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Hunt & Taylor,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW
BARNESVILLE, Ga.
w f-TILL practice in tlie countie
Y/y comprising the Flint Judicia
r,vuit and in the Supreme Court of the
’ i*ir Office over Drug Store of J.
\V. Hightower. dec2 ~U
ffiiL 'ffIW&KMSM B,
attorney at law,
, „ I!(\i '.Vll-LK, GA. Will practice In the
J. S. POPE,
ATTORNEY at law,
ZEBULON, GA.
,y p r Jim t attention given to business.
B i..ir.n ;r.p.. c. a. turner.
BERNER & TURNER,
ATTORNEYS at law,
Forsyt li, Gn.
-.-■ TILL practice in all the Courts, and give spe
\\ (VU ’ attention to the collection of claims. Re-
H'm. H. Head, Banker, Forsyth, Ga., Dumas
Allen, Cotton Factors, Forsyth, Ga. mchß-ti
P. .V. MARTIN. T - K - Mn -LS, JR.
JUHTIK &
,/ T T 0 It N E Y S A T L A W,
Griffin, Georgia.
Will practice in all the State Courts of Georgia,
and tire United States Courts. .
£2r"Otlire, front room, up-stairs, iu Cunningham
building. mchl-flm^
Cabaniss& Peeples,
AT T O Ii NETS A T L A W,
Forsyt is, t[*ii
6 FILL practice in ail the counties of the Flint
\V Circuit.
|\SI RWTE,
,J. B. HANSON,
Jibe and Life Insurance Agent. Office—brick
torner east aide Main Street,
BarnesviSlc, Georgia.
M 3 m -
Hr. Wm. A. WEIGHT,
BA UN F.SVILLK, GEOR( HA,
Dealer In
Drugs* Medicines
Chemicals, Paints, Oils,
VARNISHES, GLASS,
PETTY, FINE SOAPS,
SPONGES, BRUSHES,
PERFUMERY, DYE
STUFFS, TOBACCO,
SEG ARS,SNUFF, Etc.
qi{!\DEfi SEEDS,
Of the Best Quality
And other goods that are usual In his line. lie
has tlie pleasure of returning thanks tor past fa
vors, and solieits a continuance of the same, and
hopes in the future to he able to satisfy those
who patronize him, in
Prices, Quality of Goods, etc.,
and feels confident that it will he to the interest
of all to eall on him before purchasing elsewhere.
1 R reKc*riplioii
FilUed on the most Reasonables Terms.
Those in arrears must settle hi/
the first of March.
feb22-sm
Thrash*s Consumption Cure
AW what l)r. LOT 1C PIE DOE
has to sat/ about it.
fun Brother Davies —Excuse me for writing
■ily when I am deeply interested. I have been
leeless about two months. Could not read and
iny m a family. Had tried many things. Got no
'lent from auv. Since Conference, someone sent
: -e, from Americus, a bottle of THRASH’S t'ON
motive cere and lung restorer,which
:vp been taking now this is the ninth day. I can
' "ow with some ease. I came here among other
1 ‘lugs, to supplp myself with this medicine. No
urug-ist here lias it on sale. I must have it. I want
' to go in person to Messrs. Thrash & Cos. and
‘ iin them this letter, and make them send me, to
, I r!a - Ga., two, three or four bottles, with bill.
1 a 'u gettiug on finely.
for sale wholesale and retail by D. W. CURRY,
oruggist, Cattersville, Ga Call and get a trial bot>
rie tor 35 cents.
JOURNAL gives choic-
J t standard and new prices for professional and
aiuvteur readers and speakers, school exhibition,
and interesting articles on appropriate subjects,
ust the wanted. Large size, 10 ets. of any
or by mail.
HANEY & CO., 119 Nassau St.. New York.
