr people to that adminis tration during the war of coercion, and refused to give counsel, or coun seled coqsept, during the base? war of reconstruction, have reoeived high marks of confidence from onr ene mies, and high positions of honor from our people! Crowds of intellectual imbeciles, like flocks of noisy black birds in harvest time, rash forward to secure, by personal scramble and trade, those positions of heaviest trust and responsibility, and thus murder all hope of having any vin dication of our dead, or justice for onr living in the Councils of the Na tion. When such a State as Virgin ia, in such a crisis as this, for such a place as the Senate, repudiates such statesman a s Hunter—familiar with every fact of tlje Federal histo ry, intimately familiar with every fact in Confederate Councils, trained in debate, learned in constitutional law, courteous in manner, accurate in statement, powerful in logic, and respected even by our enemies—I think it is time to despair of doing anything, in this generation, to lift the South to her former position of influence and power in the Congress of the United States. To feed our people on frothy declamation now, lowever blown by procured newspa per puffs, is like feeding a starving multitude on unsubstantial snow flakes, however piled np by a capri cious winds! There was never such a field for real, profound, ^patriotic statesmanship. The very inferiori ty of Northern Representatives, as compared with those they sent to Congress before the war, but increas ed the chances for Southern states men to remove, by proper debate in the national councils, the false theo ries and impressions which have been crowded into the minds of the North ern people, and thus return the gen eral government to its constitutional limitations, restore to the States the free exercises of their reserved rights, and rescue from destruction for our enemies as well as for ourselves, those great principles of constitution al government which every purpose of the Confederates sought to main tain, and which every feature of co ercion must logically tend to destroy. Thus, denied by our enemies the opportunity of silencing by the sol emn judgments of their own courts, the fierce accusations of criminality in secession; and denied, by our enemies and the follies of our own people, the glorious chance of vindi cating oar cause in high debate, aud face to face with the chosen cham pions of our accusers, we have bnt one resource left us for defense or vindication. That resource is histo ry—impartial, unimpassioned, un office-seeking history. It is to secure a fair trial before this august tribu nal that this society has been organ ized to collect, prepare and perpetu ate the evidence. Our enemies are exceedingly active in their efforts to get a false presentation of the testi mony for the judgment of history. They are seeking to monopolize the possession of our records. They readily pay more money for disjoin ted portions of Confederate archives than they did for the Madison pa pers, giving an account of the pro ceedings of the convention that fram ed the Constitution. It is shameful to see how much assistance they are receiving, in their efforts to pervert and falsify onr history, from those malcontents who kept up such rest less assaults on the Confederate ad ministration. The men who quar relled more with their own side than with the enemy daring the straggle, are among the first, after the war, to rash to writing books to give their account of the government they did so much to break down. We owe it, therefore, to our dead, to our living and to our children, to be active in the work of preserving the truth and repelling the falsehoods, so that we may secure, forthem and for us, just judgment from the only tribunal be fore which we can be fnlly and fairly heard. If the fall truth can be seenred and preserved, we shall have nothing to fear in the comparison with onr enemy which history will make. The courage of our troops is beyond per version. The fact that we killed, wounded and captured a greater num ber of the enemy than we had sol diers in onr armies, is a tribute to onr gallantry and skill, which the records of no civilized war can surpass. With inferior arms, and limited re- ip from supplies from the outside world, and with unfortu nate and fatal divisions between the geance Had begotten- In 1872, alarmed by what seemed to be a re turning sense of justice at the North Southern States and among our- aided by most remarkable conces- selves, we made a fight for indepen* sions, for peace and deliverance, at dence which no people ever eqnall- the South, Congress removed the il-’ed. »-• legal disabilities imposed npon most Equally wonderfnl were the achiev- of our leaders, though npon many, men ts of onr statesmanship. In the even yet these disabilities remain.