Newspaper Page Text
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Telegraph and Messenger.
MACON, FEBRUARY 1
1870.
titorge D. Prentice.
Tg, e telegraph brings the news of the death of
this well known journalist, one of the brightest
intellects and most brilliant wits that has ever
WO m himself out in editorial harness.
In. Ins day and generation he was a power in
Kentucky and the Southwest, and the old Louis
ville Journal, as a leading "Whig organ probably
exercised, within its sphere, more influence
upon the winds of its political allies, than any
other paper ever published in the South. An
intimate and trusted friend of Clay and all the
other magnates of the Whig party, he and his
paper most powerfully seconded their efforts to
secure political control of the Government.
The Journal was an ally that no leader oould af
ford to regard with indifference, or treat with
coptempt A Warwick among newspapers of
♦w. faith, it put up and pulled down pretty
much whom it pleased. No paper was ever
more pluckily and enthusiastically backed by
its friends, or more despised and execratedby its
foes. What it was, too, Mr. Prentice made it.
He was the Louisville Journal.
Mr. Prentice was a New Englander by birth,
but a resident of Kentucky sinoe his youth. He
married there, and was thoroughly identified
■wmtom :«o pcvpic." Xfuiwg we war he was a Union
man, and threw all his influence on the side of
the Federal Government. After its close, how
ever, and when the purposes of the Radical
party were clearly shown, he allied himself with
the Democratic party. A year or two since, the
Journal was consolidated with the Courier, also
of Louisville, under the name of the Courier-
Journal, on which paper Mr. Prentice was re
tained as an editor at $40 per week salary. His
health has not been very robnat for some
months, but he was still a worker whose spark
ling wit, unrivalled pithiness of expression,
erystal-clear logic, and strong, sledge-hammer
invective adomed-and made attractive any sub
ject he handled. Journalism loses in him one
of its most illustrious members, and the South
ern press an Anak of whoso towering stature all
were proud.
“God rest his soul!” is, we doubt not, the
prayer that, straight from the heart, will be the
response to this sad news, from thousands of
friends and admirers all over this broad land.
The Atlanta Intelligencer.
We are treated in Sunday’s issue of this pa
per, to a column and a half of what we suppose
is meant as an answer to our article upon its in
consistencies and suspicious position as a Dem
ocratic paper. As a defence against onr charges
—which were nothing more nor less than a plain
recital of facts known of all men—it amounts
to less than nothing, and will hardly excite any
feeling bnt that of pity. We have no more to
say on that head.
In regard to the questions propounded by ns,
the Intelligencer answers that it does not en
dorse the last Georgia bill, but that it believe*
Farrow’s construction of the bill is correct. We
asked the Intelligencer if it endorsed Farrow’s
construction of that bill, and this is its weak
dodge. With ono or two words more we close
for tho prosecution, leaving the people—mind
that, oh friend of the people—to mako np their
verdict. A friend of ours—ho was one of the
PEOrLE, too—said tho other day that the course
of the Intelligencer reminded him of a ferry
boa?: it seemed as if published for no other pur-
«bon tn D n from one side to the other. We
disagreed with him. We thought that the in
telligencer was and is, very plainly on one side.
M».
A Leaf From History.
' We publish as a matter of public interest, and
as a contribution to the eve&tfnl past, a letter
from Judge JeremiahS. Black, of Pennsylvania,
to the New York Herald. It puts a new face
upon many matters that were heretofore sup
posed to be thoroughly settled, and will be read
with intense interest. Judge Black’s high char
acter is a guarantee that his statements are in
deed the truth of history.
The Income Tax.—In tho House on Wednes
day last, Mr. Schenck’s resolution in regard to
the income tax was passed. It declares, in
view of tho doubts and misconceptions which
have arisen, that the true intent and meaning of
the acts relating to thp in com o tax is that all
persons are liable to the payment of their prop
er income tax scorning and to accrue for and
dnriDg and up to tho end of 1870, and that the
assessment and collection of any such tax in the
year 1870, and remaining unpaid on the first day
of January, 1871, may, under the existing pro-
- visions of the law, be made in the lost men
tioned year.
Tho resolution continnes the income tax for
this year; but docs not touch the question
about the future continuance of tho income tax
or the rate at which the tax shall he imposed.
That will bo considered when the House takes
up the amendments to the Internal Tax Law.
The Result of Competition.—We noticed,
not long sinoe, that a certain stage line in Mas-
ofansetts, to break down a rival, was carrying pas
sengers nine miles for 10 cents. Wisconsin beats
that all hollow. From Warsaw,in that State, there
is a route of some fifty miles, on which there is
a combined opposition to the “bloated bond
holder” and “monopolist” who has run stages
for many years. Ono line carries for nothing
and gives a dinner to each passenger; the other
carries for nothing and gives a dinner and a
pair of buck-skin gloves to each passenger!
Medora Lxron.—We have reoeived, from
Havens & Brown, a copy of this pamphlet by
Chas. Mackay, a literalcur of some note in Eng
land. It gives “the other side” of the Byron-
Stowe scandal, and is, no doubt, to bo accepted
as a final and conclusive answer to Mrs. Stowe’s
horrible slander. This whole matter, with, all
the prostitution of pen, ink and paper it has
caused, is a shame to decent people and the civ
ilization of the century, but people will read
about it. -i- - • »* Xr*jr
Tnz Texas Almanac roa 1870.—The pub
lishers, Messrs. Riohardson be Co., Galveston,
send us this, the biggest, and in some respects
the best almanac that is published. The amount
of information furnished, especially with refer
ence to Texas, is really .wonderful, and as a hand
book for those “rolling stones” who are bent on
emigrating thither, we do not know, its oqual.
The members of the Savannah bRr favor the
adjonrnment of the Superior Court of Chatham
eounty, preferring “not to take judgments un
til itoau be ascertained whether or not theycan
be enforced, and that cannot be known until
after the political status of the State and its jn
dic’.al officers shall have been settled.
Meningitis.—This dread disease is at work
again. Mr. Wm. McLaughlin, and Mrs. Zeig-
ler and George Zeigler have just died at Quincy,
Fla., from it We also notice the death of a
youth named Charles Xirkpatrick, at Athens,
of tho same direBfc.reSV . m>
The Savannah and Charleston Railroad is all
ready for the cam, exoept about 6,000 feet of
trestle work on the Georgia side of the Savannah
iver, which cannot be finished until' the river
bsides.
Oue friends of the Atlanta Constitution will
have some of their err an eons impressions re
moved by referring to the advertisement of Mr.