■•i
tJic Working Clsa,-lVe are
now prepared to furnish all cla,ses with constant
employment at home, the whole of their time, or for
lUrir spare moments. Business new, light and prof-
Uab ‘ e - Persons of either sex easily earn from SO
■ cats to per evening, and a proportional sum by
devoting their whole time to the business. _ Boys
klul girls earn nearly as much as men. That ail who
G‘is notice may send their address, and test the
unparalleled offer: To such as are not well satis
fied we will send one dollar to pay for the trouble of
anting. Full particulars, samples worth several
Ouliars to commence work on, and a copy of Home
umi Lin ~ide, one of the aargestand besi lUnstrated
Publications, all sent free by mail. Reader if you
" ant permanent, profitable work, address, gf.orgk
Unson 6c Cos., Portland, Maine.
t Jk sc‘>a per day at home. Samples worth
9 $1 free. Stinson & Cos., Portland
Mftiue, mchl6-ly
VOL. VIII.
Medical Dispensary.
Dr. Geo. W. Marvin again ten
ders his professional service to his
old friends and the public. Rispen
sary and consultation rooms, No. 1
W hite hall street, in Centennial buil
ding, Atlanta, Ga., where patients
can get reliable treatment for all
diseases of the Throat, Lungs and
Catarrh. The above diseases treated
by inhalation.
The Doctor treats all diseases of
long standing, such as Eruptions,
Gravel, Paralysis, Rheumatism, Go
itry, Dropsy, Biliousness Diseases of
the Kidneys, Erysipelas, Nervous
Depression, Dyspepsia, Liver Com
plaint, all Diseases peculiar to Wo
men, all Private Diseases, Heart Dis
ease Swollen Joints, Couglis, Gout,
White swelling, St, Vitus Dance, etc.
Electricity'applied in cases where
it is required. The Doctor is per
manently located, and persons who
hay e been under the treatment of oth
er physicians and have not been cur
ed, are invited to call, as he treats all
curable diseases, and cures guarnteed
or no pay. Call and see the Doctor
without delay. His charges are mo
derate, and consultation free. Oflice
hours from 9 a.m. to 4 p.m.
feb22-ly
GENERAL. TOOMIIS.
HIS LETTER TO COL. L. X. TRAMMELL.
Washington, Ga., April 20, 1877.
Dear Sir—Your letter of the 17
ult., requesting my “views upon the
subject of calling a convention of
the people” to review the present
recognized Constitution of this State
has been duly received. Other pres
sing engagements have delayed tin's
reply. Idonotknowa single rea
son against the call, and the public
security and safety demand it. The
existing Constitution is no. the act
or deed of the people of Georgia, It
was forced upon them by force and
fraud. Large numbers of her most
worthy, intelligent and virtuous cit
izens were denied the privilege of
even voting for members of the Con
vention, who, with nut few excep
tions, were hungry, hostile, alien
enemies, domestic traitors, and igno
rant, vicious emancipated slaves.
'The last Legislature passed an act
to allow the people to meet in con
vention, review the work of these mil
itary appointees and to amend,
change and alter it, or accept it if
they like it and thus make it their
organic law. It is a public shame
that this permission was not given
by the first free Legishßure, and its
successor which met after the flight
of Bullock. Every other one of the
sister provinces exercised the right
as soon as they were able to do so,
and have greatly benefitted them
selves by so doing. The present gov
ernment of Georgia is a usurpation.
It has no moral or legal claim to the
support or obedience of the people.
It is wanting in the consent of the
people—the foundation stone of all
lightful government. Therefore
it is public shame, supported or lv
by bad and wicked men for selfish
purposes. But independent of the
workman the work is not good. The
present Constitution denies the right
of the States ; subordinates
them to their agent, the Federal
Government; in effect asserts that
this is a consolidated government;
that we owe primary allegiance to
the United States. We deny it.
Let us assert the truth and maintain
it when we can, or leave the truth
to he defended by our children and
children’s children whenever oppor
tunity offers. The people wish to
review the Executive Department of
the government ; its tenure is com
demned by many as \oo long and its
patronage too great. Its power over
the judiciary department presents
formidable objections to it. The
judiciary system itself is defective,
totally inadequate to a speedy and
impartial trial of either criminal or
civil causes. The jury system is vi
cious and subjects the country to
constant danger. Our old grand
jury system was far preferable to
the present. The legislative depart
ment demands review by the people.
