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The McDuffie Journal. A Real Live Country Paper. Published Every Wednesday Morning, by WHITE .t COMBS. Terms of Subscription. One copy, one year $2.00 One copy, six months 1.00 Ten copies, in clubs, on* year, each.... 1 50 Single copies —Sets. «T All subscriptions invarilily in advance BUSINESS CARDS. R. W. H . N E A L , ATTORNEY AT LAW, AMD NOTARY PUBLIC, THOMSON, GA. WILL practice in the Courts of MoDttffie and adjoining Counties. WComvhtamcino a specialty. H. C. RONEY, ATTORNEY AT LAW. THOMSON, GA. Gs Will practice in the Augusta, North era and Middle Circuits. nolyl PAUL C 7 HUDSON, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Thomson, On- Will practice in the Superior Courts of the Augusta, Northern and Middle Circuits, and in the Supreme Court, and will give attention to nil cases in Bankruptcy. Aug. 25, 1474. ts (Neutral Dote!, MRS. W. M. THOMAS, AUGUSTA. GEORGIA seplltf 1(\ a day at home. Agents wanted, ep | £ Outfit aud terras free. TRUE A CO., Augusta, Maine. JUDKINS & SHAW, KEEP SUPPLIED WITH FISH, OYSTERS, GAME, VEGETABLES, Partridges, Doycr. Squir rels, Pucka, Chickens, Butter, Cabbages, Potatoes, Eggs NORFOLK OYSTERS, ICK, etc. from the country promptly filled. Address JUDKINS .fc SHAW, Mclntosh Street, next to the New Post Of fice. B‘Ja§ MILL GEARING MADE SEND 2-V. to G. I\* HOWELL * CO., New York, for Pamphlet of 100 pages, containing lists of 3BttO newspapers, aud estimates showing coat of advertising. PAVILION HOTEL Charleston, S. C. r». t. aLfobd <t co., Rates, $3.80 per day Proprietors. I B &P. C. T ANTS' Meat House, SiSXftpg] Augusta Ga. Fine CAROLINA. TENNESBE and KEN TI'CKY B B E! F , Pork, Lamb, Veal, Mutton. Hog-head Cheese, Sausage, Mixed, or ALL PORK, as ordered, Corned Beef, Pork, and Tongues. A full stock always on hand. A CARD. I AM frequently asked bv my friends if I am doing a general practice, or only at tending iuch cslls as may be made in good weather or convenient to my office. In answer to the above, I would say to my former patrons and friends, that from this date I will enter upon the active duties ol my profession looking in port to those who may ask my services for my reward. Office on Main Street, in Holzendorf’s House. May 10-ts. JAS. 8. JONES. JULIUS H.OPENHEIM, No, 143 Reynolds Street. AUGUSTA, - - - GEORGIA., WHO LBS AI/E DEALER IN IRON, METALS, RAGS AND ALL KINDS OF Paper Stock, Hides, Wool, WAX, Etc. H2-a§ ALBERT HAPE, Non-Resident Dentist, ( zAN still be found ready to attend to the wants of old and new patrons, if desired, at their residences. Will also, as heretofore, practice in adjoin ing counties. Panic prices insured and all work warranted. Office at the residence of W. E. Speir. Please address by letter, at Thomson, Ga. C 8 ts , rfhQf l per day at home. Samples tjeJ tO tlj/iU worth *1 free. Stinson 4 Cos., Portland, Maine. (The MUCluflic (iclcchln Jtraijnal VOL. VI. To the Afllicted. IN CALLING THE PUBLIC ATTENTION TO THE Indian Campound GOUGH MIXTURE FOR the cure ot CONSUMPTION and all diseases of the LUNGS and THROAT, I say that nothing surpasses it for Colds and Coughs, and can be taken from old age down to the cradle with impu nity, and without danger. But the profes sional world is so full of Ambiguousness and Egotism, that anything put before the public os a safe and reliable Remedy for certain diaeaaes is scoffed at and pro nounced worthless and a humbug. I say try it before you condemn it, as I will give you the name of every herb, Ac., that it is composed of, which you can examine at your leisure: Vitellus Ovi, Amygdaius Persica. Mel, Pinus Palustrus. Andromeda, Arborea. Arotium Leppa, Inula Helenium, Marrubinm Vulgare. Antennaria Symphy tum, Duiohwachsener IVasserdoat, Cepha lanthus Occidentals, Symphytum Offici nale It is prepared at my office, No. 56 Peach tree street, ATLANTA, GA., where it can be had in any quantity. If any one using it will say that it has done them no good, return the bottle and get your money re turned. S. T. BIGGERS, M. D., Cls-f*. Atlanta, Ga. For sale by Dr. A. D. Hill, Thomson. Ga. Spring Time 1 Again! C L E A N I T N EN cmwaiMt* BOOTS, SHOES, HATS, AC , AC., AC. JUST received a large lot of Spring aud Summer Goods of all kinds, which are use ful, good, pretty and cheap. We only ask inspection before you spend a dollar for auything in our line. A. J. Adkins, THOMSON, GA. THe Me of Cannon! rPhis thorongh-bred TENNESSEE BULL. X whose pedigree is well established and can be traced back through the purest stock for many years, is now standing on my plantation four miles North-east of Thom son, near the old White Oak Campground. He possesses all the qualities of tho finest blooded stock in the land, is three years old, of dark brown color, weighs about fif teen hundred pounds, a model form, per fectly gentle and well disposed. I am prepared to take care of cows sent from a distance at reasonable rates. A number of his calves may be seen at the residences of Messrs. T. B- West, Wm. H. Johnson, and others. Price of season $5.00, M. W. CURRY. May 10-6 m. 1870. 