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-AJNHD G-EORGIA JOURNAL & ME8SENQ-ER
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The Family Journal.—Fbws—Politics—Literature—Agriculture—Domestic.Affairs.
GEORGIA TELEGRAPH BUILDING
established
1826.
MACON, TUESDAY, JANUARY, 17, 1871.
YOL. LXI7—NO ,29
| For the Telegraph <£ Messenger.
7 Uc Girl on ilie Train.
i do not know when ever before,
L met eo sweet, eo bright a being,
n. nben W seen, I’m veiy euro,
too so rcsllj worth the seeing.
«,t eje beneath ita drooping lid,
So street]? blue, *o softly smiling,
go'oodeatly, eo slilv hid,
ia'd »b! «o bnlifnlly bcgniling.
Ii« forehead white, as enow above—
Aad checks with dimples crowned,
ini brows, I’m sure a god might love,
to arched and slightly ehronded
With i at two Ikies of auburn hair, ,,
Aa tbo’ a pencil made them,
frpreislr with enchantment’s air,
Tbe eyes to clotho and ebado them.
Tiiat rounded chin eo sweetly white,
Iboee rose red lips and teeth of pearl,
Hat smile eo full of softened light,
Asd envious solitary curl,
fllucb foil, and floated where it pleased;
And shaft like neck so soft and fair,
And that mild langh, oh! how they leased
Those eyes, red Ups, and auburn hair.
Hw sun shone through the window pano
And lit her cheek with vermil dye,
As only a moment stayed tho train,
To touch tho heart and glad tho eyes
With tli&t enchanting vision mild;
To thri'.l the eonl and start tho sigh,
The whistle shrieked, the lassie smiled,
The train went off, and so did I.
W. H. S.
Jim Blndso.
(of the fbaibie belle )
fill, no! I can’t tell wbar ho lives,
Because fee don't live, you see;
Xsastwaye, he’s got out of tho habit
Oflivia’ liko yon and mo.
fllur tare yon been for the last throa year
That von have n’t heard folks tell
gow Jimmy Bludso passed in his checks,
The night of thoFrairaie Belle?
Ho were n't no saint—them engineers
Is all pretty much alike—
One wife in Natchr z-under-the-Hill
Another one here, in Pike.
A kceriess man in hie talk was Jim,
And an awkward man in a row—
But he never flanked, and he never lied,
I reckon he never knowed how.
Acd this was all the religion be had—
To treat his engine well;
Sever bo passed on the river;
To mind the Pilot’s bell;
And if ever the Prairie Belle took fire—
A thousand times be swore.
He'd hold her nozzle agin the bank
Till the last soul got ashore.
Ail boats has {heir day on the Mississippi,
And her day come at last—
ThoSIovaetar was a better boat,
But tho Bello she wouldn't be passed.
And so she come tearin’ along that night—
Tho oldest craft on the line,
With a nigger squat on her safety valve
And her furnace crammed, rosin and pine.
The fro bast out as she elated the bar,
And burnt a bole in the night,
And quick as a flash she turned, and made
For that willer-bank on the right.
There was running and cursing, but Jim yelled
cut,
Over all the infernal roar,
•‘I'll hold her nozzle agin tho bank
Till the last galoot's ashore.”
Through the hot, black breath of tho bumin’ boat
Jim Blndso’s voice was heard,
And they all had trust in his eussedness,
And knowed he would keep his word.
And, sure’e you’re bam, they all got off
Afore the smokestacks fell—
And Bludso's ghost went np alono
In the smoke of the Prairie Belle.
He wero n’t no saint—but at jedgment
I'd run my chance with Jim,
Xongside of some pious gentlemen
That wouldn't shook hands with him.
Ee seen his duty, a dead sure thing—3
And went for it thar and then:
And Christ aint a go in’ to be too hard
On a man that died for men.
TI10 Jlidnigbt Cross.
Cordelia ! Cordelia J"—To General Robert
Toombs.