The Senate is a mockery and a nui
sance. It has generally defended
all the abuses of the corrupt rule of
Bullock and his gang, the instru
ment of all corrupt organizations to
deplete the public Treasury and use
the public credit for the promotion
of local and personal objects and not
for the general weal. It is true
there have been a considerable num
ber of able and honest patriotic men
in that body, but too few to defeat
the greater portion, or establish a
soui!d policy for the State on many
areat and vital questions. It has
defeated the call of a Convention for
four years, and last \\ inter sought to
defeat it by annexing odious condi
tions to the bill.
The Semite insisted upon submit
ting the call to the people, hoping to
rally ignorant freed men, all the
remnant*of the Bullock gang, both
inside and outside of the Pern
ocratic party, all the friends of the
spurious bonds, all “developers of
resources” generally, to def at the
convention. They remembered that
the call for the present Constitution
was not submitted to the people, but
was the work of “sabre away, ” Be
sides, the representation in the Senate
is grossly unequal. It is neither bas
ed upon population, taxation, terri
tory protection of all interests, nor
upon any other sound basis of repre
sentation. It is purely arbitrary,
and was intended bv its authors to
perpetuate as long as possible the
power of the usurpers in spite of the
THOM ASTON. GA.. SATURDAY MORNING, MAY 12, 1877.
people. The tenure of office is too
long, and ought to be shortened.
Let the people meet in convention
and try to adopt a better system.
But the great defect in the Consti
tution is that it does not protect the
property of the people against inva
sion of the legislative power.
That was the defect of our old Con
stitution, as well as the present one.
The same causes have greatly in
creased the danger from this source
m all free representative govern
ments. The failures to limit by or
ganic law the power of the legisla
tive department have brought the
Federal and State governments and
municipal corporations to the verge
of bankruptcy, and impoverished
and ruined the people. This has
been the most frightful source of all
of our calamities. We must remark
and plainly define the dividing line
between individual rights and public
authority.
The age in which we live has de
veloped new dangers to free repre
sentative governments. Even the
inventions and discoveries of genius
in the arts and sciences, with their
new benefits and blessings to man
kind have also brought new dangers
to good government. This is espe
cially true of those inventions and
discoveries which contribute so
largely to the promotion and clistriv
bution of wealth and the spreading
of intelligence among men and na
tions. The improvements in the
application of the illimitable power
of steam and the utilization of elec
tricity are especially noteworthy ele
ments in their effects upon modern
society and governments. They
have made great associations of cap
ital innumerable and gigantic corpo
rations necessary for their develop
ment. These corporations with
largo capitals are powerful, and,
therefore, dangerous to society.
They first absorb individual capital
—all right enough—then all they
can borrow—-still right enough, and
next the treasuries of municipal cor
porations, public lands and all other
public property, then the treasuries
and credit of the National and (State
governments—this is all wrong, [vio
lates justice, transfers the sweat of
the poor to the coffers of the rich,
appropriates the public fund to pri
vate use and profit, and opens the
flood-gates of fraud and public de
moralization. What is the remedy
for these great evils and dangers?
We must find it somewhere, or aban
don representative government.
We have seen Congress corrupted ;
State Legislatures corrupted ; city
authorities corrupted ; all of our
guards over public property and pub
lic credit corrupted ; anew power is
discovered, and political burglary is
enrolled among the useful arts of
government. The remedy is plain
and sufficient for all of these things.
We can accept no other security but
this :
We must put it out of the power
of our rulers to injure society if they
wish to do it. Lot us make anew
Constitution, and by that Constitu
tion make tho depository of the pub
lic treasury and public credit politi
cal burglar-proof, and put the key
in the pocket of the people, by de
claring that no debt shall ever be
created by the Legislature or bin
ding upon the State except for the
public defence ; that the State shall
never be bound for the “debt, de
fault or miscarriage of another.”
