Newspaper Page Text
Tlie Greorgia ^Weekly
ssenjojer,
Telegraph and Messenger.
MACON, MARCH 1, 1870.
Brannrlck.
Persons irishing to invest in property at
Sxxmswiok, the title to which ean be relied on
M perfect, are referred to the advertisement of
Messrs. Turpin & Ogden, in another column of
this paper. They offer to sell alternate lots of
large site, with a portion of the well known
property in Brunswick, belonging chiefly® to
fthartas Day, Esq., of this city, which has never
before been offered to the public. These lots
are prioed low, to encourage improvements on
The great commercial advantages of Bram-
wiok, added to its desirableness as a residence,
now that its communications with all parts of
the eountry are secured by two railroads—the
Macon and Brunswick and the Brunswick and
Albany railroads—seem to insure that this city
by the sea will soon become a large city, and
that property there will Advance greatly in
value.
Kmiuoar Univebsity.—A catalogue of the
Kentucky University for 1869, shows 767 stu
dents—the largest exhibition, we think, in the
oouutry. The Agricultural and Mechanical
College shows 283 matriculates. The Faculty
pf instruction and goygypigent comprises forty
professors and tutors, ^
Gaixpobkia regards it as a bad sign for one to
die with his hoqtg qp. They are not so par.
Ocular when it comes to sleeping.
^Detroit Free Brest.
Fbancis P. Bum and wife are still hearty
after their married life of sixty years. One
day last week they rode tW*ty*tW9 miles on
horseback.
Pit xhb Nationaz, Debt.—George
Fox, a New York miser, recently deceased, left
a will bequeathing all his property, valued at
between three and four hundred thousand dol
lars, to the U. S. Government, to assist in pay
ing the national debt.
A bubal. New York paper urges that notices
of marriages and deaths should always he paid
for, because one is an advertisement of copart
nership, and the other is a notice of dissolution,
and business is business.
Afteb making the everlasting nigger a step
ping stone to fame and fortune, Greeley lives to
say: “We could better spare" Africa than Dr.
‘ Livingstone”—a continent of blacks than one
white man. ___
Among the items in the contingent account
of the Senate for past year are “one dozen rub-
„bef nipples.” Consideringthe way in which
this honorable body drains the Treasury, the
World is surprised it should only have made
provisions for twelve teats.
Gobbioht.—We see the agent of the Associ
ated Press at Washington read a highly inter
esting paper, last Saturday, on the life of Frank
lin,- at the literary reunion of Hon. Horatio
King. The Press says Mr. Gobright exhibited
a keen appreciation of the genius of the printer-
statesman, and the close attention of his really
intellectual audience show that his views met
with appreciation. Several distinguised per
sons were present.
“A Southern widow of great beauty and
greater wealth,” is the latest assignment to
Sheridan.—Boston Post.
What lnnatic asylum has she escaped from ?
Surely no Southern woman in her senses would
so insult the memory of the dead, and the
wrongs and sufferings of tho living. Let Sher
idan find a mate among those gentle demoisel
les of the North who glory in the fame won
amid the blazing bouses, barns and mills, and
at the expense, of the homeless, houseless wo
men and children of the Shenandoah Valley.
A Monument to Howell Cobb.—Acknowl
edging the receipt of Mr. Boykin’s memorial
volume of the late Howell Cobb, the Colnmbus
Sen says, and we heartily echo its words:
“The book does all it can do for Howell Cobb
the citizen. It say all that love and friendship
should now say of the man. Bat Georgia
owes him an unrequited debt for his great
services and his unselfish devotion.*! And
if it be granted to her in the future to fall upon
days when the voices of her true sons can again
be raised in her high places, it is to be hoped
that a lasting memorial may be raised to the
name and fame of Howell Cobb.”
Two More Georgia Senators had their cre
dentials presented in the United States Senate
yesterday. This makes five altogether, includ
ing Blodgett, who holds tack until certain
charges against him are cancelled. Georgia
seems desirous of getting as much reconstruc
tion as possible, even if it is not of tho best
quality.—Neu> York Herald 23d
You don’t understand the situation down
here, at all. Georgia, the real Georgia, loathes
radical reconstruction as a sea-sick man does a
piece of fat pork, she wouldn’t have it at any
prioe if she had her way. But she hasn't, and
so down goes the pork. The mongrel crowd
who desire this sort of reconstruction, no more
represents Georgia than do the roughs and
rogues of New York, the respectable citizens
thereof.
Dawson and the Teleobaph and Messengeb.
Our brother of the Dawson Journal, noticing a
letter from that city to this paper, says:
We thank “S” for his favorable notice of
Dawson and some of her popnlation, in a com
munication, which we copy below, to the Tel-
eqeai-h and Messenger. We regret that he
could not give the names of all the deserving,
not only in town, but in the country surround
ing. We excuse him, however, for their num
ber is legion. He speaks correctly when bs
says that the Teleobaph and Messenger comes
here by the bushel, and on a pleasant day, just
after the arrival of the train, we are reminded
Of & school jugt called to order, as each one
that Can spare a few moments from his busi
ness, seats himself and begins the'perusal of
his paper. Wish “S” could have gone out in
the country and seen what sortof men the Daw
son merchants have to look to for their patron
age ; he would not then have been surprised at
the business activity of our town.
A Georgia Senator.
This is the man whose brazen effrontery has
Captivated our contemporary. He is a fair
specimen of the men raised to power in the
South by the Bsdical party, and held there with
Federal bayonets. Governors sell commissions
and Charters. Senator j are indicted for per
jury, and members of Congress dispose of ca
detships. And yet, with all these facts upon
record, Northern journals uphold the scala
wags. Well, every one to Their taste. We
think the penitentiary the place for perjurers,
not tho Senate of the United States. Oar con
temporary thinks otherwise, and there we di
vide.—Philadelphia Age.
A Compliment to Whittemore.