{beginning we had neither govern ment nor army, nor navy, nor treas ury. All these we had to improvise in the very hearing of an arming foe, who had an established government, an organized army, a powerful navy, and afi the sinews and appliances of war in extravagant abundance. And yet when the enactment and meas ures of the Confederate government shall be critically examined, they will be found to have sprung into existence with a wisdom, a vigor, an aptitude for the crisis and a strict conformity to all the principles of free institutions, which most chal lenge the admiration of publicists ana statesmen for all time. No people, ancient or modern, can look with more pride to the verdict which history will be _ compelled to render upon the merits and charac ters of our two chief leaders—the one in the military and the other in the civil service. Most other leaders are great because of fortunate re sults, and heroes because of success. Davis and Lee, because of qualities in themselves, are great in the face of fortune, and heroes in spite of defeat: When the future historian comes to survey the character of Lee, he will find it rising like a huge moun tain above the undulating plain of humanity, and he will have to lift his eyeB high towards Heaven to catch its summit. He possessed ev- ery virtue of other great commandters without their vices. He was a foe without hate ; a friend without trea chery; a soldier without cruelty, and victim without murmuring. He was a public officer without vices ; a private citizen without wrong; a neighbor without reproach ; a Chris ti n without hypocrisy, and a mau without guile, He was C®sar with out his ambition ; Frederick, without his tyranny; Napoleon, without his selfishness, and Washington, without his reward. He was obedient to au thority as a servant, and royal in au thority as a true king. He was gen tle as a woman in life; modest and pure as a virgin in thought^ watchful as a Roman vestal in duty ; submis sive to law as Socrates, and grand in battle as Achilles! There were many peculiarities in the habits and character of Lee, which are but little known and which may be studied with profit. He stu diously avoided giving opinions up on subjects which it had not been his calling or training to investigate; and sometimes I thought he carried this great virtue too far. Neither the President, nor Congress, nor friends could get his views upon any public question not strictly military, and no man had as much qniet, un obtrusive contempt for what he call ed “military statesmen and political generals.” Meeting him once in the streets of Riohmond, as I was going out, and he going in the executive office, I said to him, “General, I wish yon would give us your opinion as to the propriety of changing the seat of government, and going farther South.” “That is a political question, Mr. Hill, and yon politicians must deter mine it. I shall endeavor to take care of the army and you must make the laws and control the govern ment.” “Ah, General,” I said, “but you will have to change that rale, and form and express political opinions ; for, if we establish our indepen dence, the people will make yon Mr. Davis’ successor.” “Never, sir,” he replied with a firm dignity that belonged only to Lee. hat, I will never permit. What ever talents I may possess, (and they are but limited,) are military talents. My education and training are mili tary. I think the military and civil talents are distinct, if not different, and full duty in either sphere is about as mnch as one man can qualify him self to perform. I shall not ido the people the injustice to accept high civil office with whose questions it has not been my business to become familiar.” Well, but General,” I insisted, “history does not sustain yonr view. Caesar, and Frederick of Prussia, and Bonaparte, were all great statesmen, as well as great generals.” And all great tyrants, he prompt ly rejoined. “I speak of the proper rale m republics, where, I think, we should have neither military states men, nor political generals.” “But Washington was both, and yet not a tyrant,” I repeated. And with a beautiful smile he said: “Washington was an exception to all rale, and there was none like him.” I could find no words to answer fur ther, but instantly I said in thought: Surely Washington is no longer the only exaaption, for one like him, if not even greater, is here. Lee sometimes indulged in satire, to which his greatness gave point and power. He was especially severe on newspaper criticisms of military movements—subjects about which the writers knew nothing. “We made a great mistake, Mr. Hill, in the beginning of onr strag gle, and I fear, in spite of all we can do, it will prove to be a fetal mis take,” he said to me after Gen. Bragg ceased to command the Army of Tennessee, an event Lee deplored. “What mistake is that, General ?” “Why, sir, in the beginning, we appointed all our worst generals to command the armies, and all onr best generals to edit the newspapers. As yon know, I have planned some cam- signs and quite a number of battles, have given the work all the care and thought I could, when my plans were far as I could see they seemed to be perfect. Bnt, when I have fought them through, I have discovered de fects, and occasionally wondered I did not see some of the defects in advance. When it was all over, I found, by reading a newspa; erthatjston’s original appointment to that these best editor generals saw all the'command, defects plainly from the s:art. Un-!personally know. fortunately, they did not communi cate their knowledge to me nntil it