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SIIPI’LKMEXT to the weekly journal. DEMOCRACY DEFENDED The Able Speech of Maj J. C. C. Black Delivered July 8, at Berzelia. A Refutation of The Charges Brought by The Third Party. An Eloquent Argument For The Party of the People. Ladies ami Fellow Citizeus: —I must ask your kind and patient indulgence, while I address mj self as best I may to the duties of this hour. I shall probably indict some dis appointment upon you in the line of the ar gument which i propose to follow. We have met to discuss and consider grave public qnestious. We have met I trust, to try and tind the truth that we may act intel ligently and patriotically as citizens of a great •ountry and a great commonwealth. It is a very high privelege under our sys tem of government, that a man when he has attaluea his majority and is under no disability may exercise the elective franchise and go to the polls and deposit his ballot. This high privelege involves a very great respon sibility and it makes every elector a partici pant in the government, and responsible for the laws under which we live and the policy engrafted upon their administration. In the discharge of these duties therefore we should not be governed by passion or nredujice, but should seek as far as we are able to control our conduct by intelligent reasoning and love of our country. I have not therefore come to you today with any desire, if I were able, to inflame your passions I certainly would feel most unworthy of your respect, if I un dertook to appeal to any predudice. Those of us who have gathered here are friends and neighbors We are citizens of a •onnnon country with common interests, and a common destiny. Therefore, it does not behoove us iu the discussion of these great public questions to take counsel with anything but calm reason ing and the most enlightened intelligence. It lias been charged over and over again, by men who assime to lead the peonle and educate them in these matters, that the great political party, known as the Demo cratic party lias forfeited its claim to the respect, confidence and support of the peo pie. It has been charged, that it has become the enemy of the great mass of the people; that it is unfriendly especially to the great agricultural interest or the country; that it has made unholy alliances with the money power: that it is largely responsible for all the bad legislation from which we suffer. The record has been appealed to, to sustain these charges, but I hope I will be able to show you today, if you will give me your careful and impartial attention that the record has been Incorrectly stated. It has even l>een stated that the Democrat ic party nkvrr has been friendly to the peo ple, that through ail these years we have been ignorant or laboring under a delusion, that the party to which we have willingly yielded our allegiance has always been the en emy of the people. All I ask of any mat* here to-day, all I ask of any sober, intelligent man is, that be will not takeconusel with liis prejudices, but listen to the truth as we liud it in the public political records of our coun try. and if he will do that, with ail confi dence l will submit to his verdict When this record is impartially and intelligently couridcred It will appear that at no time in its history, remotely or recently has the Democratic party ever surrendered those great principles for which it has contended from the foundation of the government Let me say first of all aud with emphasis, that there are principles more important than any question of finance or taxation or currency, slough 1 do not underestimate tTTe great importance of these At the very .foundation of our system of government is the principle that, this is a government of limited powers, and upon a maintenance of this principle depends our Uepublicau insti tutions. 1 do not think it wou.d be time lost, if the hour permitted and your patience allowed, should I read to you the plat forms cf the Democratic party for half a eeutury and the principles embraced in them I havo copied the planks in these platforms on this great principle from the year 1840. It will appear from these that the doctrine of equal rights to all and special privileges to cone was not first promulgated by the Ocala platform, but has been a cardinal and essential principle of tt e Democratic party through all these year* I will re*d you from the platform of 1840. It is there de clared that the Federal government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the con stitution and the grant of powers therein conferred, ought to be strictly conrtrued by all the departments and agents of govern ment, and that it is dan cron:: and in expedient to exercise doubtful constitutional powers, and that a sound policy forbids the Federal Government to looter one branch rf industry to the detriment of