David W. Lewis, Secretary of the State Agri.
cultural Societv.
The Only Hope for XT*.
The Mobile Register strikes the key note of
the final deliverance of the oountry from the
bonds of the common enemy, in a recent article
intended to point out the folly and danger of a
third party. We heartily endorse its arguments
and conclusions, and adopt as our own this
much of it.
The argument, it says, is that because we are
weak we must weaken ourselves still further by
intestine divisions. While every white man is
needed at the front, we are counselled to “de
spair of the Republic,” to wrap ourselves in the
weakness of our Southern isolation, and to re
ject with scorn and contempt every hand that is
stretched out to help and every plank that floats
within our reach to Bave us. It isthe argument
of demoralized sailors when the vessel under
them is in danger of wreck, to abandon their
poets when all hands are called “to save ship,"
and rush to the spirit-room and meet their fate
in riot and drunkenness. Tins is not the part
of men who love liberty and deserve to enjoy
it. That man never despairs and never cepses
while life remains, to aspire after and struggle for
the freedom with which God endowed him. And
how should the struggle ho made? Surely not
by picturing the hopelessness of the public con
dition and teaching meD to sit down on their
chains in hopeless despair. Not by throwing
ourselves hack on our vaunted deeds while war
raged in tho field as an excuse tor throwing
down our Arms whAn the conflict is transferred
to another fornm. Not by organizing another
party to distract and divide us when our united
strength is demanded by patriotism. Bnt we
should look for succor and allies wherever we
can get them. So far as human vision and
human reason can instruct U3, there is no hope
of snccor except in the white men and in the
white party that exist in every State and
hamlet of tho United States who ~nr* M
aa w> mo to me atrocious administration of
the Radical power. Admit that theso allies are
not all wo would have them to he—at last we
must take them or none. They are onr best
and only hope. Reason, prudence, statesman
ship, alike command U3 to cultivate and ntilize
them to our own deliverance. And nothing but
cowardice or selfishness can counsel us to break
away from the post of duty on deck, and coun
sel others to desert and rush to the spirit-room,
and dio the death of liberty in a drunken de
banch. “We pursue and counsel no such course.
We have nailed the flag of redemption and lib
erty to onr mast. "We do not and will not de
spair of the Republic. Who is despairing
enough to believe that thirty millions of people
in this great country, descendants from the
most intelligent and fighting race stocks of the
earth, will surrender their liberties to a party
of base-born fanatics and traitors without a
fight ? For one, we do not Thirty-seven sov
ereign States cannot die without a struggle, and
Puritanism will not crown its Emperor or King
of tho United States nntil after torrents of
blood have been spilled, and American man
hood end patriotism have been crashed out.
At Last.
From tho tenor of our noon dispatches yes
terday, we judge that those enthusiastic Virgin
ians who have been begging Federal powder
and gnns to celebrate the restoration of the
State to tho Union, will be firing their salutes
very soon—to-day, perhaps. The old State, so
grand, not only in her traditions and memories,
but in her deeds that crystalize in letters of dia
mond brilliance and indestructibility upon the
most luminons page of American and Southern
history, goes back, not only crippled and bleed
ing, bnt manacled and gagged. And yet some
of her sons with noses and palates keener for
scent and taste of office flesh-pots than anything
else under Heaven, are asking the power that
thn3 degrades and outrages their old mother, to
help them commemorate her abasement! Wo
wonder what those sons of hers who went to
their reward before these evil days were even
dreamed of, would think if they knew the
shameful story. The thunder of the first gun
that is fired to signalize this sorrowful apotheo
sis ought to electrify their very dust with shame
and indignation.
Royally at Washington.
For the instruction of all who take an interest
in the movements of the British Prince who is
now in Washington, we give the appended pro
gramme of what he is expected to do this week.
If he can stand all the stuffing, guzzling and
radicalism, his torturers have here marked for
him, we consider a policy of insurance on his
life a good investment:
On Monday he will call at the Executive Man
sion to pay his respects to the President. In
the evening, there will be a dinner at the British
Legation, to which the following named gentle
men have been invited: The Vice President,
Chief Justice Chase, General Sherman, Senior
Sumner, and the members of tho Cabinet—
There will be a reception in the evening, to
which the families of the members of tho Cabi-
net, and the Diplomatic Corps only, will be in
vited.
On Tuesday there will be another dinner at
tho British Legation, to which the British Minis
ter and Mis. Thornton have invited Senators
Cameron, Casserly, Morton, Conkling, and
Hamlin, and the Speaker of the House, the
Prussian, Russian, Austrian, and Turkish Min
isters, and Admiral Dahlgren. On Wednesday
hi3 Royal Highness will dine with tho President.
On Thursday the Prince will dine with the Sec
retary of State and Mrs. Fish, and in the even
ing attend a grand ball given by the British
Minister, to which will be invited Mr. and Mrs.
Thornton's personal friends and acquaintances.
On Friday there will bo another dinner at the
British Legation, to which the following gentle
men have been invited to meet his Royal High
ness: Senators Schnrz, Williams, and Anthony,
General Banks, and Belgian, Argentine, Peru
vian, Danish, Spanish, Brazilian, and Nether
lands Ministers. On Saturday the Prince will
probably leave for New York."
ThcTalbofton Standard.
We find the first number of this new weekly
on our table. It is a very neat looking sheet,
and promises well in every respect. Wo hope
the publishers, Messrs. Gorman £ Waterman,
may realize all the expectations of themselves
and friends. We are indebted to the Standard
for the following local items:
A New Esteri-rise.—What wo have needed
for many years in this part of tho State, is
about being supplied by onr enterprising coun
trymen, Messrs. Smith and Castleberry—a nur
sery of the choicest fruits.
This nursery will be located within three miles
of Geneva, on the line of the Southwestern
Railroad, and will consist of four acres of tho
best selected and choicest .fruit trees in the
South. Mr. James Smith has been at work one
year, planting seed and grafting, in view of
canning fruit, , probably, and shipping to North
ern markets. Twenty acres will be immediate
ly sot for an orchard.
A Lucky Man.—We learn that Mr. Patrick
Gormley, of this county, has boon left a very
handsome little fortune in Philadelphia, by tho
death of his brother.
The bad weather has retarded the movement
of cotton in this oounty.' There is considerable
inquiry for bagging and rope.