Amid all the denunciation that the big rascals
of his party who hare not been caught, are
pouring upon the head of brother Whittemorc,
it is really refreshing to read a tribute like tko
following from the pen of a Mr. Brooks, who
was mixed up in Whittemore’s cadetship specu
lations. As there are greater criminals than
Whittemore, so, according to Brooks, are there
those of smaller and meaner calibre :
“There were a number of men in the Fortieth,
as there is in every Congress, who could bo
bought like sheep at so much a head. -1 bought
them as fast as I could, but the number was
finally exhausted, and I was compelled to apply
to another class who requireiLdelicato manipu
lations, and among them wasJdr. Whittemore.’’
Blot Oar Dufy to Get Rich.
One of our correspondents writes a comfort
ing thought that it is not incumbent upon any
man to get rich. If it were a matter of duty,
the vast majority of us would have a very foul
oonsoienee, and great short-comings to answer
for. %•<
But although it be no duty, the idea that it is
a great privilege—a high and glorious achieve-
thent to get rich, is as general as it is absolute
ly unfounded and foolish. Every man exercis
ing a sound judgment and sober Christian or
moral philosophy, is ready to oono9de that the
rioh man gains nothing substantisl over the
man whose moderate acquirements are sufficient
to provide Mm with the ordinary comforts and
conveniences of life. We never heard a sensi
ble, considerate* man, assert the converse of
this proposition. We never heard anybody of
mature years express the opinion that the rich
were happier, as a class, than people in ordin
ary circumstances; while the judicious would
probably concur unanimously with the moralist
who compares the rich man to the traveler toil
ing under a superfluous burden-
But while almost everybody’s theory is sound
enough on this question, his practice is fatally
at war with it. Personal ambition most com
monly takes the form of an intense straggle for
wealth, wMob, in many cases, embitters exist
ence itself. Li the eager pursuit of fortune we
not only neglect;, to a greater or less extent,
those exalted aims of life which reason, philos
ophy and religion concur in commending to us
as the rollJ en ^ s of existence, but we also pass
by unheeded the tuCns«»d and one sources of
rational delight and enjoyment which surround
us on every side, and invito us to repose, re
creation and refreshment in our headlong ca
reer.
. out mind and body and shorten our
days by excessive anxiety, vigilance and toil to
become rich; and not content with sacrificing
our physical health, too often endanger or com
promise our moral rectitude. We have but this
one journey of life from the cradle to the grave;
but we literally rush through it, not taking time
to enjoy ourselves on. the road as we might do,
in order that we may hasten that grand consum
mation when we shall be rich. Social and in
tellectual pleasures are neglected because we
have not time to attend to them, and so, too
frequently are thoso mingled pleasures and du
ties wMch spring from our relations to the fam
ily, to the church and to society. We have not
time to do what judgment and conscience tell
ns we ought to do to contribute to the comfort,
enjoyment and improvement of those aronnd
us, and the doing of wMch would be its own
richest reward.
We business Americans are well said to allow
ourselves scarcely time to eat as we should do.
We are ip a perpetual drive. We rash through
this one journey of life as we would through a
business trip—as if the main thing were to have
done with it. We allow ourselves little or no
time to make it comfortable to oqrselves or pro
fitable to others.
And if to be rich were a grand happiness, then
one of the plainest and most unfortunate re
sults of all this mad hurry is that it defeats its
own end in the majority of cases. The impa
tience to be rich is one grand reason why so few
succeed. They can’t wait the result of slow
gains, and in the haste to force conclusions and
precipitate results, lose all the progress they
have made and throw themselves far behind
hand- Few men would fail to accumulate prop
erty who c#nbined energy, perseverance and
patience. But these small gains! they only
fret the temper, .and stimulate to large under
takings and rash hazards and experiments.
So the final result in the vast majority of
cases is that, after a life of chafing, worrying,
fretting and toiHng to gain wealth, nineteen out
of twenty of us die poor and our lives are a dead
failure in respect to the particular end to which
we have devoted it.
But of the few who succeed, it may well be
asked, are they in any better case in respect to
tho sober ends of life ? They, too, have lost
life, e^sept it may be in tho simple enjoy
ment of the grand game of money-getting; and
when they have made their pile, must simply
leave it to demoralize and destroy their chil
dren. The removal of those great restraints
imposed on man by Cod Almighty in the neces
sity of providing, by care, thought and labor,
for Ms daily recurring wants ,is good for nobody,
and especially so for those in the flush of youth.
Some few, bom to wealth, escape the penalty of-
such enfranchisement; but we doubt not that
the most oven of them would have been better
under the ordinary stimulus of self-provision.:
Finally, what is the moral—the application
of this little homily. It is designed simply to
second the monitions in every man’s breast to
moderate his aspirations for gain. Seek to en
joy and improve life as you go along. Aim to
make the monuments of your existence—not a
mere pile of gold or greenbacks, but in the re
collection of duties well performed to your fam
ily and to society, and in a cheerful, improving
influence shed like sunlight all around you in
your pathway to the grave.
Affidavit vs. Assertion.
Some; days since we published an affidavit
sworn to by Mr. J. H. Penland, the legally elect
ed Representative from the county of Union,
who was tricked into declining to take the oath
of eligibility by a person acting a3 one of Gov.
Bullock’s Secretaries, and who further repre
sented that if he, Penland, would not take the
oath, his disabilities should be removed in five
or ten days, and he be allowed to take Ms seat.
As the sequel showed, however, the Radicals in
the lower branch of the Agency refused to stand
by the Secretary’s bargain, by swearing in the
man Penland had defeated, on the ground that
he (Penland) by applying for relief from disa
bility, acknowledge Ms ineligibility!
We find in the 4$ra, of Friday, a eorroupon-
dence between Bullock and this Secretary, whose
jjame is Lester, in which Lester characterizes
the charge as false inletter and spirit, and de
clares that he is “personally responsible” for
what he says—which declaration, we suppose, he
means as a sort of “biting of Ms thumb” at the
gentleman from Union. We hope Lester will
do nothing desperate. “Loyal” men must not
set their valuable lives against tho worthless
“wital” spark that animates the pestilent cor-
pusesof “unrepentant rebels.”
Between Mr. Penland’s affidavit and Mr. Les
ter’s more denial, the publio will judge, so we
leave the verdict with them.