This will save the people and the
State from ruin. Nothing else will,
and it must be done now or we may
be too late. Municipal corporations
should be confined to their own lim
its, and not permitted to endorse at
all or borrow, except for the good
government of their respective coi”
porations. The principal purpose
and necessity for a call of a Conven
tion is to consider these and such
others as the people may desire. All
acknowledge the evils. What pre*
sent reason can be found against the
proposed search for a remedy by the
people ? The people have demanded
it again and again almost unani
mously through their House of Rep*
resentatives and all other recognized
exponents of the popular will. The
people have spoken ; let the Con
vent ion meet. What are the objec*
tions to it ? Covert enemies of the
Convention, those who hope to prof
it by its abuses, including others
who have not considered the matter,
have suggested many. Their prin
cipal one is that the Convention
might endanger the homestead law.
One of my own great objections to
tbe present Constitution is that it
does not secure a sound, substantial,
real homestead to the women and
children of the State. I want such
a measure. It is far better for soci
ety that the women and children of
the State should be secrued an am
ple and sufficient homestead, where
they can be comfortable and happy
and the children eun support them
selves and be brought up under vir
tuous influences, than to be thrown
on society houseless and homeless
and penniless, outcast and wander
rers, subject to all the temptations,
to crime in its worst forms, and fi
nally to become tenants of jails and
poor houses. Let us demand such a
homestead of the Convention. It
will injure nobody. It will only
withdraw from trade and traffic,
crime or misfortune, a sacred sanct
uary dedicated to humanity. The
details may be safely trusted to a
Convention of the people. We have
no such homestead. The present
homestead may be waived by the
head of the family. It is but a life
estate in the hands of the family and
an estate for yeays only in the mi-
nors and terminates at arrival of
age. It is a sham, but even such
as it is the objectors well know that
such rights as have been acquired
under it are so secure that no Con
vention could touch them if they
wished to do so. The objection is
only intended to deceive the igno
rant and unwary. But it is also ob
jected that the Convention may re
move the capital from Atlanta.
Well suppose they do, shall the sup
posed personal interests of a few thou
sand people weigh a feather against
a good Constitution which will pro
tect the rights, liberty and proporty
of all ? Away with such nonsense.
This is not the true reason. The
new Constitution would certainly
dispose of all future ’-md questions.
There would be no further use for
the lobby. Make your Constitution
right and then there will be but one
remaining question as to the capi
ital, and that would be simply the
comfort and convenience of our pub
lic servants in] discharging public
trusts. Atlanta would have no com
petition in such a contest. It is not
worthy a thought with "freemen.
Some of the not very ardent friends
of the Convention have taken anew
dicease which a distinguised Senator
calls the “apprehensions.” They
fear that the Convention will put
themselves and everybody else in
jail for debt ; will establish Moses’
mode of punishment and do divers
other old and wicked things if ever
the people let them come together
at Atlanta to consider their organic
law. I believe it is not the practice
of organic laws to adopt penal codes.
That has hitherto been considered
the peculiar province of the Legisla
ture, and we are content that it shall
remain there. But perhaps the
“wicked flee when no man pursn
eth.”
lam respectfully, your .obedient
servant, R. Toombs.
Colonel L. N. Trammell, Dalton,
Ga. |
Sliakspeare outlieSoutli.
The Southern Question —
“Tliempurple testament["of .'bleed*’-
ing Avar.” —Pichard IT., Act 111.,
Sec, 3.
His opinion of the Massachusetts
carpet- baggers—
“ They pray continually to their
saint, the commonwealth, or
er not pray to her, but prey on
her, for they ride up and down on
her and make her tlmir boots. * *
* We steal as in a castle, cocksure.”
—1 Henry'lV., Act 11.. Sec. 1.
(In a speech t o Cha’mberlam !)
Policy of parson Newman, Jim
Red path, Dr. Mallabeir, Senatorial
Investigating Commissions and the
like
“To seal this lawless bloody book
Of forged rebellion with a seal divine,
And consecrate commotion's bitter
edge. 5 5
2 Henry IV., Act IV, Sc. 1
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Hayes—
“lnfirm of purpose !—Give me the
daggers! — Macbeth, Act 11. , Sc. 1.
Of the restoration of South Caro
lina an and Lo u isi ail a—
“Now these, her princes, are come home
again,
Come the three corners of the world in
arms
And we shall shock them.’’