was too late!” Then, after a pause, he added with a beautiful, grave ex pression I can never forget: “I have no ambition but to serve the Con federacy, and do all I can to win onr independence. I am willing to serve in any capacity to which the author ities may assign me. I have done the best I conld in the field, and have not succeeded as I conld wish. I am -willing to yield my place to these best general, and I will do my best for the cause editing a newspa per!” Jcffi-rxMi Davis w as as great in the cabinet a-i was Lee in the field, lit more resentful in temper, and more aggressive in his nature than Lee His posiison, too, was more exposed to assaults from within, lie had to make all appointments, and though often up on me recommendation of others, a! the blame of mistake w as charged to him, and mistakes were often charged by disappointed seekers and their friends which were not made. Jlea - so made recommendations for enact ment.-), and though these measnres, es pecially the military portion, invr.r Olv had the concurrence of and, offer originated wub L'*e, the opposition <> malcontents wusdireo ed at Davis. It is ast-.fiishing how men in position, and suj p --ed to be great, would make war on the whole administration for the most trivial personal disap^roint- rnetit. Failures to get places, for fa- v. rites of very ordinary character, has inspired long harangues against lh< rnoss important measures, and the- were continued and repeated even af ter those measures became laws. ’Can you beheve,” he said to me ouce, “tba: men—statesmen—in a struggle like this, w'ould haz-ud an injury to tin- cause because of their personal greiv- rnces, even if they were well founded “Certainly,” I replied, “I donotbe- lieve it but know it. There are tner who regard themselves with more de votion than they dolhecause. It sue men offer you counsel you do not take, •>t ask appointments you do not make, oveever you may be sustained in such action by Lee and alt the Cabi net, and even the Congress, they ac cept your refusal as questioning their wisdom, and as persona! war on them.’ “I cannot oonceive of such a feeling,” he said. “1 have but one enemy to fight and that is our common enemy. I may make mistakes, and doubtless I do,but 1 do the best I can with all the lights at the time bc'o'e me. G-><1 knows 1 would sacaifice most willing ly my life, much more my opinions, to defeat that enemy.’ 1 We all re member the fieroe war, which was made in Georgia, a.ainst c .-rtain war measures, of the Congress, am] against .Vlr. Davis for recommending them. Conscription and imprtssmeut espei- ally weie denounced as unconstitu tional and void, and not binding on soldiers or peopla. And then, th* limited suspension of habeas corpus was made the occasion for a concert ed movement on li e Legislature as sembled in extra session to array tin State in hostility to the Cun federate administration. It failed. This was in the dark days of 1864* On return ing to Richmond after this, I made tin usual call of courtesy-rm, of duty and of pleasure—on the President. A> I arose tu leave him, I said, Mr. Presi dent, I am hanpy to say to you that notwithstanding some indications to the contrary, the people of Georgia will cordially sustain you in all your efforts to achieve our independenc-.” “And I thank you, S:r, for that intoi- inati* n, and 1 have uever doubted tl<< fidelity of Georgia. ’ ‘ The people of Georgia sustain you” I added, ot only because they have confidence in you, but cbeifiy because it is the only way to sustain the cause.” And with an expression of sincer ity glowing all over his countenance, and with a reverential pathos I can never forget, he said: “And god knows inv heart, I ask all, ALL for the cause nothing, NOTHING for my sell.” Truer words never fell from nobler ip->, nor warmed from the heart of a more devoted patriot. These words, express in language, the soul, the mind, th'* purpose, aye, the ambition of Jefferson Davis. It was his mis fortune, and the misfortune of theCon f-dcracy, that this was not true of all ■vho were in authority. It was his fault, that he did not use his authority to deprive such of their power to d<> evil. I am speaking in Atlanta, and it is all the more proper, therefore, that I should speak for the first time in public of the removal of General Johnston from the command of the my of the Tennessee. I have heard it said that I advised that removal. This is not true. I gave no advice on the subject be cause I was not a military man. You have all heard it said that Mr. Davis was moved, by personal hos tility to Johnson, in making this re moval This is not only not true, but is exceedingly false. I do know much on the subject of this removal I was the bearer of messages from General Johnston to the President, and was in Richmond, and some times present, at the discussions on the subject. I never saw as mnch agony in Mr. Davis’ face, as actual ly distorted it, when the possible necessity for this removal was first rested to him. I never heard a gy pronounced upon Gem Johnston by his best friern to that which I heard from vis dnring these discussions. I he consulted with General Lee arnestly and anxiously perhaps, unfortunate removi I know that those who pressed the removal first and most earnestly, in the Cabinet, were those who had been most earnest for General John- \ ese things I do I was not present when the order for removal was de termined on, but I received it iumti diately after from a member of the Cabinet, and do not doubt its truth that Mr. Davis was the very feat man who gave his assent to E*.