another, or to promote the interests of one class or section against another claes or sec tion of our common conntry. The platforms of 1844, 1848, 1852,1858 and 1880 redeclared and reaffirmed these great principles Then you know the country was convulsed by war, and I want to show you where the Demo cratic Party stood amidst the confusion and Jiassion of that mighty struggle. The plat orm of 1864 demanded immediate efforts for the cessation of hostilities with a view to an ultimate convention of the States, or other peaceable means to the end that at the earliest practical moment peace might be re stored on the oasis of the Federal Union of the States. The Democratic Parly in war cr in peace has never surrendered the great Srinciples of a merican constitutional free om. The platform of 1888, the first after the war. demanded the immediate restora tion of all the States to their rights in the Union under the constitution and of civil government to the A merican people, amnesty for ah past political offences, the control of the elective franchise in the States by ther citizens, economy in the ad ministration of the government, and a redaction in the army and navy. The platform of 1872 demanded the im me diate and absolute removal of all disabili ties, universal amnesty and local self govern ment,; hupreinacy of Luo civil over the zzili tary authority, the right of habeas corpus; for the individual the largest liberty comd*. tent with public order; for ihe states self government; for the Union a return to the method* of peace and the constitutional limi tations of power. The platform of 1880 de clared opposition to centralization, to that dangerous spirit of encroachment which tends to consolidate the powers of all the de partments of government into one. and thus decree, whatever the form of government, real despotism. The platform of 1884 demanded preserva tion of personal rights and the reserved rights of the Stites—l repeat that these great principles for which the Democratic party has contended, and at times when freemen were subject to arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, when bayonets were at their backs and the shadow of prison doors over them, are more important and more vital than questions of finance, taxation or cur rency. The very privilege you have of peaceably assembling here, the good order of vour social system, your domes to tranquility and the enjoyment of the great rights which have been cherished by freemen from the THOM SON, GEORGIA, JULY 29tlx, 1893. days of Magna Chart* until now have been secured to you by the Democratic party, and yet there are leaders and so called educators coming before you and saylog the Demo cratic party has never done anything for you and is not worthy of your support. The overthrow of these great principles in our country will mark the overthrow of our sys tem of government and ihe individual lib erty of the citizen. If the Democratic party, the Republican party and the other political parties of eeountry agrood upon ques'.ions of taxation, currency aud finance, there are yet great principles of the Democratic party that distinguish it from all others. Rut let us come to other questions of importance, and intimately connected with the interest of the people. It has been charged that there has been a great waste of the public lands of the country, and that the Demooratic party has been faithless in this respect. Upon that issue I appeal to the public records. The Democratic platform of 1888 declared that the public lands should be distribted as widely as possible among the people, and should be disposed of either under the pre eruption of homestead laws, or (-old in reas onable quantities, aud to none but actual oc cupants at the minimum price established by the government. The platform of 1872 opposed all further grants of lands to railroaiVs other corpora tions and declared that the public domain should be held sacred for actual settlers. The platform of 1876 demanded reform to put a stoo to the profligate waste of public lands and their diversion from actnAl settlers by the party in power, which had squander ed two hundred million aerfs upon railroads alone. The party went before the country on the claim in its platform in 1883 that it had reclaimed from corporations aud syndicates, and restored to tlie people nearly 100,000,000 acres of land to be held as homesteads for our owu settlers. It has been charged that the Democratic party is responsible for the National Ranking system. That, I douy. The peo pie have been told over and over again that the government is lending money to the National banks atl per cent. That 1 deny. I have recently seen a statement from distinguished leader in the Third Party, that there weie thirty National Banks in Georgia making .