King John, Act C., Sc. T
Concerning the best way for the
Democrats to induce Mr. Hayes to
continue carrying out, their policy—
“He will rather do it when he [sees
Ourselves well-sinewed to our own de*
fence.’’
— lb., ih.
Wliat Done With Olllee Seek
ers* Letters.
Governor Young, of Ohio, gives
an amusing account of the manner
in which epistolary applications to
President Haves from office seekers
are treated in Washington. Mr.
Hayes has three Secretaries and four
clerks, and these gentlemen attend
to all his correspondence, even that
marked private and personal. In
front of these gentleman are a num
ber of large baskets ; one is marked
“State,” another “War,” another
“Navy,” another “Post Office,” and
so on through each of the depart
ments. Every letter is opened and
carefully read. If its writer wants a
place for himself or a friend, as a
postmaster, the documents is endors
ed “Postal Department,” and thrown
into the basket of that department.
If for a place in any other depart
ment, it is correctly endorsed and
thrown into its proper basket. Oc
casionally a letter is found the con
tents of which show that it should
be seen by the Presidential eye, and
this is placed in a small basket la*
belled “President.” When all the
mail has been opened and distribu
ted, it is carried off to the various
departments, where it is again ex
amined, and then pigeon-holed for
future reference. Of the immense
mail sent the President every day
from office seekers, hardlv one letter
in fifty ever reaches the Presidential
eye. -
There are thirteen Russian mer
chant men t now lying in American
ports, all afraid to venture out since
war has been declared. Two ships
and two barks are at New \ork,
about the same number of each kind
at Baltimore, and three at Philadel
phia. Those here arrived early in
April, and have been instructed by
cable from Russia not to move with
out further orders. As Russia does
not indemnify for losses of ship own
ers, they have to lie idle or insure at
war risks, which sometimes reach
forty or fifty per cent.
TOWX FARMERS.
What it is to Live at Home and
How it is to Live in Town.
Somebody sends the Marietta
Journal the following article, which
recently appeared in the Southern
Cultivator, It is worth a wide circu
lation, and we give it the benefit of
ours:
“When I lived on my farm, I at
tended to my own business in per
son—overseeing my overseer and ev
erything else, and I prospered at it
in everything and in every year. I
had plenty for man and beast, and
sold more of other things than I had
of cotton. I sold corn and fodder,
and wheat and oats, and barley and
potatoes, together with beef, bacon,
lard mutton, wool, etc. I may add
avo had ceesc, duck's, pea-fowls, tur
keys, Avitli from 150 to 300 chickens,
kept at night in a mink and ne
gro proof hen house. We also had
many Hives of bees. Mr. Editor,
did you ever tire of milk and honey,
or butter and eggs ? If 1 ever did do
notnoAV, for in an evil hour I left my
farm and removed to toAvn, and the
farm and all things on it felt the
change. Do you know a thrifty far
mer avLo lives m town ? I don’t.
From that one hundred head, my
cattle fell to less than forty. Hogs
from three hundred to one hundred.
Sheep from eighty-five to seven,
chiefly by dogs, (yet avc can not get
a dog law.) Geeso from forty-five to
three or four desolate old ganders,
too tough for cuffee’s teeth. Bee
hives fifteen or twenty clown to three
or four, and they saved in a pine
pole pen, under a lock and key. The
negroes said the overseer’s Avife ate
and sold all of the chickens, and she
said the negroes devoured them ; aud
so on of everything. The prospect
that the cultivator helped me so
much to achieve, all gone. Now,
regretful memories crowd upon me in
my moody moments. But I Avill not
he again troubled in seeing the sills
of my barn bending under the Aveight
of 800 or 1,000 bushels of wheat. I
am in town, hoAvever, tremendously
respectable, (if it Avere a negotiable
commodity, I would exchange some
respectability for bread and butter)-
I Avear “store clothes,” instead of
Avalnut-brown home-made jeans, as
formerly, I eat “'town victuals,” such
as it is. But let me Avhisper a Avord
in your ears, and don’t let it get out :
to kill a chicken is as great an event
now as it Avas to slaughter an ox
Avlien I lived at the plantation, I
have ceased to wonder at Jacob’s
children longing for the leeks and
onions of Egypt. If I could shake
off a fcAV years from my shoulders, 1
woufl fly back to my farm and pros
per again, as I did Avhilo on it, for
two and two ahvavs make four while
the world stands. Any farmer who
is willing to Jive hard fora year or
two, then buy for cash pay no inter
est or credit prices, if he works and
manages well.