Single Newspapeb Packets. —For several
years we have had great complaints of the fail
ures and irregularities of newspapers in single
packets to reach their destination. They are
a troublesome mail to distribute, and where in
terruptions occur, accumulate in such vast quan
tities that, in some one or other of the post-
offices on their route, distribution is delayed
and postponed, until, perhaps, sometimes they
may be thrown aside altogether. They are but
newspapers—of no great money value, and
each one bearing a separate address, the temp
tation is strong, when such blocks occur, to
shove them aside. If this is not tho pMIosophy
of tho uncertainty of “single packets,” we
are unable to give any. Our correspondent in
Hall county, who makes bis griovoos complaint,
has our sympathy, but we can’t help Mm. We
mail his paper very regularly. If he will seenre
a few of Ms neighbors so as to mako up a post-
office packet, we beliove it will go much more
regularly. We say to Mm and to all readers in
like condition, if they will try this remedy, wo
will deal liberally by them.
Oa» Tkwqhte, Precisely.
The Baltimore Gazette commenting upon the
charge brought against it by a county optompo-
rary of being rather bitter and extreme when
discussing thS Southern situation, states very
tersely and eloquently, our own thoughts and
position upon the subject It holds that it is,
of course, very wrong and foolish for men to
argue all questions with anger, or with bitter
ness, or to manifest animosity towards those to
whom they may be opposed. But there are ex!
oeptional cases. There is such a thing as right
eous indignation. There are times when com
promises are disgraoefoL We are living in such
an epoch. Bo fat as Congress and the South
ern people are concerned, we hold that there is
only one true and manly way of dealing with tha
subject They do this journal gross injustice
who suppose it to be animated merely by the
resentments or wrongs'of the past It bears
no animosities against any section or any
honest man. It makes no vain lamentations
over the result of the war. It has rio antipatMes
against those who fairly and bravely fought and
triumphed over the cause in wMohits sympa
thies were enlisted. But of the present leaders
of the Radical party it holds that it is eminently
becoming in the press and the American people
to express detestation and abhorrence.
If the men who now govern the oounsels ofthat
faction we re only misguided fanatics or ignorant
fools it might be well to Speak of them rather in
sorrow than in anger. Bat they are neither.—
They are simply a set of political knaves who,
for their own indivinal and party ends, are
daily violating every principle of right and jus
tice, and trampling under foot everything that
we been taugut J? hoU dear *“ d sacred.—
^Laer th? p ratfiXt of most transparent false
hoods, they have kept the South for years ground
down under a merciless military despotism.
Under a hypocritical avowal of a newly devel
oped love for the negro, they have made Mm
the equal and the ruler over the men of their
own blood and race. Under the plea of pre
serving Republican government, they hive by
force and fraud installed in offioe, as Governors
and legislators, in the South, a set of adventur
ers and renegades who have no interest in com
mon with the people over whom they are placed,
and who not command the confidence of any
one, North or South. If these things had been
done in a time of Mgh excitement, under the
lead of Jackson or Calhoun, of Clay or Webster,
it is possible that, while denouncing such acts,
the press might still have spoken with some
small respect of the statesmen who perpetrated
them. But when these outrages against law
and reason are deliberately concocted and car
ried out by creatures like Butler and Schenck
and Sumner, and the characterless politi
cians whom they represent, it is taxing too
far the charity, of any one to ask him to
treat the matter in a tone of forbearance.
The Constitution of this country has been over
thrown, the rights and liberties of millions of
people invaded, and the prosperity of whole
States retarded for years by unprincipled men
who are looking for notMng bnt the retention
in their own hands of place and power.
About all this, thank Heaven, we do feel much
bitterness. Towards the present leaders of the
Radical party we do cherish a deep animosity.
Towards the whole carpet-bag fraternity we do
entertain a profound contempt. Were it other
wise, we should fear that our love for our coun
try, our devotion to the principles of our fathers
and our respect for truth and right had passed
away forever. As it is, we regard as the sad
dest symptom of the decadance of publio spirit
and virtue in this laud, the fact that the
American people can look without bitterness
upon the condition of this country under its
present rulers.
Brother B. F. Whittemore.
We mourn for brother Benjamin Franklin
WMttemore, of the First District of South Car
olina. He is a son of the Pilgrim Fathers, and
a most exemplary member and preacher of the
Northern Methodist Episcopal Church. Broth
er WMttemore came from Massachusetts di
rectly after the war, as part missionary and
part speculator, and made a good thing of it.
Everything he touched turned into gold, and
what would not tarn of itself, he turned it.
The piety of brother WMttemore was of that
severe stripe wMch could make no allowance
for the wickedness of the Rebels, and when he
saw them carelessly smoking their pipes, and
counting up their losses, and giving away their
sixpences to the niggers, Ms indignation was
stirred within him, and he vowed a vow that he
would skin wMtes and niggers alike and un
sparingly, and as a good man, he kept his vow.
He never spared one of them.
Because Brother WMttemore has been turned
out of Congress as “unworthy of a seat," let
no man suppose he is worse than the other
carpet-baggers and indeed most of the members
of that honorable body. This would be a grave
error. Brother WMttemore has only had the
misfortune to be oaught. Probably spores of
them voted to expel Brother WMttemore, with
a thousahd dollars of stealings in their pockets
for every one of Ms hundreds; but they were
more careful in the use of ink and paper.
If any carpet-bag member from - the South
has neglected to turn every thing in the way of
offioial power or patronage into gold, it has been
by mistake or oversight. Every man in Con
gress knows that the entire race have been
gathering honey every day from every opening
flower in the Sonth, ever since the war, and
Mving it down in Skowhegan at a fearful rate.
The punishment of WMttemore for selling a
cadetship is a tribute to official honesty, in the
nature of the religion of the scribes and phari
sees. It is like the Mghwayman who whipped
his boy for stealing apples. While the rascals
are pulling up their short collars and putting on
airs of incorruptible integrity, they are slyly
lmiglilng in their sleeves at the Simplicity of
Brother WMttemore who is tqrned out of Con-
^ cess tor a five hundred dollar speculation,while
they have pocketed their thousands in security.