1877. GEORGIA DIRECTORY. First regular Issue now in preparat ion. I. WILL CONTAIN a complete Business Directory of every village, town and city in the State. 2. IT WILL CONTAIN a complete SHIP PER'S GUIDE to every point in the State. 3. IT WILL CONTAIN a full, classified list of all persons in the State engaged in any MERCANTILE, MECHANICAL, MANUFACTURING or PROFESSION AL pursuit. 4. IT WILL CONTAIN a correct list of State and County officers. 5. IT WILL CONTAIN a complete POST OFFICE DIRECTORY of the UNITED STATES and TERRITORIES. Also, an accurate list of EXPRESS STATIONS IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA, MISSISSIP PI, SOUTH CAROLINA and FLORI DA, prepared expressly for this work by Route Agents, and only to be found in our Directories. 6. IT WILL CONTAIN a revised and cor rect COUNTY MAP of the STATE of GEORGIA. 7. IT WILL CONTAIN, in addition to the foregoing special features, so much gen eral information that no business man can afford to be without it. As an adver sing medium we think it presents its own claims, and we confidently commend it to the business public, hoping to receive a patronage commensurate with its in trinsic value, and the great pains be stowed npon its preparation. BATES. One Page and Copy of Book $25 00 Half “ “ “ “ “ 15 00 Third “ “ “ “ “ 12 00 Fourth “ “ “ “ “ 10 00 Price of Book with Inch Card 5 00 Name in Capital Letters, 1 00 WHEELER, MARSHALL* BRUCE, PCBUISHEBS, ATLANTA, GA. /«*f % W GILDER; LOOKING GLASS AND PICTURE FRAME MAKER. OLD FRAMES RE-GILT, OIL PAINTINGS CAREFULLY CLEANED, LINED and VARNISHED. 49 JACKSON STREET. AUGUSTA, GA. POETICAL. OUR NEXT CENTENNIAL. "Twill be all the same in a hundred years! Our joys and our sorrows, our hopes and fears; Our thoughts andjour wishes, our sweet youug love That flutters the heart like a frightened dove; Our aobfij-toned words and our sage advice, And the dreams that can aages as fools en tice. And the sheen and the shadow of laughter and tears Will be melted away in a hundred years. 'Twill be all the same in a hundred years ! Then what is the use of our holies and fears? The king will lie down in his royal pride, And the peasai t will crumble to dust by his side; The withered old crone will yield to the blast, And the blooming maid sink as it hurries past; And all that now lives on this fairest of spheres Will be dust in the course of a hundred years. 'Twill be all the same in a hundred years ! Then what is the use of our hopes and fears? The roses will bloom in the Summer's fair day. But the Autumn's fierce blast will Bweop stronger than they; And the Winter's snow wreathe the fair earth in its white, And Heaven’s hosts move in tbeir mission of light. Then why should we fret us with hopes or with fears, When 'twill be all the same in a hundred years! 1® I- A T F O R M. —OF THE— National Democratic Party. We, the Delegates of the Democratic Party of the United S'ates iu National Convention assembled, do hereby declare the administration of Federal Govern ment to he in nrgent need of immediate reform. We do hereby enjoin upon the nominees of this Convention aud of the Democratic Party in each State a zealous effort aud co-operation to this end, aud do hereby appeal to our fellow-citizens of every former political connection to undertake witli ns this first and most pressing patriotic duty of the Democracy of the whole country. We do here affirm our faith in the permanency of the Federal Union, onr devotion to the Constitution of the Uni te States, with its amendments univer sally accepted as a final settlement of the controversies that engendered civil war, and do hereby record our steadfast con fidence in perpetuty of republican self government ; in absolute acquiescence to the will of the majority—the vital princi ple of republics—in the supremacy of the civil over the military authority ; in the total separation of Church and State, for the sake alike of civil and religious freedom ; in tire equality of all citizens before just laws of their own enactment; in tire liberty of individual conduct uu vexed by sumptuary laws ; in the faithful education of the rising generation, that they may preserve, enjoy aud transmit these best conditions of human happiness nnd hope. We behold the noblest pro ducts of 100 years of changeful history. But, while upholding the bond of our union and great charter of these our rights, it behooves a free people to prac tice also that eternal vigilance which