The light hath lost its Sommer tints—
The world, with woe, bath whitened, since
Tho ehronded April, long ago,
That laid our Idly in the snow!
Tho Star that trembled down tho West
licinms not from its qniet rest—
And if the dawn awake the flowers,
They thine for other eyes than ours;
And yet—while grace of deed and thought .
Shall linger where her hands havo wrought—
We see the April of her eyes,
And wait her Summer to at iso.
Wo wait the dawn with spice and myrth—
Wo tarry by the sepulchre—
Where still tho sontry’s sullen tread
Insults tho victor, not tho dead.
The white palms crossed in perfect rest—
The Book of God npon her breast—
Iu witness of the good she sought—
la token that her task is wrought.
Tis a proud monument they rear,
By this bowed pathos of Judea—
This iron scoff that fronts tho skies—
Watching lest Righteousness arise!
Watch Eagle ! for a tale is told
Of slumber on thine eyes of old—
Or triumph, blind; of tears that kept
The better vigil that they wept.
Walk Roman ! lest the dawing hour
"rite dust and ashes on thy power— *
And retribution, swift and dread,
«:se with tke Bighteous from tho dead!
F. O. T.
France.
the Philadelphia Enquirer.')
What, fallen? No!
wave, craven, she can never be.
Though min rage o’er all tho land,
She battles on! Sho will be free,
Or die, and dying, still will stand,
Facing the foe!
. , What, fallen? No!
In letters, art*, in all, she led,
The nations thronged to her to leatn.
nhjU thoy th’ arena crowd, instead,
To see lioT blood—ah! base return—
Bun red below?
„ What, fallen? No!
*mm whero, beneath his gilded dome,
bleeps her great Captain; from tho ekies;
From all tho Ages. Athens, Borne,
The Present, and the Past shall risa
A wail of woe!
Not fallen. No!
1 01 gyves and manacles on her !
bho taught to Europe liberty.
And now—the patriot dead would atir
From Yorktown to ThermopyJro,
T avengo the blow.
. Not fallen. No!
"jink of her grinding in the mill,
Great God! 'mid jest, and jibe, and jeer,
Bunded and shorn, but Sampson att,
And strong, in death; to shako tho ephoro
With overthrow.
THE KAILROAD POWER.
Evil Besnlts of tbe Existence or Great Ho.
nopolles—.Corrupt Corporntlons—Spccu-
lntiens on tlie Remedy for the Evil by
Charles Francis Adams, Jr.
! The January number of the North American
i Review has an article from the pen of tho Hon.
Charles Francis Adams, on “The Government
and Railroad Corporations,” suggested, we
havo no donbt, by tho able discussions on the
tho same snbjeot in tho English press. Wo
take tho following from Mr. Adams’ article.
While wo are by no means prepared to endorse
the suggestion of general control or proprietor-
j ship of the great railways by the Federal Gov-
I eminent, it is manifest that events are rapidly
tending to a crisis in which somo power must
interpose to protect the people. Mr. Adams
says;
Seventeen years ago six roads divided tho
ronte between Albany and Buffalo, and in 1853
* these were consolidated into one. Three years
ago four roads connected New York with
Chicago, and these fonr wore then reduced to
two. One year ago five roads divided tho At
lantic and tho Pacific; six months ago these
five were practically reduced to three. How
long will it bo beforo these three are reduced to
one ? How long before consolidation, as yet
confined to connecting, will extend to competing
roads? It is perfectly useless to discuss tho
question whether this massing of wealth and.of
power is desirable or otherwiso. Itis sufficient
to recognize the fact that it is inevitable—that
it is a natural law of growth. Legislation could
only wage a futile war against it; checked in one
form, it would devise another; by indirections it
would find directions out. It has been steadily
going on from thebeginning; it is now going os,
and it is not likely to stop. Nolegislation can pre
vent it, even wero such prevention desirable.