‘lO or 33& oer cent I am not now defending that system, hut I insist that what ever eyffs are chargeable to it, the Democratic party is not responsible for them. Upon this and all these questions I only ask you to hear the truth. for the worst of all slavery is that which binds men in ignor ance and will not allow them to hear the truth. To refute this charge, it is only necessary to appeal to the record I avail myself of a speech recently delivered in the House of Representatives by Mr Mcßae, of Arkansas, and found in the Congrassional Record of June 25 He repro duces a speech made in 1878 by Mr. Kenna, tVon a member of the House, now a senator from West Virginia, quoting The Record, from which the following facts appear: The vote on the national banking system wai takeu in the Senate on the 12tb, and in the House on Feb. 20, 1868. On its passage iu the Senate the Democrats voted ay e 2 and no 12, which was fix to one against the system In the House the Democrats voted aye 3 and no 42, making fourteen to one against. In the Senate the Republicans voted no 0 and aye 21, a majority of more than two to one in its favor. In the House the Republicans voted no 22 and aye 75, over three to one in its favor On April 18. 1864, what is known as the supplemental national bank bill was be fore Congress. The Democrats voted in the House 65 solid no. The Republicans voted aye 80 and r.o only 1. In the Senate the Democrats voted 7 solid no. The Republi cans voted no 2 and aye 30 On thosaiuo day when Mr. Arnold offered in the House a resolution to provide for taxing State banks, Mr. Randall, a Democrat, offered to amend by providing for tho taxing of national banks and he was ruled out of order. In March, 1889, when the act to strengthen the public c edit came up for consideration de bate was cut otf Although it declared the currency indebtedness of the country to -W payable in coin ana added $500,000,090 to the ifublic debt it was passed under the pre vious question and debate was denied. On its passage in the House only one Democrat voted aye while thirty-four voted no. Only twelve Republicans voted no aud ninety six voted aye. In the Senate the Republi cans voted no 7 and aye 42 The Democrats voted solid no In 1870 the act which pro vided for funding greenback bonds into coin bonds and which cost the people $500,000,000 was {lending. The Democrats of the House voted solid no 54. Tho Republi cans voted no only 2 and ayes 139. In the Senate the Democrats voted solid no. Upon the reHitnption act of 1875 which was passed without debate, the vote in the Senate was Republicans ayes 32, noonly 1. The Ilemocrats voted solid no In the House the Republicans voted only 2*l no, and aye 136 more than 5 to 1 in its favor. The Democrats voted solid no, 74 to d-feat it. On the pass age of the bill to repeal the resumption act Republicans voted aye only 9, and no 56 or over 6to 1 against the repeal. The Demo crats voted no 29, and aye 97, more Ilian 3 to lin its favor. In the Senate May 10th, 1861, Mr, Powell moved to amend the pending bIP by striking out the enacting clause and iu lieu thereof inserting a clause to repeal an act to provide a national currency approved February 26th, 1883, and his amendment was defeated yeas 5 Democrats, 1 Repub lean : no 31 all Republicans. The bill was passed by yeas 30j all Republicans; rioes, 0 Democrats, 3 UciiuuliCttuS. In the House June 28,1064, Mr, Holiman moved to amend the pending bill by adding thereto the following, to wit: Provided that nothing iu this act shall impair the rights of State * to tax the bonds, notes and other obligations issued under this act as their persons 1 property. The vote was ayes 71—03 Democrats, 8 Republicans; no’s 77 —al 1 Re publicans. In the House March 29, 1869, Mr. Morgan offered a resolution that as a means of relief to the people and in some de gree to equalize taxation, the Committee on Ways and Means he instructed to report a bill, first to exempt sail, tea, coffee, sugar, matches and tobacco from every species of taxation for Federal purposes: second to en force a tax of 2£ per cent, in gold on all bonds heretofore issued, or which may here after be issued by the government of the United States. This was a propost tion to exempt these common and nec ressary articles in daily use among the people from taxation and tax U. S. Ronds. The resolntionwas laid on the table yeas, 104 all Republicans; no* 40—3 h Democrats and 1 Republican. In the House January 17, 1870 Mr. McNeely moved to suspend the rules to enable him submit, and the House to adopt a resolution that the committee on Ranking and Currency be instructed to re- Dort at an early day a oil! providing for with drawing from circulation the National Bank ing carrency, and for issuing instead Treasu ry notes usually known as Greenbacks, and it was voted down, yeas 56 -53 Democrats and 3 Republicans, nos 114—112 Republicans and 2 Democrats In the House .June 14th, 1870 on consideration of