is the price of liberty. Reform is necessary to rebuild and establish in the hearts of the whole people of tire Union, eleven years ago happily rescued from the dan ger of a secession of States, but now to be saved from corrupt centralism, whicli. after inflicting upon ten States the ra pacity of oarpet-bag tyrannies, lias honey-combed the offices of the Federal Government itself with incapacity, waste and fraud, infected States and munici palities with the contagion of misrule, and locked fast the prosperity of an in ■ dustrious people in the paralysis of hard times. Reform is necessary to establish a sound currency, restore the public credit and maintain the national honor. We denounce the failure for all these eleven years to make good the promise of the legal tender notes, which are a changing standard of value in the hands of the people, and the non-payment of which is a disregard of the plighted faith of the nation. We denounce the improvidence « hich in eleven years of peace, has taken from the people in Federal taxes thirteen times the amount of the legal tender notes and squandered four times this sum in useless expense without accumu lating any reserve for their redemption. We denounce the financial imbecility and immorality of that party, which, during eleven years of peace, lias made no advance toward resumption; that instead, has obstructed resumption by wasting our resources aud exhausting ail our surplus income, and while annually professing to intend a speedy return to specie payments has annually enacted fresh hindrance thereto. As such a hindrance we denounce the resumption clause of the act of 1875, and we hear demand its repeal. We demand a judicious system of preparation by public economies, by official retrench ments and by wise finance, which shall enable the nation soon to assure the whole world of its perfect ability and its perfect readiness to meet any of its promises at the call of the credit entitled to payment. We believe sucb a system well devised and above all entrusted to competent hands for execution, creating at no time an artificial scarcity of cur rency, aud at no time alarming the pnblio mind into a withdrawal of that vaster machinery of credit by which ninety-five per cent of all business transactions are performed, a system open, public and in spiring general confidence, would, from the day of it its adoption bring healing on its wings to all our hamassed indu try and set in motion the wheels of commerce, manufactures aud the mechanical arts, restore employment to labor, aud renew, in all its national sources, the prosperity of the people. Reform is necessary in the sum aud mode of Federal taxation to the end that capital may be set free from distrust and labor lightly burdened. THOMSON, GA. JHLY 12. 1876. We denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly 4,000 articles, as a master piece of injustice, inequality and false pretence. It yields a dwindling uot a yearly rising revenue. It has impover ished many industries to subsidise a few. It prohibits imports that might purchase the products of American labor. It has degraded American commerce from the first, to an inferior rar.k on the high seas. It has cut down the sale of American manufactures at home and abroad, and depleted the returns of Arner can agri culture, an industry followed by half onr people. It costs the people five times more than it produces to the Treasury, obstructs the processes of and wastes the fruits of labor. It pro motes fraud and fosters smuggling, enriches dishonest officials aud bankrupts honest merchants. We demand that all Custom House taxation shall be toy revenue only. Reform is necessaly in the scale of public expenses, Federal, State aud Mu nicipal. Our Federal taxation has swollen from $60,000,000, gold, in 1860, to $450,000,004), cunjjncy, in 1870 ; or, in a decade, from lessTlian $5 per head to more thau $lB per head. Since the peace, the people have paid to their tax gatherers more than thrice the sum of the national debt, an more thau twice that sum tor the Federal government alone. We demand a vigorous frugality in every department au4 from every officer of the government. Reform is necessary to put a stop to the profligate waste of public lands and their doversion from aotual settlers, by the party in power, which has squander ed 200,000,000 of aqros upon railroads alone, aud out of more than thrice that aggregate has disposed of less than a sixth directly to the tillers of the soil. Reform is necessary to correct the omissions of the Republican Congress, and the errors of our .treaties, ana our diplomacy, which have stripped our fellow citizens of toroign birth and kin dred race recrossiug the Atlantic of the shield of American citizenship, and