DEMOCRATIC 111 TV.
(From the New York AVorld.)
The administration at Washing
ton has evidently discovered, and
the office seekers who have been
constructing out of their selfish
hopes the phantom of anew party
are beginning to discover that the
Democratic organization. North and
South, does not intend to rest con
tent with a removal of the army
from the State Houses of South Car
olina and Louisiana, but proposes to
agitate for something more, and to
obtain it. The Democratic party
has the lower house, and is in sight
of victory in the upper house. One
of the things which it demands, and
the reasons of the demand, avc will
briefly state.
When the rebellion was finally
subdued in 18G2, the Republican
party decided to apply to the States
to confer new powers on the Nation
al Government, in order firmly to es
tablish the freedom and political
equality of the enslaved negroes. It
did not attempt to ask for new na
tional restrictions upon the State
right of secession, or for new power
over the domestic institutions of the
several States, excepting in regard
to the political equality of all classes
and races before the law. The thir
teenth amendment destroyed slave
labor. The fourteenth laid the axe
at the root of Mr, Calhoun’s idea
that no national citizenship exists
cxocpt by permission of the several
States, and of the Bred Scott decis
ion that no one of African descent
could be a citizen of the United
States. The latter amendment pio
claimed distinctly the existence of
two classes of citizens in this coun
try —one State and the other nation
al, The last sentence of tho first
section of tins amendment ran thus :
‘‘No Stato shall make or enforce
any law which shall abridge the priv
ileges or immunities of citizens of
the United States; nor shall any
State deprive any person of life, lib
erty or property without due process
of law, nor deny to any person with
in its jurisdiction the equal protec
tion of the laws.”
Did this sentence change the pre
vious character of the Union, excep
ting so far as it added another nega
tive on the powers of the State to
those already in existence relative to
the “establishment of religion” and
other things ? Were the amendment
intended to place the freedmen un
der any more special protection of
the Federal arm than white men be
fore the amendments were adopted ?
The Republican majority in Con
gress said “Yes.” And" thereupon
it enacted the “enforcement law” in
1870, which re-enacted tfic “civil
rights act” of 18GG and a registra
tion voting scheme m 1871.
In 1870 a class of cases known as
“The Slaughter House cases” came
from Louisiana to the Washington
Supreme Court, which brought
squarely up for decision the effect of
the thirteenth and fourteenth amend
ments upon the relations of the gen
eral government to the States, and
the issues thereon between the Dem
ocratic and Republican parties. In
1800 the Legislature of Louisiana
enacted a law by which no butchers
in New Orleans could slaughter, ex
cepting at a specified place and on
payment of a reasonable price ton
company for certain facilities there
afforded. The butchers endeavored
to prevent the company from enfor
cing its monopoly, and the State
Court said the law was within the
power of the Legislature and must
be obeyed. The butchers then ap
pealed to the Supreme Court at
Washington, saying, in substance,
that they had property used in
butchering in New Orleans and this
law destroyed it ; that they were
citizens of the United States as com
pletely as the enfranchised Africans
and entitled to exercise their trade
as formerly. They said the law was
in violation of the thirteenth and
fourteenth amendments, because it
abridged their “privileges and im
munities” as citizens, denied to
them equal legal protection and de
prived them of their property un
justly.
The case was not decided till 1873.