. s Fbok. Chattooga County.—The Romo Oon-
r er, of Sunday, says:
We learn from a gentleman who came down
from Summerville on yesterday, that perfect
quiet and good order prevails in that communi
ty. On Thursday night the military went out
to arrest a young man by the name of Pinkney
Daniels, bnt it happened that he was not at
homo.
Blocked.—A dispatch from Nashville; of date
the 21stj to the Courier-Journal, says:
The Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad
Company have given notice that they will not
receive any more through freight until the pres
eat blockade is relieved. The depot is jammed
with unshipped freight, compelling the com
pany to confine their operations to local busi
ness for the present. 8 U *3® VS
STANTON.
Secretary Staatm’g Political Position in
I860—Reminiscences of the Close of Bach-
anon's Administration—Tbc Hon. Jcre.
Black’s Card to the Public. > ___
To the Editor of the Herald :
Since the death of Mr. Stanton some newspa
per writers have revived the scandalous
counts which began to be propagated, T think,
in 1862, concerning his conduct while a member
of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet. It is asserted that
he came into that administration with views en
tirely opposed to those of the President and the
men who were to be hia oofieaguaa, all of whom,
except Messrs. Holt and Dix, were in favor of
the Southern Confederacy and ready to sacri
fice the Union; that supported by these two 1m
bullied the rest; that he terrified the President
by threats of resignation into measures which
otherwise would not have been thought of: that
he urged immediate war upon the seceding
States to crush out the rebellion; that though
defeated in this by the treason of his associates,
he carried with a hign hand other points of sound
policy : that by these hardy displays of hostility
to the administration which trusted him he pro
moted the interests and won the gratitude of its
enemies.
This is the substance expressedin my own
plain English of many statements coming from
various sources extensively circulated and so
generally believed that if not soon contradicted
the are likely to be received as authentic histo
ry. They are not only false, but they must he
injurious to Mr. Stanton’s reputation; and they
are grossly unjust to others, dead as well as
living.
I am not the special defender of Mr. Stanton
and I certainly would not assail him. Befoie
he fell away from the Democratic faith, our
friendship was intimate and close. There was
no separation afterwards except the separation
which is inevitable between two persons who
differ widely on public subjects believed by
both to be vitally important. Our correspond
ence of last summer and autumn (began by him
self) showB that I was able to forgive him my
particular share of the injury be mid done to
the liberties of the country, and he had my sin
cere uood wishes tar M- f - 4 — ana wel
rare. His political attitude towards the Buchan
an administration previous to his appointment
as Attorney General is wholly misunderstood or
else wilfully misrepresented. He was fully with
Us at every stage of the Kansas question, and no
man felt a more loathing contempt than he did
for the knavery of the abolitionists in refusing to
vote upon the Lecompton constitution, when
nothing but a vote was needed to expel slavery
from the new State, and terminate the dispute
by deciding it in the way which they themselves
pretended to wish. He wholly denied Mr.
Douglas’ notions, and blamed him severely for
the unreasonable and mischievous schism which
ho had created in the party. The Know-noth-
ingism of Bell and Everett found no favor in
his eyes. In tho canvass of 18C0, he regarded
the salvation of the country as hanging upon
the forlorn hope of Breckinridge’s election. "We
knew the abolitionists to be the avowed enemies
of the Constitution and tho Union, and we
thought the Republicans would necessarily be
corrupted by their alliance with them. As we
saw the march of these combined forces upon
the capital, we felt that the Constitutional lib
erties of the country were in as much peril as
Rome was when the Ganls were pouring over
the broken defences of the city. Whether wo
wero right or wrong is not the question now. It
is enough to say that Mr. Stanton shared these
apprehensions fully. He more than shared
them; to some extent he inspired them, for he
knew Mr. Lincoln personally, and the account
he gave of him was anything but favorable.
The Gth of November came and Mr. Lincoln
was legally chosen President by the electoral
machinery of the Constitution, though the ma
jority of the popular vote was against him by
more than a million. The question was now to
be tested by actual experiment whether a party
which existed only in one section, and which
was organized on the sole principle of hostility
to the rights, interests and feelings of the other,
could or would administer the federal govern
ment in a righteous spirit of justice, or whether
the predictions of all our great statesmen for
thirty years past must be verified, that the abo
litionists when they got into power would disre
gard their sworn duty to tho Constitution, break
down the judicial authorities and daim obedi
ence to their own mere will as a “Higher W
than the law of the land. The danger was greatly
aggravated by the criminal misconduct of large
bodies in tho South, particularly in South Car
olina, where preparation were openly made
for resistance. "What was the federal Execu
tive to do under these circnmstances.? Make
war ? He had neither authority nor means to
do that, and Congress would not give him the
one or the other. Should he compromise the
dispute ? He conld offer no terms and make no
pledges which would not be repudiated by the
new administration. Conld ho mediate between
the parties ? Both would refuse his umpirage,
for both were as hostile to him as they were to
one another. Nevertheless he was bound to do
them the best servico he could in spite of their
teeth; and that service consisted in preserving
tho peace of the nation. It was his special and
most imperative duty not to embroil the incom
ing administration by a civil war which his suc
cessor might be unwilling to approve or to pros
ecute. It was undoubtedly right to leaye the
President elect and his advisers in a situation
where they could take their choice between
compromising and fighting.' In fact, "Mr. Lin
coln was in favor of the former, if his inaugu
ral be any sign of his sentiments.
The mind of no man was more deeply imbued
with these opinions than Mr. Stanton’s. The
idea never entered his head—certainly never
passed his lips—that the President ought to
make war upon States or put the whole" people
out of the protection of the Laws, and expose
them all to indiscriminate slaughter as public
enemies, because some individuals among them
had done or threatened to do what was incon
sistent with their obligations to the .United
States. He knew very well that no such thing
was either legally or physically possible. Gen.
Scott had "reported officially that five companies
constituted tho whole available force which
conld be sent to the South for any purpose offen
sive or defensive. Is it possible that Air. Stan
ton would have undertaken to oonquer the Sonth
with half a regiment ? He was thoroughly con
vinced that a war at that time of that kind, and
under these circumstances, would not only “fire
the Southern heart” but give to the secession
ists the sympathy of all the world and ultimately
insure their success, while it could not help bnt
cripple, disgrace and ruin the cause of the Union.