Any attempt in this direction will but result in a
recourse to subterfuge, and the practical reduc
tion of law to a dead letter. Ton cannot pre
vent, but yon may, by looking at facts as they
are, not inefficiently regulate. How this can
best be done is the problem.
The power of these corporations in the hands
of corrupt men as a disturbing and degrading
influence in our politics, and tho crying abuses
so notorious in the internal administration of
corporate affairs, have of late occasioned
no inconsiderable degree of publio solici
tude. Examples of both descriptions of
evil referred to aro always at hand, and the
year just past has been peculiarly prolific of
them. Certain instances, however, pall by
force of repetition ; certain men succeed in
acquiring a pre-eminenco in infamy which
actually destroys their value for purposes of
illustration. Tho world grows weary of hear
ing of them. Tho frauds and outrages in tho
Erie movement, for instance, have, perhaps,
been dwelt npon ad nauseam. Not that jus
tice has been, or, outside of a prison door,
well can be done to their perpetrators, bnt
nothing implicating them can longer excite-
surprise. From the leading criminals them
selves to the counsel who revel in their
dirty work, these men have now brought all
tho discredit they can on everything with which
they live in contact, from American credit
down to tho New York Bar. It is, therefore,
hardly worth while to go on with the contribu
tions of another year to their long bead-roll of
offenses. A new illustration from other quar
ters of the abuse of political influence would bo
more effective. Even if no evidence should be
found to exist of the perpetration of fraud, yet
tho opportunity for it may erist so evidently—
tho way, if tho will wero only there—that tho
propriety of removing from erring humanity
such an everpresent temptation may prove a
subject worthy of grave discussion. Upon look
ing over the broad field, various scandals at
once suggest themselves. Tbe incidents of the
recent Congress and its suspicions squandering
of publio lands would naturally bo the first.
Especially those vast grants which havo en
dowed a single corporation—tho Northern Pa
cific—with an appanage nearly equal to a dozen
States of tho size of Massachusetts, and hardly,
if at all, falling short of the united areas of tho
five second-class European kingdoms of Den
mark, Holland, Belgium, Portugal and Greece.
At ono time during the last winter thore wero
railroad schemes pending before Congress
which appropriated 400,000,000 acre3 of tho
publio domain—an area larger than the whole
original thirteen colonies.
That the National Government must, then,
soon or late, and in a greater or loss degree, as
sume a railroad jurisdiction, is accepted as an
obvious conclusion to be deduced from tbo irre
sistible development of the system in a course
it has hitherto pursued.' The next question is,
when, and in what way, and to what extent,
is this to bo done? What is to be the basis of
legislation ? This now admits of almost infinite
modification, ranging from publio ownership on
tho one hand to the m03t limited regulation on
tho other. The same may bo said as to extent
of jurisdiction. It may be assumed over all
roads lying in more than ono State, or it may
bo confined to certain trunk lines specially de
signated as military and post roads. These
questions it is now premature to discuss. They
constitute tho final problom. All other pro
posed eolations of it, resting npon State
regulation or State control aro but tempo
rizing expedients, important simply as illus
trating the practical value of certain theories.
Such may prove instructive resting places; they
can hardly bo the final objective. The tendency
of popular thought is now undoubtedly toward
tho ownership of railroads by the community.
The success of this system in Belgium, and the
agitation in regard to it in England and in cer
tain portions of this conntry, make it eminently
desirable that the experiment should ba tried,
if only with a view of testing a theory and giv
ing a now direction to inquiry. Tho present is
also a time peculiarly opportune in which to
make the attempt, for it can now bo essayed on
a small scale, involving,-Tat most, interests com
paratively trifling. Tho result, as bearing on
tho final national problem, conld not fail to be
most instructive. It is impossible, in view of
past experience, not to entertain grave doubts
as to tbo result of any experiment of this sort,
made through the political machinery which
exists in America.