It, was twice argued. Chase was
then Chief Justice; Nelson had left
the bench, and Hunt had taken his
place. Strong and Bradley had been
appointed. The contest was earnest
and bitter on and off the bench, for
the question penetrated down into
the roots of the pretentions of the
Republican party to go inside the
States. The butchers were no
doubt national citizens; but if to
butcher in New Orleans, or be ex
empt from a monopoly conferred on
certain persons by Louisiana, was a
“privilege and immunity” of nation
al citizenship, or if the National
Government could do anything about
property in a butcher’s stall taken
away by a State law, then all the af
fairs o* a State were thrown open to
regulation by Congress. .The court
consisted of nine Judges, and was
divided in opinion. Only five resis
ted the new pretention and gave the
decision against the butchers. These
were Clifford, Miller, Davis, Strong
and Hunt; while Chase, Field,
Bradley and Swnyne dissented. By
only one majority were the ancient
rights of the State saved j
The majority of the court said
that the rights asserted by the butch
ers were those belonging not to na
tional citizenship, and that with
these latter the National Govern
ment had nothing to do. The mi
nority maintained that this right of
property, this right to labor, this
right to be exempt from a State mo
nopoly, was a right of national citi
zenship, and that the court, under
the new amendments, was bound to
enforce it. The final decision in
1873 laid the foundation for a subse
quent decision, two years later, by
the same court, that under the lift
teenth amendment the right to vote
was not an attribute of national citi
zenship, and that the Jaws enacted
by the Republicans in Congress to
enforce the amendments in respect
to negro voting were either unintel
ligible or unconstitutional.
The minority of the court in “The
Slaughter House cases,” argued that
the fourteenth amendment hud taken
away from the State of New York
the power it previously had to say
where cattle should be slaughtered
and garbage be dumped, and had
given to the National Government
the power to neutralize State action
in that direction. But such a con
struction, as was seen in another
case argued at the same time, would
prevent a State from prohibiting its
citizens from selling or using intoxi
cating liquors in which those citi
zens had acquired vested rights, and
so would put a stop to all temper
ance legislature. The minority at
tempted to discriminate between an
exercise of State police power in the
form of regulating the sale (with
which the minority admitted the
National Government could not in
terfere) and a law which amounted
to a destruction of a preacquired
right of property in the liquors; but
it was “too thin.”
What the Democratic party lias
now to do is to expunge from the
statute book all this legislation in
terfering with the rights of the
States which the Supreme Court
has said, or intimated, is forbidden
by the Constitution. Till that has
been accomplished it will not dis.
band its forces in order to allow Mr.
Hayes and his friends to create anew
party.
They had a tough subject in the
inquiry room. Moody wrestled with
him, and Sankey sang with him, but
the man seemed to despair of for
giveness. Finally Moody asked him
what sin had hardened his mind,
and he confessed to having heat a
newspaper publisher out of three
years subscription. The evangelist
informed him that they did not ]>cr
form miracles but if he would settle
up his dues, with compound inter
est, and pay for three years more in
advance, although they ould not
open the doors of the church to him,
perhaps he ought be sneaked in un
der the canvass.
The Alabama Daily State Jour
nal, the only Republican paper in
Alabama, lias suspended.
rpilF. GREAT IIARD TIMES PAI’EI
1 The Be*t, Uie Cheapent and the mo*t [Xipa- AV
l.ir. You can't afford to be w ithout it.
CRICKET HEARTH.
It is ;i mammoth 16-pasre illustrated paper (size of
H*r/>ei’s Weekly.) filled with the choice*! readme
for old *nd young. Serial and short stories, sketch
es, poems, useful knowledge, wit an humor, “an
swers to ooraespondenta,” puzzles, games, “poputar
songs.” etc. Lively, entertaining, amusing and in
structive. The largest, handsomest, best and cheap
est paper of its class published. Only f 1 per year,
with choice of ihree premium* : the beautiful new
chromo, “Yes or No?" size 15x19 ihches; any one of
the celebrated novels by Charles Dickens, or an ele
gant box of sationory. Paper without premium
only 75 cts. per year. Or we will send it four months
on trial for oniy 25 cents. Stir Specimen copy sent
on receipt of stamp. Agents wanted. Addrraa FYM.
LEPTON & CO„ Publishers, 37 Tark Uow, N. Y.
NO. 22.
olorcwl Finfsraiion.
From the St, Louis Republican.