We think Brother WMttemore is one of those
little rogues who are caught in the meshes of
the law by the Mg rogues, who drive through
them in a coach and r jX.
Wages of Farm Labor.
A summary from the Department of Agricul
ture furnishes some statistics in reference to
the wages of Farm Labor in the United States.
The following is a statement of average wages
in the different seotions last year, as oompared
with the year 1866:
December, Deoember,
1866. 1869.
Eastern States $33 SO $32 03
Middle States 30 07 29 15
Western States 28 91 27 01
Southern States 16 00 16 81
California 45 71 46 38
The Commissioner has the following remarks
upon freed labor in the South:
The general tenor of reports indicates a gradual
improvement in the quality of freedmen’s labor.
The wild notions that freedom is synonymous with
idleness, and that a free farm well stocked is an in
cident of suffrage, are generally discarded by the
colored man. The trial of independent farming
without capital or foresight has.so often resulted in
total failure, and comparative destitution and suf
fering, that only a very few, whose energy has pur
chased success, or those who prefer semi-starvation
to regular work, still continue to cultivate land on
their own account. Freedmen are more inclined
than formerly to enter into contracts for their labor.
The copar tnership system still prevails very gener
ally —-'working on shares” as it is commonly called.
It is a pernicious Bystem, is becoming unpopular (as
wo predicted a year or two ago,) and should l>8 ex
changed for fair wages as soon aa the change can
be made.
I-f is reported that Empress Eugenie visits
Sweden and Norway in the sprmg.
Effects of High Freights.
The Chattanooga Times says :
The high rates of tariff which the Western and At
lantic railroad have recently made, have worked
against the interests of our grain merchants and our
coal dealers, but it is an ill wind that blows nobody
any good. Owing to the high height tariff on coal,
the Atlanta rolling mill is unable to bear the ex
pense of shipping coal to Atlanta, to puddle their
pig iron, and the Vulcan Works of this city are now
engaged in working up 500 tons of pig iron into pudr
die bars,-for the Atlanta mill to make rails of.
That’s an illustration of how a country can he
killed in order to make Mghnilway freights for
s time. The policy of CoL Halbert was a large
and a wise one—a policy becoming the ideas in
which the State Road originated. That road
was constructed by means furnished from the
State Treasury primarily to develop the great
section of Georgia which the road penetrates—
to give the whole State the benefit of a cheap
and rapid communication with the great food-
producing regions of the West, as well as to
develop the mineral wealth of Northern Geor
gia.
Keeping these grand purposes in view Hal
bert advocated the gradual development of a
local traffic by a system of low freights wMch
should build up the business of the country all
along the roads and seek the welfare of the road
rather in the increasing amount of its trade
than in exorbitant freight charges.
And there can be no doubt that this is a sound
practical policy for all our railroads; Trafflo
and travel should be encouraged by reasonable
charges, and exorbitant freights are bad perma
nent policy. We could cite cases where freights
of less than 200 miles in Georgia, have been a
little Mgher than freight on the same articles
for over 3000 miles by land and water, and
■«vber» *• ’ ’ ' ’ 150 miles has exceeded
,-v wAutau irtugu. v. .
through railway freight for 550 miles, all wMch
strikes us as silly and impracticable. But we
see that the idea of Hulbert has been altogether
abandoned under Blodgett
Railroad Stock,
A Southern railroad, whose stock pays a dividend
of soma kind, is a desideratum. There are a great
many thousand 'miles of railroad in the Southern
States, but so far sb we now remember the reports
of the various companies, there have been no divi
dend declared by any of them last year or in 1868
or the year before, or indeed from their origin.
There is glory for the directors, emoluments for
employees, convenience to the public, enhancement
to property, relief to agriculture and encourage
ment to the whole world in general, but not a par
ticle of consolation to the real owners of the roads
who are the States, cities, corporations or individu
als who own the stock. The holders of Southern
securities would “drink the wine of astonishment”
to hear of a dividend on the st'oek of a Southern
railroad.
The above from the New Orleans Commercial
Bulletin, displays an amount of ignorance we
certainly did not look for in that quarter.
NotMng can be farther from accuraoy, so far as
tMs State is concerned, at least.
With one exception, we do not know a rail
road in Georgia that has been in actual opera
tion throughout its whole line for three years
past, that has not earned, and paid ont to its
stockholders during that time, a dividend, on
an average, of 8 per cent. Last year the divi
dends of all the Georgia roads, with the excep
tion above referred to, ranged from' 8 to 10 per
cent, and to-day their stock is held at from $93
to $120 a sharo.
We advise our New Orleans cotemporary
either to read Ms Georgia exchanges more
closely, hereafter, or to consult some well posted
stockbroker when he purposes writing about
“Southern Railroads.”
P. S. We were about to forget to remind the
Bulletin that the Western and Atlantic Rail
road, extending from Atlanta to Chattanooga,
the property of the State, has been paying into
the State Treasury, monthly, for the past two
or thTee years, up to last Ootober, from $25,-
000 to $30,000. TMs, too, when it was more
or tags in the interest of a political party, and,
therefore, not allowed a fair opportunity of
proving what it could do at its best.
The Tin Plate and Chalk Swindle.
The Chicago Tribune (Rad.) calls attention
to three mysterious items in the new tariff bill
which read as follows : .
“On tinned iron, known as tin plates, and on
iron or tin plates galvanized, and on iron, coat
ed with zinc or any other metal, two and a half
cents per pound.
“Palm and cocoannt oil, free.
“Tib in pigs, bars, or blocks, free.”
And says:
The present duty on tin plates is twenty-five
percent, or one and one-tMrd cents per pound,
and yields annually about $2,000,000 in gold rev
enue to the Government. Tin in pigs, bars, or
blocks, pays a duty of fifteen per cent, in gold.
The duty on palm and cocoannt oil is ten per
cent The manufacturers of tin wares in this
country have remonstrated against this increase
of the tax on tin plates, and as that article has
never been made in the United States, there
has been an inquiry why the committee pro
posed to change the law.