have exposed our brethren of the Pacific coast to the incursions of a race not sprnug from tho same great parent stock, and in foot, now by law denied citizenship through naturalization, as being neither accustomed to the traditions of a pro gressive civilization nor exercised in liberty uuder equal laws. We deuouno tho policy which thus discards the liberty loviug German, and tolerates the revival of (be coolie trade iu Mongolian women imported for immoral purposes, and Mongo ian men hired to perform sqyvile labor xmtracts, and de mand such modification of tho treaty with the Chinese Empire, or such bg.s lation by Congress wit.jin a constitution al limitation as shall the further importation or imir.i ;i .tloii of the Mon golian race. awriv Reform is ipcon never bo effected but by lShkiiei ifhejjaqtroUiner, issue of the elections it above the two false issues the office holding class aud the party in power seek to smother it—the false issue with which they would enkindle sectional strife in respect to the public schools, of which tho establishment and support belongs exclusively to the several States, and which the Democratic party lias cherished from their foundation, and resolved to maintain without partiality or preference for any class, soot or creed, and without, contribution from tile Treas ury to any of them ; and the false issue by which they seek to light anew the dying embers of sectional hate between kindred peoples once estranged but now reunited iu one indivisible Republic aud a common doctrine. Roform is necessary in the civil ser vice. Experience proves that efficient, economical conduct of the governmental business is not possible if its civil service be subject to change at every election, be a prize fought for at the ballot box, boa brief reward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency and held for fidelity in the public employ ; that, the dispensing of patronage should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men nor the instrument of their ambition. Here, again, professions—falsified in the per formance—attest that the party in power can work out no practical or salutary reform. Reform is necessary even more iu the higher grades of the public service. President, Vice-President, Judges, Seua tors, Representatives, Cubiuet officers, these and all others in authority are the people’s servants. Their offices are not a private perquisite, they me a public trust. When the annals of the Republic show the disgrace aud censure of a Vice- President ; a late Speaker of the House of Representatives markettiug his rul ings as a presiding officer; three Senators profiting secretly by their votes as law makers ; five chairmen of the leading committees of the late House of Repre sentatives exposed in jobbery; a late Secretary of the Treasury forcing bal ances in the public accounts; a lute Attorney General misappropriating pub lic funds; a Secretary of the Navy en riched or enriching friends by percent ages levied off the profits of contractors with his department; an ambassador to England censured in a dishonorable spec ulation ; the President’s private Secretary barely escaping conviction upon trial for guilty complicity in frauds upon the rev enue ; a Secretary of War impeached for high crimes and confessed misdemean ors, the demonstratration is complete, that the first step in reform must be the people’s choice of honest men from another party lest the disease of one political organization infest the body politic, and lest by making no change of men or party we can get no change of measure and no reform. All these abuses, wrongs and crimes, the product of sixteen years’ ascendancy of the RepubliCon party create a necessi ty for reform confessed by Republicans themselves, but their reformers are voted down in convention and displaced from the Cabinet. The party's mass of honest voters are powerlessto resist the 80,000 officeholders, its leaders and guides. Reform can only be had by a peaceful civic revolution. We demand a change of system, a change of ation, a change of parties, that we may have a change of measures and of men. The 7th District has commenced sug gesting candidates for Congress. Rome says Dabney, and Cnrtersville says Young. We hope there will be no split next time. THE NOMINEES. Sketches of the Democratic Standard Hearers. SAMUEL J. TILDEN. [Albany Argus. ] Samuel J. Tildeu, Governor of the State of New York, was born at New Lebanon, in Columbia county, in 1814. His father, Elam Tilden, was a farmer and merchant in New Lebanon, and a man of very considerable local influence. He was a neighbor and friend of Presi dent Van Buren, whoso political as well as personal confidence he shared until his death. He also lived in friendly correspondence with