Nor did he feel pleasure in the anticipation of
any civil war between tho two sections of his
country. From the standpoint which he then
occupied he said that war was disunion; it was
blood, conflagration, terror and tears, public
debt and general corruption of morals, all end
ing at best not in the union of the States bnt.in
the subjugation of some to the despotic will of
the others. He was apt to take a sombre view
of things, and he looked at the dark side of this
subject. The glory, profit and plunder, the po
litical distinction and pride Of power which
brighten it now, were not included in hie pyos-
pcetive survey. j
On the 20th of November I answered the
President’s qnestion concerning his legal pow
ers and duties, holding that the ordinances of
secession were mere nullities; that the seceding
States wero and would be ns much in the Union
as ever; that the Federal Executive was bound
there as well as elsewhere to execute the laws,
to hold tho publio property and to collect the
revenue; that if the moans and machinery fur
nished by law for these purposes yreio inade
quate, ho could not adopt others and usurp pow
ers which had net been delegated; that neither
the executive nor legislative departments had
authority under the Constitution to make war
upon a State; that the military power might be
used, if necessary, in aiding the judicial au
thorities to execute the laws in collecting the
revenues, in defending or retaking the publio
property, but not in acts of indiscriminate hos
tility against all the people of a State. This is
the “ opinion” which has sinee been so often,
so much aud so well abused, denounced and vil-
lifled. Air. Stanton did not stultify himself by
denying tho plain,- obvious and simple truth
which it expressed. The paper was shown Lim
before it went to the President,"and after a
slight alteration suggested by himself, he not
only approved, but applauded it enthusiasti
cally.
It disappointed the President' He had hastily
taken it for granted that Congress might make
secession a cause for war; and in the draft of
his message already prepared he submitted
the question of war or peaoe to their decision.
Bnt the advice of the Law Department, sup
ported by a powerful argument from General
Cats, convinced him of his error, and that part
of the message was rewritten. The substance
of the message so modified reoeived Mr. Stan
ton's hearty endorsement in everything that re
garded secession, and the treatment it ought to
IBBnk - . «AAmtC
Soon after this General Cass retired. I was
requested to take the State Department and Mr.
Stanton was appointed Attorney General upon
my declaring that I was unwilling to leave the
care of certain causes endding in the Supreme
Court to any handy hot his. This appointment
•lone, without any other proof, ought to satisfy
any reasoning mind that all I have said of Mr.
Stanton’s sentiments must be tree. No man in
his sober senses ean believe that I would have
urged, or that Mr. Buchanan would have node
the appointment, if we had not both known with
perfect certainty that he agreed with ua entirely
on those fundamental doctrines of constitutional
law to which we wero committed. Hie faintest
suspicion of the contrary weald have pot the
Attorney General's office as tkr beyond hu reach
as the throne of France. We took him for what
be professed to be—• tree friend of the Union;
• devout believer in the Constitution; » faithful
man, who would net violate Ms oath of cAee by
wilful disobedience to the laws. I am still con
vinced that he did not deceive m. If he aban
doned those principles in 1-862, the change,
however sodden and unaccountable, is not sat
isfactory evidence that he was an impostor end
a hypocrite in 1860.
He did not find Mr. Holt end Gen. Dix con
tending alone (or contending at all) against the
President and the rest of the administration.
Mr. Holt, on the 3d of Much, 1861, appended
to his letter of resignation’s strong expression
of his gratitude for the “firm and generous sup
port”" which Mr. Buchanan had constantly ex
tended to him, and pays a warm tribute to the
“enlightened statesmanship and unsullied patri
otism’’ of the outgoing President. Gen. Dix was
not there at all when Mr. Stanton came in. He
was appointed a month afterwards, when there
was no disagreement in the Cabinet. He took
up his residence at the President’s house as a
member of his family, and remained there da
ring the whole time of his service as head of
the Treasury Department He performed his
duties faithfully, firmly, and in a way which
met with universal approbation. I do not re
collect that fce had one word of serious contro
versy either with the President or with anybody
else. If, therefore, Mr. Stanton was at any
time engaged in dragooning the President and
hectoring his colleagues, he could not have had
Air. Holt and Gen. Dix for his backers.
There were disputes and serious differences
of opinion in the Cabinet daring the period of
Air. Stanton’n kaitiaa , Hmt u. .buo m them
nas not been truly stated. I am not writing the
history of those times, and therefore I say noth
ing of what others did or forebore to do, except
so far may be necessary to show Air. Stanton’s
acts and omissions in their true light.
Before the election it was determined that the
forts in Charleston harbor should be strengthen
ed so as to make them impregnable. The order
was given, bnt the excoution of it was unaccount
ably put off. "When General Cass ascertained
that the delay was acquiesced in by the Presi
dent he resigned. Two weeks afterwards Major
Anderson commanding Fort Monltre,apprehend
ing an attack, threw his garrison into Fort Sum
ter. SimultaHeously came certain commission
ers from Sonth Carolina demanding the surren
der of the latter fort to the State. The charac-
ter of the answer that should be given to the
commissioners and tho question, whether Fort
Sumter should be furnished with men and pro
visions were discussed for three days, each day
mnning far into the nighE“ ~*V
On tho one side it was insisted that the sur
render of tho fortress was so incompatible with
onr plainest duty that the demand itself was a
gross insult. To leave it in a condition which
would enable rebellious citizens to take it if
they pleased, was still worse, for that would be
merely another mode of making the surrender,
and a worse one, because it would be fraudulent
and deceptive. Major Anderson should, there
fore, be immediately so reinforced that “his
castle’s strength would laugh a seige to scorn,”
and then no attack would be made. This last,
instead of being dangerous, was the only mea
sure that gave us a chance of safety; it would
not bring on hostilities, but avert them, and, if
warmest comeat all events, the possession of
Fort Sumter, which commanded the other forts,
the harbor and the city, would be of incalculable
value .to the government of the Union.
To this there was absolutely no answer, except
what consisted in saying that the fort could not
be relieved without difficulty and danger of suo-
cessful opposition; that Sonth Carolina would
take it as an affront, and that it was tantamount
to a threat of coercion. The replication was
easily made: There was no danger in even an
attempt at resistance to a ship of war, the state
ments made of tho hostile power were more
brag; if South Carolina took Offence at our
preparation for the safety of onr own men and
our own property, she must already be in a
temper to make reconciliation impossible ; and
as to coercion, let her take care not to coerce
us, and she would be safe enough.
At length the President produced his decision
in the form of an answer to the commissioners.
While it was far from satisfactory to the South
ern members, it filled us with consternation and
grief.
Then came the desperate struggle of one alone
to do what all had failed to effect. It was pain
ful in the extreme but unexpectedly short and
decisive. The President gave np his first,
ground, yielded tho points on which he had
seemed most tenacious; the answer to South
Carolina was essentially changed, and it was
agreed that Fort Sumter should havo men and
provisions.