The New York World explains the whole op
eration. It appears that the manufacture of
tin plates is a specialty with the Welsh, and,
though Welsh mechanics were brought over to
the United States some years ago to mako them
here, the enterprise failed. To make tin plates
there arc three essential articles;, thin rolled
sheets, tin and palm oil—the process being the
dipping of the iron in a body of liquid tin
and then cleaning it with palm oiL One
Mr. McDaniels, a constituent of Kelly and
Cake, proposes to try to manufacture tin
plates, and as a preliminary, Mr. Kelly proposes
to let McDaniels have Ms pig tin free, and his
palm oil free; and that the tax on imported tin
plates shall be doubled, so that he can have a
monopoly of the market. The-revenue on these
three artioles, amounting to $2,500,000 per year,
is to be discontinued, and the publio are to be
required to pay that amount of tax to McDaniels.
It must be remembered that this action of the
Committee of Ways and'Means, in cutting on
$2,500,000 of revenue and doubling the tax off
every tin pan in the country for the personal
benefit'or whim of one man, is not to proteot
any industry now in existence, but is designed
wholly to enable this man in Pennsylvania to
try on experiment. The tin ware and utensils
of forty millions of people are to be taxed, not
for revenue, but to holp McDaniels to begin
business.
The Chalk business the World explains after
tMsfasMon;
Chalk was once brought into Boston as bal
last and given away. Some fellow found a
chalk-hill on hia farm in Monmouth, and at once
sought protection. TMs was given in the shape
of a $10 duty per ton, and now chalk rules at $12
per ton in the Hub. Free chalk cost nothing;
protected chalk wrings out of our withers $10
to the government and $11 to the worthy one
whom it protects.
And the worst part ot the whole miserable
business is, that the very seotion these odions,
grinding discriminations bear so hard upon, is
represented in Congress by creatures who vote
solid every time to make them heavier. The
Blifils and Black Georges of New England.who,
by the aid of the negroes,. have stolen the
South’s Congressional representation, go just as
they are bidden by their Puritan masters. The
Sonth, leaving out aU other considerations,
would, on this ground, be a thousand times bet
tor off without any representation at alL
A Cbuel Pabent.—Here is a cruel and mer
cenary parient, sure enough:
A rich widower named Elkhart haBheen detected
and nailed in an attempt to abduct a Miss Julianna
Murray, of New York, who refused bis hand. The
plot was hatched by the girl’s mother. Her son-in-
law, one Baker, took her to the theater, and drove
her to a minister’s house, where Elkhart was await
ing her, but she broke away-and took refuge on a
street car. The minister was to get fifty dollars,
the cabman fifteen dollars and Baker fifteen dollars.
Elkhart has given up the game but the girl is in
close confinement in her mother’s house.
The Tennessee Constitutional Convention has
dedicated a proposition to prohibit negroes
from holding office and sitting on juries, by a
vote of 39 to 29.
Fletcbeb, the Radical Secretary of State of
Tennessee, is charged with misappropriating (?)
the publio funds to the amount of twenty thou-
srnd dollars.
Letter from Keafaeky.
, Kentucky Ukxvkbsxtt, )
Lexington, Kt., February 21, 1870. j -
Editors Telegraph and Messenger : With this
letter I send you a copy of the catalogue of
Kentucky University for 1869. Since tho pub
lication of. this catalogue a number of students
have entered, whose names, of oourse, do not
appear. This institution is located at Ashland,
the homestead of Henry Clay, wMch extends np
to the city limits of Lexington, and is one of
the most beautiful, highly improved and fertile
estates in Amerioa.
The brilliant descriptions of tins Mstorio place
fail to do it adequate justice, and the many fan
cies of the great statesman’s home dwindle be
fore the reality. There we see the native Mae
grass, spread ont in undulating lawns, "and even
in .winter looking soft, and green, and pleasing
to the eye. The fields are all enclosed with
nice plank fences, and no stomps, rooks, or
other unsightly objects obtrude themselves upon
the vision. The 500 sores present the appear
ance of one smooth lawn, and with the fat cat
tle gracing is complacent delight, you have a
picture that a rural artist would ?9Y8l IP? From
these attractive fields you oan plainly s«a tho*
top of the towering monument erected in Lex
ington oemetery to the memory of the great
Henry Cay. His name, and Ms fame are as
dear to Kentuckians as household gods, and all
parties and peoples here speak of him with rev
erential fondness.
The founding of the Sentuchy University
upon the site of Ashland is an appropriate
tribute to the memory of its former owner, and
a safe means of preserving the beauty and re
pair of the estate. On a portion of the land
there is an experimental farm, connected with
the Agricultural Department of the University,
and ably managed. Here thoee students who
have not the means to pay the regular expenses
of ani education can earn the latter by compen
sated labor of so many touts per diy.
have the same privilege presented them in the
Mechanical Department, also,
These colleges grew Out of a grant of land
made by Congress to the State of Kentucky,
with the express provision of their establish
ment. TMs grant constituted a part of the en
dowment of the “University.” Many private
subscriptions were made to the fond for looating
the University by Kentuckians, Tennesseeans,
Missourians, Ohioans, and other "Western and
Northwestern citizens. Transylvania College,
formerly located in Lexington, was merged by
the Trustees into the University.
As you will notice from the catalogue, this in
stitution is striotly upon the university plan. It
is composed of the College of Arts, Be College of
Law, the. College of Medicine, the Commercial
College, the College of the Bible and the College
of Agriculture and Mechanics. These several
colleges are subdivided into different sohools,
or branches, composing as thorough a course of
education as can be fonnd in the country. The
endowment was large to oommence with, and
constant donations have been made since to the
institution.
The history of the way and means of found
ing it, is contained in the catalogue I Bend
you, and reflects-great credit upon “The Re
gent,” J. B. Bowman, its founder. The project
originated with Mm, and most energetically and
zealously has he prosecuted Ms work. He in
formed me that he was still raising funds for
the institution, and had met with excellent suc
cess in all Ms collecting tours.. He designs
erecting all the various buildings of the respect*
ive colleges anew, at Ashland. Now, some of
them are temporarily located in the city of
Lexingtoru
The Commercial College that I am attending
is located in the city. The professorships in
all the colleges are full and able, and young
men wishing to complete or prosecute any of
the studies of our modern universities, can have
a good opportunity here. The tuition here is
unusually low, and board can be had in the
bfest private families at $21 per month, includ
ing everything, or at $10 per month hy the
“club system.” The latter is" where the stu
dents board themselves, and includes everything
in the way of board and lodging.