the bill to provide a National Currency Mr. Morgaa moved an amendment among other things to strike out all after the enacting clause, and insert a provision repealing all acts and parts of acts authorizing the issue of National Bink notes and further providing that in order to meet the demands of trade and secure a currency in quantity a< and value corresponding to the wealth and population of the United States and provide for the people a means of pay ing their taxes, the Secretary of the Treas ury was required to cause to be executed Sold Treasury notes commonly called green acks to the amount of $401,033,003 It was decided iu the negative, yeas 37—34 Democrat* and 3 Republicans—nays 127—116 Republicans, 11 Democrats. In the House January 31st, 1870, Mr. McNeely offered a resolution that the 520 bonds are payable in Greenbacks or their equivalent and con demning the policy of the adminis tration which was squandering millions of money by buying such bonds at a high rate of premium when the government I**^ —clear right to re deem them at par. It was laid on the table —yeas, 122—120 Republicans, 2 Democrats; uoes, 41—40 Democrat, and 1 Republican. In the Senate March 11, 1870, Mr. Bayard moved to amend the bill to authorize the re funding of the national debt by striking out the fourth section, which exempted the bonds authorized by that act from all taxes under national, state or municipal authority, which was voted down—yeas, 7; navs, 38. Iu the House April 5, 1880, Mr. Weaver moved that the rules be suspended so as to enable him to submit and the House to agree to a resolution. tlia* all currency necessary for the use and convenience of the people should be issued and its volume controlled by the government, and not by or thr*. ugh tho bank corporations of the country, and when so issued, should be a full legal teuder n payment of all debts, public and private, it was decided in the negative—yeas, 85 —73 Democrats, 1 Repub'ican, aud 11 Green lackers; noes, 117—27 Democrats. 90 Re publicans. It has been charged that the Democratic party was responsible for re-chartering the national banks. This is not sustained by the records. The history of this legislation may be found in The Congressional Record of June 10th, furnished in a speech mode by Senator Jones, or Arkansas. From this his* ti'.'-y. it will appear that the Committee on bunking and Currency in their report on re chirtoring the national hanks, give as their principal reason that iu the absence of any authority to continue their business within iw-lve months 393 banks must go into liqui dation which would compel the withdrawal off 69.160,930 of lawful money in active cir culation, in order to procure 75,768,700 U. 8. bonds lodged with the comptroller, and which liquidating banks would withdraw for sale and for the purpose of closing their affairs and making division of their assets. Upon one siugm day, February 25th, 1883, the charters of 2* 7 banks would expire making a return to tin* Treasury of $54,000,000 of lawful money. Tho effect of this upon the business of th country, and the values of property might well make any legislator Hesitate about suddenly breaking up this system al though he might have opposed it as an origi nal proposition. Avery foolish man can tear down, but it takes a wise man to build up. While the bill to re-charter these bauks was under discussion, Mr. Mureh moved to strike from section one, the words twenty years nd substitute the words three years, as being the time for which the banks should be allowed to be re-chartered. If this motion had been sustained these bauks would have ceased, but it was voted down. Yoas, 61; nays, 117; the yeas were 1 Republi can, 51 Democrats and 9 Green backers and reanjustera, The nays were 96 Republicans and l 2 Democrats Mr. Bockner moved to strike out the words 20 years and insert 10 years which was dis agreed to by the vote of 91 yeas, the yeas were 11 Republicans 72 Democrats and 8 Green bickers aud read j asters and the nays were 98 Republicans and 18 Democrats. Much rnori, mlgh the found in these records to which I have referred but the time will not permit n, to go more fully into them. They are open to the inspection of every one who choc os to consult them, and to them I confidently appeal to vindicate the Demo cratic part •/from the charges made against it befo-e the bar of an enlightened, impar tial and just public opinion. It has been charg'd that tho present. Democratic House was more extra- igrant than the luliiou dol lar Republican Congress. I have before me the figures fur lushed from the highest au thority which show that this charge is not true The bills passed by this House are $9,000,000 less than the bills passed by the first session <bf the slit Congress and $50,000, 000 less than [those passed by the second ses * —of tliETTiTpt. The first session of tho 51st Congress