most of the emi nent Democrats of the day, including Governor Marcy, Michael Hoffman, Governor Tompkins, Colonel Yonng, Governor Wright, Comptroller Flagg, Chancellor Livingston, and men of that class, with all of whom his sou Samuel was very early brought into confidential relations. Governor Tilden commenced his collegiate studies in Yale College in 1887, and completed them in the univer sity of New York. In the year 1844, iu connection with John L. O'Sullivan, he established the newspaper called the Daily News, iu New York city, which under his editorial direction and man agement, is understood to have exerted a decisive influence upon the election of President Polk. In 1846 he was elected to the Assembly from the city of New York, and in the same year was elected a member of the Constitutional Conven tion of that year. In the latter body he occupied a conspicuous position on the Committees upon Canals and Finances, and proved himself already one of the most discreet and capable statesmen of his age in the country. In 1855 he was the unsuccessful candidate of the Demo cratic party for Attorney-General. Iu 1867 he was chosen Chairman of the State Democratic Committee and a mem ber of the Constitutional Convention of 1867. Iu this latter body he was also a prominent member of the Committee on Finances. During all these years, since 1844, Mr. Tilden had been gradually ris ing to the front rank of the legal profes sion, and was finally recognized as the first railroad lawyer in the United States. In the case of the contested election of Comptroller Flagg, Mr. Tilden was as sociated with Mr. Evarts and Charles O’Couor in sustaining the validity of the return iu favor of Mr. Flagg as Comp troller. There is uo doubt that the mar velous ingenuity, the inexhaustible re source, and indefatigable energy which he displayed in this case, decided its fate. Mr. O’Conor was heard to remark to one of his friends, that. Mr. Tildeu’s argument iu that case was the most re markable intellectual effort he had ever witnessed. The years 1869, 1870 aud 1871, were consecrated almost exclusive ly to .the organization of a systematic at tack upon the corrupt influences which had taken possession of the New York city government, aud which were acquir ing a continuing influence in State legis lation. Mr. Tilden was the leading spir it of the New York Bar Association, which proved to be one of the most ef fective auxiliaries ; he went to the As sembly again to secure the legislation that was needed to bring the transgres sors to justice, he conducted tho investi gations which led to the exposure of their crimes, t e rescue of the Comp troller's office from then- power, aud ul timately the arrest, flight or imprison ment of all who had been prominent iu the misgovernment and plunder of the city. Though at that time the official head of the party iu this State, he open ly announced in the State Convention that he should oppose any nominee of the corruptionists; should neglect no means of dostroying their powers in the legislative bodies of the State, aud if the convention did not deem that “regular,” he would “resign as Cliairmau of the State Committee, and take liis place in the ranks of his plundered fellow-citi zens, and help them fight their battle of emancipation. ” His appeal was not heard iu vain. He was sustained by the country, and, in J 874, Btood the ac knowledged head of tho Democratic party iu the State of New Yolk, aud their ob vious and inevitable candidate for Gov ernor, to which office he was elected in November, 1874, 1 y a majority of over Ofi.OoO, against a corresponding majority in favor of Governor Dix two years be fore. His message at the opening of the Legislature iu 1875, and his annual mes sage which followed a week later, con firmed the impression which had been formed of his statesmanship and ability, and gave to his name a national fame. The vigor with which he prosecuted the various measure-s of administrative re form in the State, has led already to an economy of several millions of dollars in our expenditures ; it has stopped in a large measure, if not completely, the de moralizing waste on our canals ; it has established through the State service a new and highei standard of official mor ality ; it promises rapid diminution of our taxes and to enc ancipate the industry of our State from burdens which threat ened to destroy it. Besides occupying a position in the first rank of his profes sion as a lawyer, Mr. Tilden is one of the most accomplished political econo mists living. There Is uo man in onr country who has had such a large, varied and valuable political experience. He commenced his study of political econo my. a lad es 15, at the foot of President Van Buren. From that day to this