Lexington is a city of from twenty to twenty-
five thousand inhabitants, well built and hand
some. It is situated in the heart of the Blue
Grass region, and is noted as being the best
stock market in Kentucky. The best lauds in
this section of country range from $100 to $150
per acre. Fine stock is the most profitable
part of farming here, and hemp the next
There is considerable commercial business
carried on in Lexington, and a good number of
wholesale houses are in operation here. The
people of this city and seotion of Kentucky are
very muohia favor of the Cincinnati and Chat
tanooga Railroad being built, as it will come
through or near Lexington, and give them a
shorter connection with the South by two hun
dred miles than aronnd through Louisville.
The latter city, of course, is very hostile to
the road, and is doing her utmost to prevent
the. Kentucky Legislature from granting the
right of way through this State. Cincinnati
and Louisville are now competing very earnest
ly for the Southern trade. Louisville thus far
has the advantage. Lexington is about equi
distant from each city, and has choice of either
market. In reference to the political senti
ments of the people here, I think the majority
are of the Democratic persuasion, now, although
they were divided dining the war.
Kentuoky is now, and has been since the sur
render, sounder politically than any other
Southern State, as she has not been crucified
with the entertainment of the “nation’s wards.”
Coffee has to be very modest up here. But, to
return to “The University”: I must mention
that it is in a very flourisMug condition, as we
now have about 760 students in attendance.
“The Regent” informed me that from 1000 to
1200 could be accommodated. Most of the
students here are young men from the age of
twenty-one to forty years; representing every
Southern and some of the Northern States.
Georgia has but a Blim representation as yet,
because the Institution is only slightly known
there. It should be well known, however, in
Georgia, as young men there oan find no bet
tor facilities for education than those presented
here. TMs section, too, oan boast of good
health, good society, good tables and beautiful
ladies—no ordinary attractions. Should any
one in Georgia desire a catalogue or any infor
mation, about the University, he ean prooure it
by writing to “The Regent”
Hoping this letter may be of some service to
your readers, I remain
Yours vary truly,
J. W. Nibbkt.
The Curbenct of Texas.—A ^ Texas corres
pondent of the Columbus Inquirer, who has
just gone there,, gives many very interesting
facts concerning the country. He says: “The
oiroulating medium is specie, which to a recon
structed man is very annoying. When yon
have any money it weighs your pocket down.
I had occasion to send $100 into Navarro coun
ty to pay for somer%>rn, and had to send it in
half dollar pieces. Currency can be passed,
but unless the party is posted, or not pressed,
at a ruinous discount In trade, or at regular
broker shops, it ranges at about two or two and
a half per cent below the New York quotations.
But there is no scarcity of gold and' silver here,
and all transactions are. striotly in coin. Some
persons mu8t be making money out of the
immigrants who brought currency along with
them.-”
THE NEGRO VOTE.
Why the White Ben ot the Month Should
Control the Vote* of the Freedmen—
Speech of Ex-Saaiter Hendricks in Mew
Orleans.
Ex-Senator Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indians;
addressed the Democracy of New (Means an the
occasion of Ms visit to that city last week. He
rid:
I have heard it said by men of tMs State, and
of some other Southern States, that they would
take no pert in the political controversies of the
times; that it was no use to do so; that the
States had settled the question. Will you allow
me to say that that sentiment ought not to be
entertained by any citizen of the United States?
(Applause.) There is no man so high that he is
above the consideration of those questions that
touch the liberty of Ms country. (“Good,” and
applause.) There is no man so low that he can
not exercise some influence for the welfare of
Ms country. (Applause.) Why shall the men
of the South say they will take no active, re
sponsible part in the discussion and decision of
the questions that occupy the pnblio attention ?
The Southern States have a vast population.—
They have mighty resources. Their fortunes
are now bound up in the fortunes of all the
States in this Union, and it is no time now,
when the institutions of this eountry are im
perilled, for any mar. to hesitate for one mo-
giant in the discharge of his duty to his country.
(OheerSj)
Have we stopped to QOPeider how important
is the influence whish the Southern States of this
Republic have upon the affairs -of the entuo
Union ? The demand is made by many that we
should return to specie payments, and I, for one,
will be glad when the day shall come that we
shall have once more the currency of Andrew
Jackson for the currency of the entire country—
(applause)—but I look with little confidence to
the Congress of the United States, aa jt is now
organized, for any action that will bring us in
the direction, even, of specie payments. (A
laugh.) It is in the power of the people them
selves, and of the people alone, to facilitate a
return to the constitutional currency. And how?
By celling more abroad that they buy abroad.
By turning the current of the precious metals
from Europe towards our shores, and stemming
the flow of specie from our porta to the ports of
Europe. If thfi?e is any gentleman present
who hesitates to turn Ms attention to the finan
cial questions of the day, I desire to call Ms at
tention to one or two faots drawn from a well
considered statement recently made by a gentle
man now in Congress, showing the important
relation wbioh Southern products bear to the
general commerce of the country.
In the years 1857-8-9, the entire exports from
the United States amounted to $1,305,000,000.
Of that thirteen hundred millions, about $181,-
000,000 was of gold and silver; that being de
ducted, leaves $1,127,000,000 of the products of
the labor of the country which were' exported
during those three years. Of that eleven hun
dred and twenty-seven millions, there was ex
ported directly from the ports of the South, and
of Southern products from Northern ports,
$596,484,591; of that vast sum, a little less
than one million dollars was gold and silver. So
that of the entire products of the country ex
ported abroad, excluding gold and silver,- $595,-
487,050 were contributed by the South, while
the North (excluding gold and silver) contribu
ted $531,853,361. Thus, it appears that, of the
entire exports of the country, exclusive of spe
cie, during the years 1867-8-9, the products of
the South constitute fifty percent.