wlfih which those who make war on the Democratic party compare the present House passed laws which require* an increase of appropriations amounting to $74,500,000 over the amount required during the fiscal year of its existence. The following appro priation made at this session of Congress were rendered necessary under legislation enacted during the last Congress which was Republican in both Houses: For pensions at least $50,00 >,OOO for sugar bounty ; SIO,OOO, 000; for refunding national bank notes, $9,500,000; for customs,services repayment to importers &c., $5,000,000. Total $74,500, 000. It lias been charged that tho Democratic party has made no a 1 tack ou tho McKinley tariff liw. This charge is also unsusiained, by the facts. It must be borne in mind that the Democratic party is no v, and has been for thirty years embarrassed in all its efforts to relieve the }>eople by tho fact that it has not had control of all the departments of the government so as to enact into law any measures of relief or reform. It is now and has been in the position of attacking a party which is firmly entrenched in power, and it must be determined how this attack should be made. At tho beginning of this Congress it was thought by those who were leaders that it was batter to attack the McKinley law in detail rather than by one bill to repeal that law. The House alone cannot enact legisla tion and between it and the relief it would give to the people stands a Republican Seu -5 This House bs passed a bill to put wool on the free list which if it should become a law would greatly reduce the price of clothing. It Ims passed laws putting bagging, ties, and cotton machinery and binding twine on the free list; it has now on the calendar, and will doubtless pass a bill for reducing the tariff ou tin which if enacted into a law would cheapen in all its forms an article in common and daily use by the people. All these are attacks on the McKinley law and strike at. the very heart of the system upon which tlit bill rests. This House has also passed an anti-option bill which is in accordance with the long and often repeated demand of the people. We live under two governments, State as well as Federal. It is charged that the Democratic party has done nothing for the people under their State government. It is demanded that new officers shall be put in from Gov ernor to bailff. What is there iu the personal or official record of tho men you have trusted in the past, and who have served you with fidelity and abili ty iu war as well as in peace, that justifies the charge that they are the enemies of the people. You know your condition w *en the war cloitd, you know how we sat amidst the desolation of rained iortunes aud homes, you know how your necks were on the ground, and the heel of the oppressor on your necks, you know how hope had fled from your hearthstones. I will not attempt to draw a picture of that horrible period, more horrible than war itself. Who was it but the Democratic party that entered the temple of your liberties, scourged out those who had extinguished their firs and torn down their altars, and restored to you the rightful power which had been wrested from you by the fortunes of| war; who was it but Democratic Governor Charles J. Jen kins, bleised forever be his memory, who when he had failed before the highest judi cial tribunal of the country and was driven from his home, carried with him tin great seal of the State th it it might uot authenti cate any act of the usurper and with his own clean hands brought it back aud restored it to your custody ? The constitution of 1877 un der which you live was famished by the Democratic party. Who will dare stand up and toll these people that this Constitution was framed in the interest of corporate wealth or monopolies, or trusts or auy other interest unfriendly to the people. Let me call your attention to some of its provisions? It declares that the right of taxation is inalienable and indestructible, and neither the General Assembly nor all other depart ments of the government shall ever have the authority to irrevocably give, grant, or restrain this right It confers upon the General Assembly the power to regulate freights and passenger tariffs; prevent un just discriminations, and require reasonable and just rates, freight and passenger tariffs, and shall enact laws from time to time to regulate freights and passenger tariffs, to prohibit unjust discriminations, and to pro hibit charging other thau just and reason able rates, and enforce same by adequate penalties; provides that the property and franchises of companies shall be taken aud subjected to the public use the same as the property of individuals. Aud the exercise of the police power of the State shall never be abridged nor construed to permit corporations to conduct their busi ness in such a manner as to infringe the equality