Daring these discussions Mr. Stanton was al
ways true, but the part he took was by no means
a leading one. He said many times that he was
there only that I might have two votes instead
of ono. On no occasion was there the slightest
conflict between him and me. Ho exhibited
none of the coarseness which some of his later
friends have attributed to him. He never spoke
without the greatest respect for his colleagues
and the profoundesi deference to the President.
He said no word to the President about resign
ing. He told me that he would resign if I did;
but when certain concessions were made to my
wishes he expressed himself perfectly satisfied.
He did not furnish one atom of the influence
which brought the Presdient round on the an
swer to Sonth Carolina. Nor did he ever pro
pose to carry any measure of his own, directly
or indirectly, relating to the secession troubles,
He uniformly professed to be as anxious for the
preservation of the publio peace as any man
there.
It wonld be a wrong to the memory of Mr.
Stanton not to add that, so far as I know, ho
never gave countenance or encouragement to
thoso fabulous stories of his behavior.
Jeremiah S. Black.
From Taylor County.
Reynolds, Tatlor County, Ga., >
January 22, 1870. , >
Editors Telegraph and Messenger : la the
“American Union” of December 21st, 1869,
appeared an article signed “ Spectator,” which
contained statements relative to the "Wilbur
brothers, representing Oliver C. Wilbur, Jr.,
as a persecuted Republican.
Your correspondent would most respectfully
beg through tho columns of your valuable paper
to correct an erroneons impression whioh said
article is calculated ("whether designed or not)
to make upon such of the public as read the
sheet containing the statement to which" refer
ence is made.
Oliver 0. Wilbur, Jr., is a Northern man. He
was born and reared in Washington village, in
the State of Rhode Island, is thirty-three years
of age, and never did vote with any, except the
Democratic party, in his life. His political
status (a Democrat) North, was unchanged
when he came South four years ago. He has
never shown any sympathy with the party which
claims him (in the article mentioned) as a per
secuted Republican, has voted invariably with
the South since the war, has spent much time
and money to farther her interests, tendered a
magnificent hall (of which he was proprietor) to
a Democratic club during the last- Presidential
canvass, and was himself an active, working
and indefatigable member of said clnb. In
short, he has more warm friends among the in
telligent classes of the Sonth than nlmost ’nny
other Northern man within her limits.
He married one of those gems of this genial
clime whose grace, beauty and true nobility jof
heart wonld honor any man, be his birth-place
Northern or Southern Latitude.
His political creed is this—Georgia should
not be forced to accept any law which would be
unpalatable to the people of Rhode Island. He
has acted for years as Justice of the Peace,
sinoe the war, to the entire satisfaction of all
classes and colors. Oliver C. Wilbur,. Jr., is a
noble hearted, benevolent gentleman and a true
lover of his whole conntry, North, Sonth, East
and West To say more would be superfluous.
In confirmation of these statements, the publio
are refered to Col.. Wm. Robinson, and Gen.
Phil. Cook, or to any respectable citizen of
Macon connty, A Citizen.
LETTER FROM WASHINGTON.
Hitch in the San Domingo Bmlam Bpan-
Isb Gold Snl»l dialog the Press—Female
Suffrage—Anoijnens Kndtesl Ues—The
Mew KegTO Organ.
Washington, Janaary 22, 1870.
It seems quite probable that there wifi be a
little hitch in the transfer of San Domingo to
the protection of the stars and stripes. There
axe daily cropping out in Congress indications
of opposition to this real estate operation. On
Thursday last Mr. Loughridge introduced in the
House the following preamble and resolution,
which were referred to the Committee on the
Judiciary and ordered to be printed:
Whereas, it is understood that certain nego
tiations are pending and others in contempla
tion for the purchase of foreign territory and
the annexation thereof to this government by
and through the treaty-making department of
the government: therefore,
Be it resolved,.That the Constitution of the
United States does hot confer upon the treaty
making department of the government the
power to extend the area of- this government
end bring within its jurisdiction foreign coun
tries and foreign people and invest such foreign
people with the right of citizenship in this gov
ernment without the consent of Congress; and
until such consent is given, no compact, agree
ment, or treaty to that effect is valid or binding
upon the government of the United States, and
no officer of the United States has any authority
on behalf of the government to take possession
of such territory until authorized by act of Con
gress so to do.
On the same day, Mr. Wood submitted the
following resolution, which was referred to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs-
Resolved, That in the judgment of this House
s right to consider the propriety and expedi
ency of the appropriation of public money for
any purpose whatever cannot .be impaired or
denied; nor can tho treaty-makingpower vested
in the President and Senate conclude its action
in by aw wRoro legislation ia xcquiuaX tO exe
cute it.
It is not only intimated that tho President
has exceeded his rightful authority in this San
Domingo business, bnt it is whispered about
that this annexation scheme covers a huge job,
in which certain New Yorkers and other parties
are, moro or less, interested. From one source
we get tho most glowing acoounts of the natural
resources and capabilities of San Domingo;
whilo from others we learn that the Island would
not only foil to augment onr material wealth
and prosperity, bnt would bo a source of con
stant annoyance, as a large portion of the inhab
itants are strongly opposed to being made citi
zens of this “great and glorious Republic.”
Concerning Cuba," ono hears nothing at all
now-a-days. It seem3 to have almost passed
from men's minds that a revolution exists there,
or that this government has violated, in tbe
most flagrant manner, the solemn pledges it
made to those in the interest of the insurgents.
When Air. Seward returns from Havana, we
shall no doubt have his views concerning the
revolution, and possibly something in relation
to annexation. It is now stated by a New York
paper that tho Washington correspondents of
certain leading papers were offered one thou
sand dollars in gold, each, by tbe Spanish Min-
ister here, and it is intimated that none of them
refused the golden bait. That their telegrams
should be slightly tinged with Spanish gold, is
natumal enough, uudar the circumstances; and,
indeed, some of them do appear to be so color
ed. But I prefer to discredit tho whole story,
and to believe that if the offer was made it was
scornfully rejected. If members of Congress
take bribes—and it is notorious that many of
them do—for Heaven’s sake, preserve the in
tegrity of the press!
"The Female Suffrage Convention held in this
'..ity, adjourned yesterday. Financially, and in
some other respects, it has been a success. It
drew large audiences, and the pocket-book of
the Treasurer was made plethoric. I know of
one correspondent, who wore trowsers, and who
went to scoff, bnt is now in a condition that a
smile from any one of the nicely dressed and
really clever ladies who presided at the meetings
would briag him into the ranks of the female
suffragists. This is the more terrible as the
young man in question has a wife and children.