. Are you prepared, then, to say, yon men of
the section that contributes so mnoh toward the
squaring of foreign accounts, men who contri
bute from your section so much to establish the
balance of trade between us and foreign na
tions—are you willing to sit down and say that
yon will take no responsible part in saving this
great country from financial rain ? (“No, no,”
and applause.) When I speak of the country,
I do licit wish you to understand that I do not at
the same time properly appreciate the luxurious
products of the North. Our productions to a
very large extent are consumed in the country.
The products of New England, of the Middle
States, and of the great Northwest, to which I
belong, are, to a very large extent, oonsumed in
the country, and do not appear in the foreign
exports. I am glad to see that the estimate
made of the entire products of the labor of the
country, daring the last three years, reaches
sixty millions of dollars and more—a great item
in favor'of a great country. Now, yon men of
the South can contribute your part of the work.
What have we to accomplish ? We have onr
institutions to preserve, the constitution to
maintain and the Union to perpetuate. This is
the work for you as it is the work, for the men
of the North. ' Upon what party, upon what
men ean you rely for tMs work? Will you rely
upon radicalism that is carrying us day by day
further from the pathway marked by the feet of
the fathers of the country? (“No,” and cheers.)
Will you, then, rely upon the Democratic party
with such conservatives as are willing to co-op
erate with that party for the good which is to
be accomplished ? (“Yes,” and applause ) I
appeal to yon to organize under the banner of
the Democracy, because it is the national party
—not national in the sense alone that it has its
supporters in every seotion of the country,
north and south—bnt national, because it sup
ports the rights of every section of the coun
try; national because it upholds the bright ban
ner on which is written the principles upon
which onr forefathers erected the fabric gf this
government. (Cheers.)
You will allow me to speak of one other ques
tion which is somewhat local and pecnliar to
yourselves—a question in which we of the State
of Indiana shall have to deal, to the extent to'
which you have to deal with it. In one way or
another the Radicals a# Washington intend to
have it a fixed faot that the .fifteenth amend
ment to the Constitution has been adopted.
Right or wrong, they intend it shall be declared
adopted as part of the Constitution of the
United States. Under'that provision of the
Constitution, then, when it shall have been or
dered to have been rdopted, the colored people
of the whole country become voters ; they be
come clothed with political rights as they have
been before by Congressional action; as far
as Congress could do it, clothed with civil
rights. It is a question for you to consider
very carefully what attitude you men of the
South shall ocoupy toward the colored popu
lation.
There is a deliberate purpose on the part of
adventurers from the North—a doss of men
who are described as carpet-baggers .(laughter)
—to appropriate the entire colored vote of the
South to their oause. And what is their cause ?
It is not your cause; it is not the colored men’s
cause (assent); it is the cause of plunder.
(Cheers.) And the question presents itself just
in this form: Are you, men of the South, will
ing that these adventurers shall appropriate
that large vote—ip some of the Southern States
a majority of the entire vote? Are you willing
that this vote shall b s appropriated for such a
purpose? (A voice—“Not if we oan help it.”
Laughter and applause.) How can we help it?
Simply enough. It is a question simply of per
sonal influence between you men of the South
“to the manor born,” and those who have set
tled here for the purpose of making their home
here, on the one side, and these hap-hazard ad
venturers of the North on the other.
This is the way the question stands. New re
lations have come to exiat between you and the
colored people of the South. How will you
Mace yourself in regird to those new relations ?
They have not been of your seeking, and they
may, perhaps, be very disagreeable to yon; but
the negro is a voter in Louisiana, as he will be
in Indiana, if the Fifteenth Amendment is de
clared adopted, and it is not worth yonr while,
nor is it worth my while, to go back on the
fixed fact. That traveler in the mountain pass
is not wise, when he is overtaken by the stonp,
to be casting his eyes; back upon the plain which
he has left. It is Ms business to consider the
dangers wbioh menace him at the time, and to
save Mmself from the threatened peril. How
can you do it? These new relations are upon
you. How are you to conduct yourselves toward
the colored people ? They were once yonr friends
and you were their friends. There were social
relations between you—the relations of master
and servant. They had your confidence and yon
had theirs. Is it possible that the stranger can
now come in and make these ancient servants
of yours his servants and your enemies ? (Ap
plause.)
There is no occasion in these new relations
wMohwere forced upon you, that you should
entertain sentiments of dislike to the negro be
cause of it. It was not bis seeking; he did not
produce this change of relations. The altered
condition of thiDgs has been forced on the
country and on you, not by the colored man,
but by ambitious politicians, Noith and South,
who wish to make oapital out of it. (“That’s
so,” and cheers.) I hope to see Southern men
taking this weapon, which is placed in their
hands, and using it for their country's good.
(Applause.) You have no cause to entertain
against the colored people a feeling of prejudice.
(“We don’t do it.”) When your young men
were far off in the field, and even -your aged
men—many of them were afaeent during the
four years of the war—you lefh these colored
men at your homes, where they stood sentinels
at the doors, whsreryouir wins and
firea were safe under their protecti^
labored and cultivatedjwur' fimds
those products which sapported tL ' ‘
the field.
And now, is it possible tbaHhe f 0 „
speak not of the fontanel ae a m» n 3
eountry, but men foreign to your i n w*
of other sections of the country—j g u*
that they shall come in and destroy
interests are the interests of the coloLl
A few oolored men may be brought ,?■
lobbies of the Legislature. They mj*?
porarily invested with a few offices- bml
to work and perauade the oolored meat
interests are assured by just laws andJ
laws alone, and that these apparent
wMch are conferred on a few of tbebi
do not go far to make np the benefit,1
great body of them. Give them to
that the offices which are conferred ontLl
ed men here and the oolored men therff
positive injustice to^he pedble at h *
them understand that with regard tot
rights you are willing io give them irJtL
The negro, of hia own notion, is C?