A safer solution of tho difficulty may not im
probably yet be found in effective regulation,
than in Slato ownership. This last looks to tho
destruction of the principle of private corporate
life as the basis of tho railroad system, and to
the adoption of the whole of it into the body
politio. Regulation, on the other hand, pro
poses to have the Government, while preserving
the separation between the body politio and all
private industry, yet exercise an active control
over its own creations. This is the tendency of
legislation in many of tho Western States, where
the results of Government meddling are still
fresh in the popular memory. Foremost among
these States is Illinois. In tho remarkable Con
stitution jnst adopted there the great principle
is for tho first time recognized that tho railroad
system is exceptional among all industrial pur
suits, and must be reorganized and dealt with as
such. This itself is an immense stride in ad
vance. The one striking feature of tho Illinois
Constitution is tho strong resolve of its framers
to do away with what are known in England as
“private bills,” and in this conntry as special
legislation. A sound system of government
should recognize individuals no more than the
laws of nature recognize them. The law should
I apply to without discrimination for or
against *
This final result is not attained in the Illinois
Constitution; had it been, the value of that in
strument would havo been more than doubled.
: Indeed, the provision made in it brings the in-
' novator just to tho fatal point; as yet be has
: done nothing, but the next step. involves every
oxow Stobu South of the Gulf Stuf.au.— ! thing. In spite of its Constitution, Illinois
~*Plain Maury, of the Pacific Mail Steamship j must now slip back in tho deep mire of special
- --! .sbicaiaer Ocean Qaeeu, reports having railroad legislation, or it must go on and solve
with a violent snow storm several degrees ! the problem. The case stands thus: the Oon-
‘j'-lo.w tbe Gulf Stream on his late passage from 1 atitution implies the passage of (1) laws pre-
U'mwall to New York. Such an event has not. scribing reasonable rates of charges on the dif-
place daring tho past 20 or 25 years, : forent railroads, and (2) laws to correct abuses
taring which Captain Maury has traversed the ’ and prevent unjust discrimination and extortion
same route. * in tho rates of freight and passenger tariffo.
The Legislature could enact its general laws
for the requirements of railroads, as it does to
meet the innumerable civil and criminal compli
cations which arise; but, in the one case as in
the other, the judicial and discretionary action
under the general law shonld be devolved npon
tribunals specially created to take cognizance
of them. The Legislature declares the
rule which is the same to. all; but the de
grees of discretion which varying circum
stances exact in the application of the role
must constitute a trust neoessarily delegated to
others. At present all these distinct powers are
jealousy retained by the Legislatures. Their
committees sit as courts and take evidence and
listen to arguments. So fjur it is welL At this
point, however, instead of framing a general
law or dismissing the Individual case, they un
dertake to give a charter to this applicant and
to refuse it to that; to pass a special act in favor
of this corporation, and to reject it as regards
that; to authorize an inorease of stook here,
and to direct the construction of a new depot
there. These are functions which no legislative
body can successfully perform; as well under
take to decide every suit at law or to affix tho
penally to every crime. Just so long as Leg-
islateres insist on themselves doing work of this
nature, just so long will corruption increase and
the statute book fall into confusion.
Thus tribunals should be clothed with all
necessary powers, and be put forward as if the
members were fully competent to represent tbe
interests of the State with an experience and
ability, a knowledge of details, and a zeal in
their occupation equal to that ever so conspic
uously displayed by the agents of the corpora
tions. Such . men could certainly be fonnd;
tho corporations always have them. Mean
while the whole subject may be summed up in
a few wordsunder a system which permits
special legislation, boards for the regulation of
railroads are useless; they are, however, indis
pensable under one which confines itself to gen
eral laws.
Topiady and Wesley.
BY JOSIAH COPLEY, ESQ.