Being myself a batohelor, and being susceptible
I wirely refrained from exposing myself to the
smiles or arguments of the fair orators (oratress
es ?) I bave diligently read the reports of their
meeting, however, and must endorse the many
good, sound and sensible things that were said.
I am, moreover, informed, that they were said
as well, if not better, than the average speaking
at male meetings. The Northern people got*
some healthful raps for the while slavery in their
midst, which they have ignored while eradica
ting black slavery; and Sumner and other win
dy and hypocritical humbugs, wero shown np in
their true colors. There were no short dresses
or hybid costumes to make the ladies of this con
vention appear ridiculous in the eyes of the
publio; and altogether, I feel that I must con
gratulate them on the good impression they
made here, and the good results that are likely
to result from their deliberations.
It is a very common thing now for Radical
members of Congress to read telegrams and let
ters from persons in reconstructed States, or
purporting to be snob, and which teem with
slanders against the people of these'States.
When asked the authors’ names, the reader re
plies that he is responsible for them, and will
vouch for the senders. But who will be respon
sible for the men who put on record against a
helpless people the infamous slanders of disap
pointed office-seekers, scalawags and carpet
baggers ? Air. "Sumner read the other day a
batch of lies concerning tho people of Virginia;
and Mr. Howard read to the Senate on Thurs
day a slanderous telegram from Atlanta. I en
close an extract from the Congressional Globe,
containing this telegram and the debate it elic
ited. It calls for no further comment.
The Senate has passed the Virginia bill, loaded
down with amendments. Now it goes back to
the House. From the declarations of Butler,
and his conceded power, it is safe to predict
that even in this form the bill will never be
heard of more. It is assumed that Butler will
secure its reference to the Boconstrnction Com
mittee, which is equivalent to consigning it to
the tomb of the Capnlets. A new bill wifi then
be reported, the tenor of whioh cannot well be
predicted. That it will be stringent in its pro
visions may well be imagined. Some of the
Virginians fear the application of the test oath,
but others say that this condition will prove the
death knelt of the Radical party in Virginia.
It is understood that the Democratic members
of the House stand pledged to a man to vote
against tbe Virginia bill as it comes from the
Senate; but Virginians here say they are willing
it should pass, as it only demands'a fulfillment
of pledges already made. They are weary .of
the delay and the uncertainty as to tho future.
Some idea may be formed of the lack of sub
jects for letter-writers in "Washington at thts
time, from the fact that “J. B. S.,” of the New
York World, devoted a column and a half to de
scribing a walk from his boarding-house to
•Newspaper Row.” “G. G.,"- (Grace Green
wood) sends to the New York Tribune a gossip-
py letter describing the personnel of the House
after tho recess. She gives a very graphic
sketch of' the Hon. John Morrissey; but a love
of truth compels us to state that the “Hon.
John” has not been in his seat since the ad
journment for the holidays.
The newsboys, especially tho Ethiopians, have
been lustily shouting for the last day or two,
“Ere'a Fred Douglass’ New ’Ear.” To put tbe
announcement into English, it means that they
have have for sale the new weekly organ of tho
oolored aristocracy, of which Sella Martin is
editor and Fred Douglass corresponding editor.
* I 3fl v Damon.
y i Planters’ Policy.
Editors Telegraph and Messenger: What
shall planters do to obtain, , at.this late hoar, a
fall supply of hands for the present year ? This
is a question very difficult of solution at this
time, but" had every planter oousnlted his future
as well as present interest, from the first year
of “freedom” up to this date, there would have
been no oooasion to ask such a puzzling ques
tion. To obtain joint action among the indi
viduals who, of so many varied tastes and opin
ions, follow the avocation of farming, wonld be
a task to human power as g.-eat as the bringing
of light out of darkness, or the forming of one
unbounded sphere of the unnumbered spheres
decking here and there the illimit&ble realms
of space. But if this concert of action, and
uniofi of thought and opinion could be brought
about, I do not know as it would be to the.m&-
I will not oombat it. I will merely, by looking
over the past, show what “might have bean.”
In 1866, when the planter made hia arrang
meets for a crop, the majority made poor calcu
lations, and set their expectations out of roach,
both as regarded the capacity of the negro, and
the results of the crops. Our lands, during the
war, had been cultivated almost exclusively in
oereals, and grass and weed seeds were very
plentiful in the soil, which the idle year, 1865,
gave a double harvest for germination. As Boon
as the soil was stirred with the plow in the
Bpring of 1866, tho incessant rains daring the
spring months, gave this crop of grass and
weeds such a start, the froedman, with indolent
step and tardy lick, oould never overtake and
conquer; in fact, the froedman was beaten, and
the first year of free labor seemed to be a fail
ure. Many of them, farming on shares, came
out in debt, and those planters who had hired
them, wore scarcely able to pay them.
The next year was the year of low prices in
the cotton markets, and hard times vith the
planter. All this was very discouraging to the
froedman, -for the planter, oontrary to his own
interest, persuaded the negro, that with cotton
at 12} cents, six to eight dollars per month was
good wages. The negro never could work and
live at that very low rate. For we note this,
that, though cotton was sold by the planter at
about an average price of iwelve cents per
pound, other articles, of every day use, did not
decline in price—nor did cotton sell at that low
rate when the speculator got hold of the bulk of
the crop. Now, how conld the negro, who had
contracted in 1868, for less than one hundred
dollars, live and support whatever of a family
he might have had ? The majority of them
have children, and of course they have to be fed.
Consequently the result of their labor, for tho
year 1868, brought them nothing but poverty
and rag®, and many of them were dissatisfied,
even when they received every cent due them
according to contract; saying they were cheated
out of what was promised them. I find, now,
many of them embittered against the whites be
cause, though they may have received all of
their dues according to a just settlement by
contract, they are still penniless, and have bnt
little encouragement to work longer. Many of
them do not think they should be charged for
lost time and then much less the rations they
consume while idle—which is nothing bnt just.
Now, if the planter had continued the wages of
the negroes up to fen or twelve dollars per
month, in 1868, and taken a little farther risk
in using fertilizers, it would have been the true
policy, both for the planter and the negro.
Where the negroes have labored for shares in
the crop, and no manures were used, they have
made buc little; where they were willing to pay
for part of the guano, the results have been
better. Now I will come to the point: What
should the fanner do to secure hands for an
other year and for any number of years ? Iden
tify a sat of hands with the interests of every
plantation, either by share labor, or by paying
each liberal wages as will induce them to stay,
and in fact enable them to lice.