ask for social equality or social rightr. i
Northern adventurer only who is tnin 1
tate that question, to make it a gromi?,’
til-feeling between yon and the coul
In 1867 Senator Wilson, addressing
in this square, declared this true doctnii
no law in any land oonld open anv
to him, and no law oould open his u«,i 1
other. The social rights, & 6 ^ff**
a man depend upon himself. n,ej,
regtuatC^ liw, and the man ^t'rmL
there shall be sociable relations bet*
whites and blacks, inconsistent with ij
relations of these two races, is
neither. He is the enemy of both a*. 1
plause.) l
In my judgment, the colored peonle,
satisfied if you assure them that *ou vrl
them just laws, fairly administered ul
and then the outside adventnrer camnl
their votes against you. Let the C SI
understand that the legislation of joms
not being carried on to make a few meB
at the expense of the ^reat body of
Appeal to the oolored men to stand bi*
your fight for honesty, for justice, f 0 /3
ty, and for equal laws, and that avJ
reach his heart as readily as it reacheati
of the great body of the white people
I don’t want you to consider what lb
as the expression of a man who is well h
on the subject. I have never been hot
dose contact with oolored men to any«
able extent. I don’t know much of their J
I don’t know much of the influence hr;
bear upon them ; bnt I do believe thu
who have known them from childhood
men who have been their friends in tii
may, by a proper coarse, restore that _
in themselves wMch will enable them ti
the oolored vote for the good of yonr
for the good of the country. Let the
dated sentiment of the men of Loi
brought to bear upon the Legislature,
the right. - You ask notMng that it
Yon ask that you shall be taxed only
publio good, and that when the taxes
lected the money shall be expended
public good, and that the corrupt tided;
legislation shall be stopped.
We have mnch to accomplish. W
intend? That this Union shall be
that it shall zest on the Constitution,
all the rights, privileges, and prerq
the State shall be maintained forever'
government, and that the National la
supported by States clothed with a!l
will be the temple in wMch freemen
ship forever together. (Cheers.) 1
wish to acoomplish ? Nothing that is
everything that is right. We wish to
in the United States, equal-laws and
tion. These we must have.
This plunder of the State andnati;
ry is becoming universal. There masi
torn to a spirit of honesty in the pnbEti
both national and State. There is i|
greater than that of law. Daniel ft
one of Ms beantiful orations, when th;
was agitating the heart of the world
ment Russia would extend to K<
whether Rusair Trould demand the rel
patriot when ho was under the p;
Tnrkey, said there was a power mi,
the earthquake—more terrible than d
ling of the storm—the judgment of
(Cheers.)
Let us, North and South, unite a;
purpose of maintaining the institatioi
eountry in the spirit in wbioh they to
blished by the great men who founded
eminent. I thank you for the alia
have given me; I thank you for tbit
It is my first visit to the Southern
thought that I knew some of your inti
tnonght I would come to see if I was
I am satisfied, on observation, I vz
taken. I am satisfied that the course
felt it my duty to take in regard to tbi;
of reconstruction was right. I thoai
right at the time. Now I doubt it not
I was right. (Cheers.) I have seen
to face. I have heard your gentlemi
this subject. I know how you feel
is the past to you. The future is
its weighty interests and responsibili!
ns rise to meet that future. Let ns«
and let us bo sure that “liberty for i-
pression for none” is the watchword a'j
ture. (Loud cheers.)
The Southern Future.
Speculating on this subject, the Clink
remarks:
The brilliant promise of the South,
taring country, cannot always be hidua 1
el. Calculations made with'care shows!
mill in Sonth Carolina can make me!.?|
similar mill in Lowell barely pays its r
penses. These are plain, broad facial
spreading over the United States, and j
quickened the pulses of the spinneraoflf
The Sonth wants no protection. V*
with equal chances and freo trade, oi
gooda as cheaply as any other cote:.’I
them, it is not to the advantage of jh|
turn from the hoe to the loom and Bp®
Wo believe that we can manufacture i
as cheaply in the 8outli as they can he n
in any village in New England or Old I
we cannot, then we will grow the staple
spin and weave. ,
At this time Sonth Carolina, and the
is hampered by want of commercial SH
is one great trouble. We have not cij- 1
to handle the raw materials, and cotton?
State is shipped direct to NewYoA*
brought back again to Charleston for-^
eir States of Louisiana, Alabama, GWq
Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia tiq
thirty-six national banks, with a cornel
of $7,000,000. Charleston alone, IxL’T
had $13,000,000 of bank capital. Wj
then, that it is only by squeezing and s-j
can hold the trade we have, without inr—
lar in machinery and bricks and morUr.
There is, however, in the Southern xj
sum of money which lies idle, and does 1
good to its owner, and to the countPJ
weight in brass or unprinted paper.
of currency sent down South year by Jjj
in the South; but the money is not ■
building factories and railroads and s.fq
in widening and deepening the cliannejl
It lies hid in old comers—it is hoardej
the Tndian ryot, in a state of eternal :_q
turns his hoard of silver to tho ground*]
it came in the shape of cotton and no I
Southern people hide away with zea .
profits #f each season. And this thev -
to do until they have honest and stasWl
emments. until they have a free bank'-Sl
the restrictions imposed by Congress/^
circulation of the currency are altogeti*
It is generally believed that there -1
money in Sonth' Carolina than there
ago, and the hoard increases in vofca*|
year. When Congress unties our ha5#J
obtain an able and economical
gold and the greenbacks will quitf-J
from their biding places, and give usc»j
to handle all the business we can
build ail the mills we need. But it
the better be long delayed, tho jnisjWj
become another nature; and then, wj
need of commercial means, we shall udl
tender mercies of the spjculator
These will come when they find that Sp
made more plenteonsly here than
making money for themselves they *
raise nplnd develop the whole State»
people. Let them come, then, ana i
merrier!
A young gentleman of Charier
sent seventy-five cents to New i°-
for a method of writing without
He received the following insert j» J
type, on a card: “Write with a ”
The Kossuth House, at NashviHV]
Sunday morning. All the inmate*,^]
in number, had to jump from 1*^,1
to save themselves. Three nieu J
broken, and one little boy was b fl -
“Wei*," says Jitn Nye, ref«^]
physiognomy, “when you sees^'l
wants to gnaw through the bridg®
stand oat of Ms .way.”
O. M- Babbab, who wrote “Wrl
how building an elegant villa in -
is “crooking the knee th at ^ "
fawning” to some purpose.