During the last two weeks several
small companies of colored }>eople
have passed through St. Ixonis on
their way West. Some of them have
proceeded as far as Southern Califor
nia, but the larger proportion stopp
ed in Southwestern Kansas, where,
it is said, an African settlement is
in process of formation. The most
of the emigrants art; from Tennessee,
but we understand that, if satisfac
tory arrangements can he made, a
party of 1,000 persons from Ken
tucky will shortly move in the
same direction. Our readers may
remember that a year or more ago
a colored convention was held at
Nashville to take into consideration
the propriety of wholesale emigra
tion, and that the committees were
then appointed to investigate the
the matter in all its bearings, select
a suitable location, and make a re
port as soon as practicable. We are
not aware whether this report has
been made, but there seems to l>o
quite a general movement, not only
in Tennessee and Kentucky, but in
Louisiana and other of the more ex
treme Southern States: and it is
altogether probable that within a
vear or two the regions beyond tin;
Mississippi will be heavily reinforced
by instalments of colored popula
tion.
As far as wo have been able to as
certain, the emigrating blacks have
no special cause of complaint against
their white neighbors. They do not
allege!harsh treatment, unjust appli
cation of the laws, lack of educa
tional facilities, or any of those pet
ty annoyances to which a weaker
racchs sometimes subjected by the
stronger. But they assert that, in
their opinion, the two races cannot
live and prosper together ; that the
stronger must always enjoy advanta
ges which the weaker cannot obtain,
and that it is better for both to sep
arate. In other words, the blacks
are desirous of living by thorn-selves,
and are therefore anxious to
find a place where the soil and cli
mate arc favorable for agricultural
labor, where land is cheap and abun
dant, and where they are not likely
to be disturbed by white settlers.
Southwestern Kansas seems to be
the favorite spot now, but doubtless
the tide of emigration, when it once
sets in, will llow elsewhere as well.
We regard this movement as a
happy sign. It indicates that the
colored people are beginning to
think and act independently ; and
they are capable of forming their
own opinions and shaping their own
conduct without the assistance of
white advisers ; that they believe
themselves able to stand alone and
arc determined to try the experi
ment. Whenever a people have en
ergy enough to leave an old home
and establish anew one among en
tirely different surroundings they
have taken the first decisive step iii
the process of development A race
that will emigrate will rise in the
world, for emigration is one of the
best evidences of that strength of
character which is indispensable to
success. Heretofore all the move
ments of this kind have originated
with the whites, the blacks merely
giving a lukewarm assent : and fail*
ure has been the natural and inevita
ble result. But in the present case
the blacks alor.c are interested.
They have sent out their own
explorers, they have bought
their own land, they have paid
their own passage, and they
propose to run their own machine in
their own way. They will have the
good wishes of everybody in this, to
them, great and important underta
king. The inexorable logic of events
lias proved that if the colored people
are ever to be “elevated,” the eleva
tion must come from within, not
from without; and that if “the
wards of the nation” are to be any
thing but grown up children, they
must be allowed, encouraged, and if
necessary compelled to work out
their own salvation. This voluntary
emigration shows that the colored
people themselves appreciate the
force and meaning of these facts,
and are resolved to act in accordance
therewith.
A RESISTLESS WAGXET.
Prof. Smyth was once lecturing
on Natural Philosophy, and in the
course of his experiments lie intro
duced one of Carrington’s most pow
erful magnets, with which he attrac
ted a block of iron from a distance
of two feet.
“Can any of you conceive a great
er attractive power?” the lecturer
damanded.
“I ken !” answered a voice from
the audience.
“Not a natural terrestrial object?”
“Yeas, sir.”
The Professor challenged the man
who had spoken to name the thing.
Then up rose old Setli Wilmet.
He was a genius in his way. and
original. Said he:
“I ken give ye the facts, squire,
and you can judge for yourself.
When 1 were a young man, tliar
were a little piece o’ natural magnet,
done up in kaliker and dimity, as
we called Betsy Jane. She could
draw me fourteen miles every Sun
day. Sakes alive !it were jest as
natural us glidin’ down hill. Thar
wa’n’tno resist hi’ her. That ere
magnet o’ yourn is pooty good, but
’t a.n’t a circumstauce to the one’at
draw’d me.”
Ex-President Grant, it is stated,
has bought a hundred acies of laud
i in Florida, and will raise oranges.