■ The nearer Christians come to God in devo
tion, tho nearer they come to together in heart
and sentiment. Two of the noblest and most
imperishable hymns in our language attest this
fact. I allude to “Rock of Ages,” by Augustus
Topiady, and “Jesus, Lover of my Soul,” by
Charles Wesley. These distinguished men, as
is well known, wero leaders of the two great
schools in the Protestant world known as Cal
vinists and Arminians. Both wero zealous in
tho support and defenco of their respective
views, and both abundant and successful in
their labora to win souls to Christ.
•They were contemporaries and in the midst
of their labors just about a hundred years ago.
It is said that they met one evening and debated
with much earnestness and warmth tho theolog
ical tenets upon which they differed, and that,
after they returned to their own homes, each
composed a hymn—Toplady’s soul gushed out
in the sublimo strains of his magnificent lyric,
Wesley’s in tho grandest and most-melting ver
ses to winch his fine genius ever attained. They
differed iu debate; let us see how they flowed
together in soDg. At tho same time we may
judge in what excellent spirit they must have
debated. - ‘I
Let Wesley speak first:
“Jesus, lover of my soul.
Let mo to thy bosom fly,
While tho raging billows roll.
While the tempest still is high.
Hide me, O my Saviour, hide,
Till the storm of life is past;
Safe into the haven guide;
O receive my soul at last.”
Now hear Topiady sing:
“Rook of ages, cleft for me,
Let me hide myself in thee;
Let the water and the blood
From tty wounded side winch flowed,
Be of sin the double cure,
Cleanse me from its guilt and power.”
Both these stanzas aro fitted to express the
highest devotion to which Christians may hope
to attain on earth, and both aro still sung with
tears and penitence, hope and joy by both Cal
vinists and Arminians n century after Wesley’s
ransomed spirit flew to the bosom of Jesus,
whom he loved so ardently and served so faith
fully, and Topiady had “soared to worlds-un
known.” Yet they differed a little, and that
little is characteristic of their respective schools
to this day. The Calvinist yearns for holiness,
tho Arminian for heaven.
Let us hear Wesley again:
“Other ref ago have I none,
Hangs my helpless soul on thee;
Leave, ah! leave-me not alone,
Still support and comfart me;
All my trust on thee is stayed,
All my help from theo I bring;
Cover my defenceless head
With tho shadow of thy wing.”
Glorious confession of the sinner’s only re
fuge ! And it is romarkable that the mind of
the Calvinist shonld bo led to the same thought
in the composition of his second stanza. Hoar
him;
“Not the labor of my hands
Can fulfill the law’s demands,
Could my zeal no respite know,
Could my tears forever flow,
«All for sin could not alone,
Thon must save, and thou alono.”
There is but a shade of difference between
those two impassioned utterances; but the dif
ference is the same as that already noticed.—
The cry of the Calvinist is still for righteous
ness, for salvation from sin; while that of the
Arminian is for support, comfort and defence.
In reliance npon Christ they are alike.
Now let ua have Wesley’s third stanza :
“Thou, O Christ, art all I want;
All in all in theo I find;
Raise the fallen, cheer the faint,
Heal the sick and lead the blind.
Just and holy is thy name;
I am all unrighteousness;
Vile and full of sin I am,
Thon art full of truth and grace.”
Topiady, in his third stanza, expresses almost
the same thought, but in more terse and vigor
ous phraze. Nothing in tho English language
surpasses it;
“Nothing in my hand I bring,
Simply to thy cross I cling;
Naked, come to tboe for dress,
Helpless, look to thee for grace;
Vile, I to the fountain fly—
Wash me, Saviour, or I die.”
Now let us hear Wesley's closing verse:
“ Plenteous grace with theo is found.
Graoo to pardon all my sins;
Let the healing streams abound,
Make and keep me pure within.
Thou of life tho fountain art—
Freely let me take of thee;
Spring thou up within my heart,
Rise to all eternity.”