of individuals or the general well being of the State. That no general or spe cial law shall be passed for the benefit of a corporation, except upon the condition that it will thereafter hold its charter subject to the provisions of the constitution, aud every amendment of any charter of auy corporation or any special law for its benefit accepted thereby, sliril bring slid charter under the provisions of the constitu tion. That the General Assembly shall not authorize any corporation to buy shares of stock in any other corporation iu this State or elsewhere, or to make any contract or agreement whatever with any such corpora tion which may have tho effect or to be in tended to have the effect, to defeat or lessen competition or to encourage monopoly; it prohibits any rebate or bonus thereof, direct ly or iuuireolly, or auy aot to mislead or de ceive the public as to the real rates charged or received lor freights or passengers. It provides the power to tax corporations, aud corporate property shall not be surrendered or suspended Dy any contract or grant to which the State shall boa parly; it puts the most rigid and unyielding restriction upon the powers of taxation; upon the power of the General Assembly to contract debts aud borrow money. Lc narrows exemptions from taxation, until institutions of purely a public charity are taxed on property used for pur puses of corporate profit- or income. It prohibits auy increase cf tho bonded debt of tho State, except to repel invasions, sun press insurrections, or defend the State in time of war. It prohibits tfie State from pledging or lending its credit to any individ ual company, corporation or association, or becoming a joint owner or stockholder in any company, association or corporation, or the General Assembly from voting or from granting any donation or gratuity in favor of any nerson, corporation or association. It is a hard fact, but the constitution which you live under lias gone so far that the Augusta Orphan Asylum which has no otli->r mission aud never spends a cent ex cept to take cate of orphan children, is taxed upon every dollar’s worth of Its property that yields income. Upon the questions of taxa tion, and tiie expenditure of money, this con stitution is iron-bound. It affords ample pro tection against corporate oppression, and there is not a Judge iu the State today who would flare to refuse to enforce it Let me call your attention to some acts of the Legis lature of this State in the interest of the peo ple. Tlie power of the Railroad Commission has been extended to express and telegraph companies, railroads have boeu subjected to couuty and municipal taxation; the flay known an “Laoor I)ay M lias been made a legal holiday There is a law to protect dis charged employees and prevent blacklisting, ioguicbi liuiu.i mi labor for trainmen have been prescribed, corporations are re quired to furnish discharged employes the cause of discharge; common car riers are required iotrace freight; tho powers of the railroad comrfifl|lou have boon en larged s. as to require the invostigatigation of interstate freig it rates, and an appeal to tlie interstate commiision for relief, and also requiring tlie commission to fix rates of storage to be charged by railroads and to in spect tracks and have the same kept in safe condition; unjust discriminations between railroads is prohibited and false billing, classification, &c ,by common carriers; re quiring carriers to settle claims for over charges, making them li*ble iu double tlie amount of overpayment if not refunded within 30 days of demand. Railroads are re quired to build and maintain farm crossings and cattle guards. An act has been passed regulating tiie ap pointment of peace officers and detectives, which forever shuts out the Pinkerton detectives from this state. Employers of females are required to sup ply seat! and permit their use when em ployees are not engaged in active duties. Owners of buildings of more than two stories high are required to provide more than one way of egress as a precaution against fires. And the hours of labor in cotton and wool en mills have been regulated. Under laws passed by Democratic legisla tors, protection is afforded the worker on the railroad, in tlie factory, and the poor girl in the shop or store, and yet we are told that tlie Democratic party has done nothing for these people. Look how the appropriations for your schoolsJ)av® been enlarged And how hun d eds of thousands of dollars are paid out ia pensions to the Confederate fcoldior, or his family. And yet it is demanded that the men who enacted and faithfully admiuistered tlie-e laws should be repudiated by the peo ple and sent forth with tlie brand of treach ery on their brows. Now, I want to briefly call your attention to some portions of tlie platform of tlie People’s Party. I do not care to speak of me t, I