I am sore tho planter should try to induce the
same hands to remain with him year after year,
for when they break np and go away every year
it is generally a month before he can get others,
and there is one month of the year due to fences,
ditches, etc., lost entirely. I object to share
labor for several reasons, some of whieh, if I
had space, I would enumerate, but I will take
the objections in order in my next, and give
them in fulL I know many have adopted the
plan of working for one-third to the hand, he
finding himself, and some paying one-third the
guano where guano is used. If he, the negro,
will continue stationary he can make a good liv
ing on such terms. Then I know of some who
Work for one-half, and the land is not manured,
and naturally so poor that if the negro continues
to labor there he will finally perish, and the land
owner have to sell out to buy bread. This is so
in many sections of this State. There has been
bnt little, if any, new land cleared since the war
closed, from the simple fact that If the owner
gives consent, the negroes working on shares
will not consent to do it—preferring to work the
depleted hills, worn by the plow and washed by
the rains for half a.century. "Where I see ne
groes working for one-third and making nothing,
X am cvmTinced of ooa £aet: tho plant*'t is
asleep to his interests. "Where I see them
working for one-half and making nothing, l am
convinced of another fact: the planter has no
interest in farming, and no business with land,
for he does not know how to cultivate and make
it produce a support for all who tend it. Now
my policy is simply to employ for wages—money
wages—-and sufficiently large to enable the ne
gro to live comfortably, and then, on my part,
arouse every later * nergy of the mind to devise
some in ewer, to enable me to clear as much again
on that Land as it cost me to pay and feed him.
Now, I would advocate this policy for all, and
laydown these axioms for the guidance of all
who are employed in trying to till the soil:
Make your land rich enough to pay for the cul
tivation, and then clear as much from it as all
these cost If you don’t yon are not accumu
lating anything by-farming. Don’t be afraid of
paying hands good wages, calculating for cotton
to go down. Don’t bo afraid to expend money
for good guano, for it will pay as well as the
hands you employ, and if you give them
good wages it will pay much better; for mind,
a negro can’t live on poor wages. If cotton
does go down make tho more of it, and keep
yonr corn crib and meat house near you. Don’t
let the prospect of a decline in the price of cot
ton debar you from the use of good guanos,
and plenty of them, nor prevent you from giv
ing good wages for hands. For I sajrthe negro
must have something to stimulate him to work,
and good land, high manuring, and large, crops
will surely do it He must be identified with
the interests of the planter and the plantation.
.This is the planter’s policy. I will dose now
but will give a*Tew more articles shortly, all re
lating to the planter and his interests.
Goodmobk.
Macon, January 25th, 1870.
Foster Blodgett.
Editors Telegraph and Messenger; I see In
to day’s issue of yours-a letter from Foster
Blodgett to the Constitution of the 17th inst,
which begins: “In consequence of having
taken an early and an .active part in (he organi
zation find success of the Republican party in
thi3 State, I am prepared to expect much abuse
and misrepresentation in virtue of the fact that
I am a native Georgian and have devoted the
greater part ef my life to the advancement of
what I honestly conceive to be her best infamy,
politically.”
If Air. B. is telling the truth (bnt I believe
that there was’ a true bill for perjury'found
against him, if “parly newspapers” are to be
behoved,) when he says he desired what he
“ honestly conceived to be her (Georgia’s) best
interest, politically,” it is time, high time-, lor
every man who loves his country, be he white
or black, Northman or Southron, Democrat or
Republican, to pray for it to be delivered from
the influence of friends of sneb honest concep
tions. Politically, Georgia has sinned, as what
people has not? "We confess—we ask for a re
mission. “ Deliver U3 from evil," for honestly
conceiving leaders (self-styled) would ostracise
every man in the State who has ever, in days
ante bed urn, thought fit by popular voice to be
worthy to make or execute a law. Ia it an
“evil” fpr the reina of government to be
BY TELEGRAPH
taken from the learned, the experienced states
men and to be given to the unlearned and in
experienced ? “ Deliver us.” Is it an “ evil ”
for the coffers of a sinning, bnt confessing
State to be unlocked to the greedy grab of self
ish bog-carriers, who give no account of the
contents ? “Deliver ua.” -♦ oaSfA
If there is a man “with soul so dead” who
claims to be an American citizen who doss not
love his country, ’tis not to him I’d speak; for
language Can light the dead ashes of his soul
exoept for evil. A soul given for. a good pur
pose bnt burned np by the hard-to-be- resisted
desire of gain, and every application of fuel
will only concentrate strength to destroy. Bnt
to every one who would honor the memory of
his forefathers—who holds dear all that makes
life desirable for himself and posterity: peace,
good will, prosperity, happiness—to-day and in
future—I would say, make haste to be delivered
from such leaders who have taken “an early
and ictive part” in bringing about the present!
state of affairs in Georgia.
Ambition and avarioe axe not evils developed
by the late revolution. Envy, and malice have
long been known in the history of man: they
culminate iff treachery. Alas! for Georgia, for
our whole country, for the world, that ambition
and avarice, envy and malice, should lie, not
dead, but living and almost ready to overwhelm
many of the early and active organizers of a
jority desirable. The negro is fast becoming . _
our farmer instead of our laborer solely, as for- to Sh«. tS
This line of polioy I do not think the j <« Theykiiow not what they do,”
marly.
best, but as many are pursuing it at this time, J
FROM ATLANTA.
Congressional Agency not Vet a.
gnntced. ^
Military Commission Hongs Fire,
The PreecealloB Foils to make Can*,
ngnlnst Certain Members. ^
Probably None will be Excluded.
Special to the Telegraph and Messenger.'}
Atlanta, January 24.—The Senate met and tj.
journed till to-morrow.
The House met Carpenter, of Pierce, wu qaiij.
fled. An order from Bollock was read adjourna*
the House till ten o’clock to-morrow, pending tbs
decision of the Military Commission, when the or
der says the organization may be confidently ex.
pected. It is thought the Commission awaits the
decision of Attorney General Hoar. ThoComajj.
sion and attorneys for the defense have been bnjT
all day.
Rumor says none of the House will be excluded.
It is known that two or three of the cases have beej
abandoned, the prosecution having failed tomtit
cases against them.
A grand Republican rally is advertised for to.
Georgia
FROM WASHINGTON.