* moral The full history of the Hampton Roads commission and conference has never been written. I will not give that history now. Much has been said and published on the sub ject which is not true. I know why each member of that commission, on our part, was selected. I re ceived from Mr. Davis’ own lips a full account of the conversation, be tween himself and the commission ers, before their departure from Richmond. You have heard it said that the President embarrassed the commis sioners, by giving them positive in structions to make the recognition of our independence an ultimatum a condition precedent to any nego tiations. This is not true. Mr. Daria gave the commissioners no written instructions and no ultimatum. He gave them, in conversation, his views, but leaving much to their discre tion. They conld best judge how to conduct the conference when they met. His own opinion was, that u would be most proper and wise, so to conduct it, if they could, as to receive, rather than make, proposi tions. While he did not feel au thorized to yield onr independence in advance, and should not do so, and while he did not desire them to deceive Mr. Lincoln, or be responsi ble for any false impression Mr. Lincoln nught have, yet, he was willing for them to secure an armis tice, although they might be satis fied that Mr. Lincoln, in agreeing to it, did so under the belief that re union must, as a result, follow. I may add that Mr. Davis had no hope of success, or of securing an armistice, after he learned that Mr. Seward was to accompany Mr. Lin coln. “Mr. Lincoln,’ he said, “is an honest, well-meaning man, but Seward is wily and treacherous.” I conld detain you all night correcting false impressions which have been industriously made sgainat this great and good man. I know Jefferson Davis as I know few men. I have been near him in his public duties; I have seen him by his pri vate fireside; I have witnessed his humble Christian devotions; and I challenge the judgment of history when I say, no people were ever led through the fiery straggle for liberty by a truer, nobler patriot; while the carnage of war and the trials of pub lic life never revealed a purer and more beautiful Christian character. Those who, daring the straggle, prostituted public oflice for pnvate gain; or used position to promote favorites; or forgot public duty to avenge private griefs; or were dere lict and faithless in any form, to onr cause, are they who condemn and abuse Mr. Davis. And well they may, for, of all snch, he was the con trast, the rebuke and the enemy. Those who were willing to sacrifice self for the cause; who were willing to bear trials for its success; who were willing to reap sorrow and pov erty that victory might be won, will ever cherish the name of Jefferson Davis; for, to all such, he was a glo rious peer and a most worthy leader. I would be ashamed of my own nnworthiness if I did not venerate Lee. I would scorn my own nation if I did not love Davis. I would ny ot otism if I did not honor and admire both. There are some who affect to praise Lee, and condemn Davis. But of all Buch Lee himself would be ashamed. No two leaders ever leaned, each on the other, in such beautiful trust and absolute confi dence. Hand in band and heart to heart, they moved in the front of the dire straggle of their people for independence—a noble pair of broth ers. And if fidelity to right, endur ance of trials, and sacrifice of self for others, can win title to a place with the good in the great hereafter, then Davis and Lee will meet where wars are not waged, and slanderers are not heard; and as heart in heart, and wing to wing they tor through the courts of Heaven, ad miring angels will say, What a no ble pair of brothers! The saddest chapter in Confeder ate history which the future histori an will be called to write, will be that one in which he shall undertake to define the real cause of our failure. For the truth must be told. Five millions of people, in such a country as we possess, were not con quered because our resources were inferior, or our enemies were aopow- . erful! All physical disadvantages are insufficient to account for our failure. The truth is, we failed be cause too many of our own petmle were not determined to win. Mal contents at borne and in high places, took mote men from Lee’s army then did Grant’s gims. The same agen cies created dissensions among, onr people, md we failed to win inde pendence because onr sacrifices ceas ed, our purposes fettered, and onr strength was divided. Kind judge, let this and chapter be short. Bui above all things we bave leest to dread in history on the merits «f the immee which divided Urn most stand before the the more inimical to the Union, to [concLRDsn ow room row.]

Georgia Historic Newspapers

The Sandersville herald. (Sandersville, Ga.) 1872-1909, May 08, 1874, Image 1