prefer to deal with measures I judge them by what they s:*.y. I will try to pas* an intelligent, impartial and conscientious judgment upon the platform they have promulgated, upon which they go to the country asking your suffrages and telling you that they will give you the relief which all of us acknowledge you ought to have. Iu my opinion, that will never be done by that party, and any party ought to be careful of tlie promises it makes to you. No m n ought to be so reckless as to promise the people he will do this, that or the other unless he has reasonable pros pects of fulfilling. In my opinion there is no relief for these people that are eufft ring from bad legislation—which I acknowledge, but for which I insist the Demo cratic party is not responsible—there can be no relief by the People’s Party because they cannot acquire the power. Is it not un wise for us to be warring with each other about what we will do when we get into power? Does noi. reason ami the plainest common sense suggest that we had better stand together until we get into power. The present House, I believe, has 329 members, the Third Party lias 9 of these The Senate has 88 mombers, the Third Party has two of these. Does any thinking man believe, can any thinking man who will remove his pas sions ana prejudicss, persuade himself that there is a possibility that the Third Party can get possession of both houses of Con gress and elect a President? Now, if it can get the power, let us see what they propose to do. Let me call your attention to what i i promised when power is acquired, which I do not think they will ever get in this country, but if they had the power what is it they have promised to do for the people? We have all agreed that the country needs relief; th*t there ought to be laws enacted that will not hold all the money In the groat financial centres, but turn it into other chan nels that it may flow out to the people. Now here is a scheme propo led by tho Third Party. It is wh it is known as the sub treasury plan, that is to build warehouses in the coun try where agricultural products I may be stored to get money upon them at 2 per cent. This scheme is justified upon the ground that the Government lends money at one per cent, to the National Banks. If the Government did lend money to anybody at one per cent, what would be the proper remedy ? .It would be to say to the Govern ment that it should not do so, it would not correct the evil but enlarge it to to say be cause the Government lends to one class, it must lend to the other. The proper remedy would be to say it should not lend to any. The Government has no right to lend money to anybody. If this scheme is carried out and money is lent on farm products it must be lent ou other things. This scheme is un sound on principle—cannot and w 11 uot be adopted by the Government, and if it were, would be disastrous to all classes aud inter ests. Another plank in the platform de mands the q worship by the Government of all the railroads. You already have a Com mission under the Constitution furnished by the Democratic party to supervise and con trol the railroads of the State and if they are nob faithful and true you can turn them out. There is not a railroad iu Goorgia to day uuless it enjoys some vested right, which can not bo interfered with, that can charge you a cent more ou a pound of freight or for a mile of travel, than is allowed by law. They cannot charge you a cent more for a day’s ator age than is allowed by the law. The sion is not only obliged to control the charges but to see that the lines of railroads are kept in proper condition for safely transporting the people. Express aud telegraph com panies have also been put under the control of this Commission. If the laws already enacted are not sufficient for the p-ofcection of the people, it is a very cheap and simple remedy to enact other laws, and who will dare to say that auy such law cannot be passed in the Georgia Legislature? Yon have an honest, faitnful Governor whose duty it is to appoiut these Railroad Commis sioners, who are themselves sworn officer* bound to see that these laws re enforced, besides which you have tho courts of the country to protect you Look what has trans pired among us recently. A great railroad system (tame among us and proposed to build up a large centralized power which, It was charged, was a violation of our constitution and detrimental to the interest of the people. Upon the complaint of a small stockholder tlie power of tiie United States Court is in voked, and the Judge lays his hand upon the throat of that great system, aud there he has it today, aud 42,000 shares of stock, which cost over $4,000,00), is disfranchised and not allowed to vote. Here are some figures which 1 believe to be reliable, and for which I am indebted to a recent speech made in the House of Repieseutatives by Mr Enloe, of Tennessee. Tli3re aro already 287,779 government officials and employees, and tho value of railroads in the United States is given by the eleventh census as $8,500,003.