WAsanfOToy, January 23—The Express says-
Senators who saw the President this morning ' 01T
he advised those who desired the admission cf Tii.
ginia, unconditionally, to make no further efforts to
carry this point, it being evident that the Senate
would not pass any bill without imposing some con
ditions upon the admission ef that State.
Mr. Bingham- favors taking up the "Virginia bill
and patting it on its passage.
Mr. Butler favors its reference to the Reconstruc
tion Committee.
The beat opinion is that the House will pass tbs
hill as it came from the Senate. The Democrats
will all vote against its reference to the Committee
where Butler ean bold it indefinitely.
It is stated, in answer to many letters, that pc:-
sons desiring relief from political disabilities, should
send a formal petition addressed to Congress—set
ting forth the facts ra the ease, as it seems there is
no probability of tbe passage of x genend relief bill
this session.
The presence of Prince Arthur earnsea little ex-
dtoment. He walked to and from church with Mrs.
Thornton.
Washington, January 24—The Reconstruction
Committee unanimously agreed to report the Senate
Virginia bill and press its passage to-day, if possible.
Mr. Bingham accepts it, and the Republicans aa
far as heard from wifi vote for it.
Revenue to-day. $617,000.
Delano will recommend that tbe Indian Territory
be formed into asaeesive and collection districts, foe
the purpose of collecting the taxon tobacco, whisky
and malt liquors. .. A. :
The Ways and Means Committee seem in fivor
of raising the duty on all manufactured steel i&d
iron.
The Supreme Court to-day derided in a case con
ing from the northern district of Alabama, that On
plea of Confederate authority is no justification for
the indictment, arrest and imprisonment of a party
foe treason against that power, by its courts, officers
and grand juries.
Governor Walker is holding that a joint resolu
tion adjourning the Legislature is void without til
approval. Re will proclaim a convocation' as boos
as the President signs the bill.
The Preeident sent in the following nominations:
James G. Tracy, Postmaster, Houston, Texas;
Hamilton Taylor, Collector of Customs, Pearl hir
er, Mississippi; Jas. P. Butler, Collector Customs,
Brazos de Santiago; Isaac 8 trail, Appraiser of Mer
chandise, Savannah, Ga.; George P. Peck, Collects
Internal Revenue, Second District, North Carolini;
William L. Ferrold, Assessor, Fifth District,Virginu;
David H. Starbush, Attorney for North Carolini;
Lurien B. Eaton, Marshal, Western Tennessee;
Commodore John Rodgers, Rear Admiral.
. CONGRESSIONAL.
Washington, January 24—House—Several bSh
were introduced under the regular call.
A contest arose over the reference of the Postil
Telegraph bill. It was finally referred to a special
committee of seven—a triumph for the friends of
the hill.
The following are among tho hills introduced:
Resuming possession of the lands granted to Ar
kansas for a railroad from Mississippi via Little
Rock to tire Texas boundary; paying letter carriers
$1200 per annum; increasing Judges of the Supe
rior Courts and defining the jurisdiction of United
States Courts; conveying certain property in Beau
fort District, S. C., for school purposes; paying
black and white soldiers equal bounties: establish
ing a postal telegraph was referred to a special com
mittee ; a resolution that, in the opinion of the
House, owing to its peculiar duties, the Committee
on Elections is a judicial body, aud in deriding
questions should act according to all the roles of
law as purely as though each member was under
oath in each case—passed, yeas 138; nays 25.
The House then took up the Virginia bill, and
after a very sharp debate between Messrs. Bing
ham, Balter and Farnsworth, mostly of a personal
character, the House concurred in the hill as it
came from the Senate, and was passed by a strict
party vote.
The House adjourned.
Senate.—Morrell was qualified, as Fessenden’s
successor.
A bill to provide for a natumal currency of coin,
notes, and to equalize the distribution of the circu
lating notes was taken np and discussed to executiv*
FROM LOUISIANA.
New Orleans, January 23.—Charles Horn, Assist
ant Foreman of the Washington Fire Company waa
shot and killed last night by an unknown negro.
A negro was accidentally wounded by a shot from
the same party. _
The British bark Nictaux, at anchor in the river,
having cleared for Liverpool with nineteen hundred
bales of cotton and other cargo, took fire in her
hold, was towed to the levee and pumped of water.
The cargo was damaged by fire and water.
The Gas Company threaten to cut off its supply
of gas if their bill is not paid by the 1st of Fehruaiy.
The claims net up by Mrs. Myra Clark Gaines, to
property embracing a large portion of the City of
New Orleans, has been extensively commented on
recently by the city papers. The opinion of lawyers
aud others, which are published, go to show that
Mrs. Gaines has no valid claim.
This morning’s Times publish** »n article from
Her >, the custodian of tbe notorial records, showing
that Daniel Clark sold the last of this property in
1810, tbm divesting himself Of all ownership.
GENERAL NEWS.
Richmond, January 24.—News of tbe final passage
of the bill admitting the State was received here
after dark, and there appeared to be a general feel
ing of welcome and relief, but none of the demon
strations of joy that followed tha news of the pass
age of Bingham's unconditional bill >n the House.
Tho City Council upon the receipt of the intelli
gence, passed a resolution hailing with delight
Virginia's return to the Union, and requesting Gen.
Canby to fire one hundred guns in honor of the
event, to-morrow.
Ban Francisco, January 23—The war steamer,
Jamestown, arrived in seventy days from the For
mosa Islands. ' - ■
English settlers from Australia red New Zealand,
are arriving in large numbers at the Feejee Island
to cultivate the Island cotton which ia said to grow
fabulously.-MfZ-' -JUSTOittata
Lynchburg, January 24—Yesterday a sleeping
ear of the train which left hero at 5:20 Friday, at
Sr.*, was thrown from the track by the tweaking
of a wheel, dragged some distance an$ was thrown
down a precipice and dashed to pieces. Conductor
MiiJon, Gen. To. C. Boddey, of Krbrisrippi, and
ten others, the cimnp—In. were revereiy-bruised.
The injured inwngsro ware placed in other can
and proceeded on thrir joux&qy.
Cts Goman, January 26—The Distiller's Associa
tion protest against Delano’s dirfffrf in favor of
forty-righthOTratermentatioh. ".
The rigar makemareou a strike.
Bcwwnq January 24,—The back Juba brings Haj.
tire advices to tbe 14th
The Provisional Government baa decreed an ex-
port tax qf fow^oaatajxer pound on oeffee, °om-
.Ito soppreee onim*
owed the new
ja quiet.