he had been in direct aud confidential inter course with the highest political authori ties of the country, always drawing his information whether of facts or opinions, from original fountains, and forming his opinions upon all public questions under the sense of responsibility which always attaches to leadership. THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS. [New York World.] Governor Hendricks, of Indiana, was born in Muskingum county, 0., Sep tember 7, 1819. His father removed to Shelby comity, lud., when the subject of this sketch was only three years old. The fact that he was born in a neigh boring State has not affected his pop ularity in Indiana, since many of the people are of the same stock, and Mr. Hendricks, growing up from childhood with the yonnger commonwealth, be came identified with all its interests— its prosperity and prejudices. No man in the State is now more generally love I, and certainly uo one is less hated. His youth was not a season of hardship, aud lie received a liberal education, graduat ing at Hanover College iu 3841. He then studied law at Ctiambersbnrg, Pa., and was admitted to the liar at that place in 1813. He returned to Indiana imme diaely after, aud entered on the practice of his profession. His suceess was rapid and well earned. There was al ways a charm about him that won hosts of friends. He was pure iu morals, and not merely upright iu character, but so licitous to preserve himself from even the appearance of evil. He was careful iu mouey matters, and slowly accumula- I ted bis present moderate fortune, ultho’ ! his prctice was often interrupted by po- j litical service, and his expenses increased ! to meet, the social requirements of of- j fioial station. At the bar he was distiu- ; guished for learning, subtlety aud elo- ; quence. His temperament is such that ■ at times he flings aside his habitual ! courtesy and caution, and gives free i rein to his aggressive impulses. He was j ever, on such occasions, a dangerous opponent-. In comparing ns a lawyer with his rival, Morton, it was common to say that Hendrickso was apt to be worsted before a jury, and his rival bad uo chance la fore a judge. In 1818 Mr. Heudr.cks was chosen a member of the State Legislature, and iu 1850 lie served in the State Constitution ti Convention. During the next five years he represented the Itidiauapolis district, in Congress, and for four years afterwards was Commissioner of the General Land Office; Iu the memorable campaign of 1860 he ran for Governor against Henry S. Lane and was defeat ed. Lane was chosen United States Senator immediately after his inaugura tion, and Oliver P. Morton succeeded to the Governorship. In the e.ectiou of 1862 there was a political revolution, and Indiana elected a Democratic Legisla ture. Mr. Hendricks was then chosen Senator for the term ending March, 18- 60. When he served in the Senate Democracy was represented by a weak minority. Nothing was possible svc au able protest against the various Recon struction measures adopted, and this was to he made iu the face of strong popular prejudice throughout the count ry, as well as strong opposition in the Senate Chamber. Mr. Hendricks at. once took the lead among the Democrats aud made for himself a national reputa tion. It is a common criticism upon him that he is timid aud cautions. Let tlioße who think so read the debates du ring his term of office, and they will find tho Indiana Senator ever active and aggressive. They may not agree with all his opinions, hut they will he struck with th frankness aud boldness with which ho maintained them. If left to himself lie seems cold as flint, but the clash of a parsonal eneouuter kindles him into fire. He was active in opsosi tion to the measure overturning the old State Governments, the imposition of test oathr.,' the Civil Rights bill, the Freedman’s Bureau bill and kimlred leg islation. He shaped his political con duct upon the theory that the prosperity of the white people of the South, even though they had been rebe.s, was a matter of more importance than the prosperity of the negroes. If either race was to go to the wall, ho thought it should be tho black race; but he held that in the natural supremacy of the white race was a guarantee of the safety of all. Exalting the fieedmen into a governing class and disfranchising their .masters he held to he as evil a system as slavery. Ilis arguments on the great questions of that day have been adopted as the authoritative of Democratic opin ion in the summaries of Congressional debates. In the memorable episode of the President’s impeachment he played an important part, aud added greatly to his reputation as an able lawyer. It is a sufficient proof of the ability aud success of Mr. Hendricks iu