- 000; the value of telegraph lines in 1880 was $116,000,000; the number of railroad em ployes, iu round numbers, 750.003; the num ber of telegraph employes iu 1890,22,809, and the amount of wages of railroad employes, exclusive of the officers, is given at $46,- 250,000. The plan of government ownership of railroads aud telegraph lines would impose upon the country an army of 1,030,588 em ployes drawing salaries amounting to a sum estimated at, say, $240,000,000. How will you aoquirethis property? Will you not have to pay for it? Does it not require money? Must not this money come from tho pockets of the people? Now that is the scheme which has boon offered you. If this government would embark in such an enterprise it would cost you billions of money and force upon you a great army of officials to sustain the party in power and be a tremendous aud tearful stride towards the centralization of power, that would imperil your liberties. One of tlie greatest dangers to our system of govern ment is the centralization of Feleral power, aud against this policy Jhe Democratic party lias fought during all its history. We want no more power conferred upon tlie general government. It has enough now. I feel that as a profound conviction. I feel it as a lover of liberty, I feel it as a friend of the people, I feel it as a father when I con template the future of my children and I say here what I intend to say everywhere that the great need of this country is to put limita tions upon the power of the Federal govern ment There is tlie gravest danger in the constant disposition to grasp for more power. There is another plank in this platform about which I would lifce to speak more at length to the farmers While Ido not pre tend to be a farmer,and would not assume to teach them as to their owu business I think without impropriety I may venture to speak to them upon these public questions. If you will trace the history cf tlie land plank in that platform and analyze it closely, you will fiijd, I think, that it contains the germ of one of the greatest political heresies to be found in that declaration of principles and which in its last analysis means that you have no right to hold tho absolute title to land but that like tliessa and the sky it was made by the Creator aud belongs to every body in common. Now fellow citizens I cannot de tain you longer, I have tried to deal fairly with you and have sought to avoid saying anything that would offend. If these people cannot get relief bv the Democratic party they cannot hope for it at all. It does not claim that it is perfect; it does not claim that its leaders have not sometimes made mistakes, and some of its members been inconsistent, this would occur in any political party. All that I ask is that you will judge the party impartially by tho record and by what tlie party has done, aud not by what one man or a minority has done or fail ed to do. The Democratic party through all its history has been the friend of the people, it has alwa;s and is now opposed to auy policy or principle in the interest of any par ticular class or section. It Judges no man by the locality where he lives, or the business he follows, it does not seek to array the farmer against the merchant, or tlie man iu the coun try against the man iu the city. This is uot only undemocratic, but it Is unrepublican,and un-American, and he who would array one class against another is not a friend of either. He who would excite the prejudices and an tipathies of the poor against the rich, would, if it suited his purposes as well use tho power of the rich agaiust tiie poor. Heretofore we have been united because we believed that in unity and solidarity was our only safety. There is no go >d reason why we should now be divided. It is the folly of midness to undertake to unite tlie South and West, while at the same time digging a deep yawning chasm at homa. It is madness to undertake to grasp in friendly embrace the untried and unreliable leaders in the West with oue hand while the other is streched forth to strike down our own neighbors and brothers at home. Confidently appealing to the record w'ueu fairly coueidereu, to viudi cate the Democratic party from the charge of being faithless to the great interest of the people, we here a. ain this day unfurl the old Democratic banner which has sometimes gone down in defeat but never in dishonor. It is blackened with the smoke of many a battle: it is all tattered and torn with the marks of many a conflict but it is now and al ways has been tiie emblem of the great principles of American Const tutional free dom and whatever will promote the happi ness aud prosperity of the people. As such may it wave forever.