the Senate that towards the close of a single term he had placed himself among the foremost men of his party, and became a promineut condidate for the Presiden cy. In the Convention of 1868 he was brought forward, and at one time led all other candidates, receiving the solid vote of New York and the Northwest. Ohio, however, which had been compelled to abaudou its own candidate, was deter mined to defeat all other Western men, and the celegutes from that State threw their votes persistently for Horatio Sey mour, and filially produced a stampede of the whole convention to his support. His nomination at that time was unfor tunate. For years the friends of Gover nor Heudricks cherished a feeling of bitter animosity towards their Ohio neighbors, and to this day have not quite forgiren suudry New York politic ians, who, they imagine, secretly aided the manoeuvre of Pendleton's supporters to secure the nomination of Seymour. They have always coni ended that tho nomination of their own favorite would have turned the political tide. This is mere nonsense, and they ought to be thankful rather than chagrined that he was not made the candidate of the con vention. This question was virtually settled in Indiana that year, when he ran for Governor a second time and was defeated. His opponet was Governor Conrad Baker, and so close was the con test that Mr. Hendricks only fell 961 votes behind. No one familiar with the politics of the State ever supposed, how ever, that Baker’s majority was au hon est one. After his retirement from the Senate in 1869 Mr. Hendricks returned to the practice of his profession at Indiuunpo lis, and, although he had not been suc cessful in his candidacy before the Na tional Convention, he was a< least well before the couutry as a man to be con sidered on all occasions when a Presiden tial nomination was to be made. He himself never lost the consciousness that the eye of the public was on him, and always acted with circumspection, as if anticipating the blaze of a national cau vass and desirous of keeping his record clear. The unfortunate nomination of Greeley in 1872 and the fusion with the so-called Liberal Republicans postpi nal the day of ambition, and Mr. Heudricks, acquiescing in what appeared to be the popular will, gave in his hearty approval to the new departure. He was not al lowed to remain idle during the canvass. Against his earnest protest he was again nominated for the Governorship. The campaign vas a bitter one, and almost disastrous to the Democracy throughout the country. The result in Indiana was had, but far better than in most other Aitverl iwiiig HutoK. One square, first insertion J 1 Off Each subsequent insertion fj One square three mouths so off One square six months 15 Off One square twelve months 20 Off Quarter column twelve months..,.,. 40 Off Half column six months BO Off Half column twelve months 75 Off One column twelve month* 125 Off C-vT Ten lines.or less considered a square All fractions of squares are counted as fttlf squares. NO. 27. i | localities. The Republicans carried the | Legislature and elected all of their State . | ticket except the Governor and Stiperiu : j tendent of Public Instruction. The mu | jorities were very small, but they were j enough. The personal popularity of ! Governor Heudricks carried him through. ! Asa man, courteous in social intercous', i au influential member of an influential | Church, clean and resnectable in all his walks and ways, he was fortunate in hav ing for an opponent General Tom Browne, ' a man who had served creditably iu the war, but who had brought into civil life the recklessness and dissipation which ; are forgiven to the soldier, but make the : statesman distrusted. It was to Browne's j further disadvantage that the temper ance set timeut was at that time, a. it j has since been, very strong in Indian:-, I and the first- stirring of that spirit which ; afterwards broke out iu the temperance crusade was then felt. As tlie fanatics ; on this subject are mostly Republicans, t it was a severe trial to tl eir allegiance to j lie compelled to vote for u man whom, ! hail he been a Democrat, they would have described as a drunkard. Browne hardly mended the matter liy saying, in his speech before the Convention which nominated him, that if by eating meat ho had hitherto offended his brother, he would eat meat uo more. ‘Eatiug meat’ became a cruel piece of campaign slang. With these circumstances in liis favor, Goveri or Hendricks won by a majori'y of 1,148. The result was not known for three or four days as the electiou pre ciuts iu the State are very large, and when tho ticket, is long returns are de layed, even where there is an honest ef fort to forward them. Sometimes they are delayed for fraudulent purposes. At the Democratic headquarters the politi eians sat counting up majorities and ma king estimates hour after hour, and even j the most experienced arithmetic men i were puzzled. Joe Bingham, the editor of tlie iudiauapoiis Sentinel, was the ! only one who predicted the actual result ! from the begiuniug, aud stuck to his j opinion. During the long suspense Mr. Heudricks listened to an anxious friend’s estimate, based on the very latest re turns, and throwing him out by a half dozen votes, and said with a laugh, “I wouder if I am always to just miss beiug Governor of Indiana.” The fact that a Republican Lieutenant-Governor would succeed him in case of a vacancy kept Mr. Hendricks from any thought of the Seuatorship two years afterwards, aud chains him to his post until thv cud of ; his term. In general terms it may be said of liis administr ition that it has been able, conscientious, high-minded. Iu reality Governor Hendricks is prob ably a more genuine Hard-Mouey man than Governor Hayes, aud would perhaps differ from liiui on financial policy only iu his opposition to national banks aud his williuguess to substitute Government notes for bank circulation. His action in going into the Ohio canvass iu 1875 in support of Mr. Allen was bused upon the desire for tho success of the Democ racy. He deemed the triumph of the party in that State essential, and threw himself into the canvass heartily, hold ing that the financial issue was not the overshadowing one. The great thing to gain was victory, uo matter whether some of the men in the same ranks agreed with him on all fine points iu pol itics or not. On questions of State policy, Mr. Hen dricks has Bhowu masterly knowledge; but there is one matter upon which hp bus ever been especially solicitous, name ly, the school system of Indiana. Asa member of the Constitutional Conven tion, he win active iu securing ample provision for popular education, aud placiug its support beyond the vicissi tudes in politics. Impressed with the value of the work then accomplished, he has siuce repeatedly insisted upon the most anxious watchfulness over the growth aud perfection of the system, and relaxed in its favor his democratic prejudices towards strict construction aud economy. Governor Heudricks is a man of medi um height and symmetrical form. He is erect, active aud vigorous. His face is manly and hiiudsome. The features are 1 irge and expressive, aud while there is a soft, goo.l-liumored expression iu the large blue eye and iu the month and dim pled chin, the brow, forehead and full heavy jaw show wisdom and resolution. His complexion is florid, and his hair and side-whiskers are yet untouched with gray. He looks like one who has lived a happy life, encountered no great sor rows and yielded to no great vices. Though he has for years been taught to regard the Presidency as within his grasp, his ambition has been rather a sort of rational longing for the honor than au insatiable thirst for power. His disposition is as snuny as his complex ion, and in social life lie is a great favor ite. To acquaintances he is affable and easy, to close faiends warm aud lovable, to political partisans courteous but cau tious. He would rather conciliate an enemy than oblige an ally. His habits are such that he found !$5,000 a year am ple for his expenditures during his Sen atorial term at Washington. He has always trusted to doing the work which he had iu hand well as the highest rec ommendation iu the long run before the people, and the many honors which have come to him seem to have been con quered without great effort. His voice is a rather thin teuor, and has nothing imposing in its tones, but is audible to a great distance when lie speaks with earn estness. He appears to the best advant age before a crowd, for then he kindles with I he excitement of the occasion, and an interruption era jest from seme dis senting auditor is all that is necessary to make him forget his habitual deliberative cast of thought, and fl ng himself into dashing and aggressive argument. One of the features of his career has been the long rivalry between him and Morton —a rivalry in which the bitterness was ali on one side. In all combinations in his be half his friends have taken the possibili ty of the continuance of that rivalry for the highest prize in the nation into ac count. Now that Morton is out of the field, they can probably promise, without a mental reservation, to dStrry Indiana for their favorite. Mr. Heudricks is au Episcopalian in religion. His wife is a woman of great culture aud forco of character—one formed to be a man’s comrade iu the path of honor rather than a source of temptation. They have no children. If you want to keep posted during the campaign, subscribe for the Journal,