The introduction here of the figures of a foun
tain of life and of healing streams is net as
happy as the more direct pleadings fonnd in
tho preceding portions of tho hymn, and is too
declamatory for tho profound devotion of the
first three stanzas. Still, these figures will
come home with great power to many hearts,
especially in that groat communion of which
the author, with his illustrious brother, was the
founder. Toplady’s close is surpassingly grand
and impressive, especially whero he returns to
his initial figure;
“While I draw this fleeting breath,
When my heart-strings break in death,
When I soar to worlds unknown,
See thee on thy. judgment throne,
Rock of ages, cleft for me,'
Let me hide myself in Thee."
Thus we see how Calvinists and Arminians
can harmonize in prayer and songs of praise,
although they may differ on some points of
dogmatio theology. Topiady adheres to his
one grand figure of Christ as the Cleft Rock, as
his Hiding Place, his only refuge. He clings
to Him as the smitten Bode whence flowed the
water and the blood which cleanses from all sin.
Herein lies the power of his inimitable lyrio.
Wesley’s more exuberant fancy flits from figure
to figure^and by so doing weakens his hymn,
which notwithstanding, is one of .the very best
in our language. I often think, if such as these
bo the songs of imperfect, sinful, dying men
on earth, what must be the grandeur and devo
tion of the song3 of tho just made perfect in
heaven. .
Extraordinary Production.
From the Baltimore Methodist.']
A pamphlet has lately been published, being
translated from tho Chinese, which has the fol
lowing title: “Death Blow to Corrupt Doc-,
trines. A Plain Statement of Facts. Published
by the Gentry and People.” Shanghai, 1870.
In the preface it is stated that'the book of
which pamphlet is a translation came into
hands of the missionaries in Teung-chow, Shan
tung, several months since, though it is only
recently that special attention has been given
to its contents. Tho work i3 regarded by the
missionaries as of too much importance to be
withheld from the foreign public, believing, as
they do, that it is a remarkably truthful repre
sentation of the animus of the ruling and literary
classes of China towards foreigners, and that it
sheds important light on thomeans by whioh the
massacre at Tien-tsin was brought about. The
book is believed to havo been circulated exten
sively, but with great secrecy, in various parts
of China, great caution being used to keep it as
far as possible from falling into tho hands of
Christians. We havo seen the pamphlet, though
we cannot say that wo havo read it, for its as-
saults upon the Divine Founder of our religion
and npon Christianity, aro so -horribly blas
phemous and revolting as to scare us from a
regular perusal. So far as a superficial glance
goes, we are prepared to agree with the mission
aries that no mere description could possibly
convey any adequate idea of its venom and
vileness. It is for the most part a compilation
from other works of every false and slander
ous charge which would suit tho purpose
of the author, and so filled with obscen
ities as quite utterly to unfit it for general
reading. The object of tho book is to injure
foreigners of all nations, and to discourage in
tercourse with them, social, commercial and
national. Religion is the point of attack, be
cause the Chinese almost universally regard it
as a political agenoy, used by foreigners for the
accomplishment of selfish or political ends. The
missionaries add, that to tho Chinese tho idea
that Christianity is propagated from benevolent
motives is inconceivable- We havo only to say
that any ono who wishes to form an adeqnato
idea of tho hellish passions which Christianity
had to encounter in its first conflicts with tbe
heathen world, has only to read ono or two
pages of this pnmphlet. It is also apparent that
an urgent necessity exists to teaoh China what
tho Christian religion really is.
Orator FnlT—Tlxo Two Tones of His
Voice.
(Extract from Hon. Ben. Hill’s Speech at the Kim
ball House Banquet, 1870,
“ If I ever was a Democrat, I can honestly
say that I did not go to be. I was not a Demo
crat certainly from choice, and if p. Democrat at
all, I was a Demoorat from necessity.”
(Extract from Hon. Bon.’s speech in 1668.)
“ And these mon aro to make laws to tax dis
franchised property holders in this enlightened
nineteenth century and in this Christian coun
try. Shame, shame! Is thero a member of tho
Legislature who hears me to-day? Ah, to your
shame bo it said, more than a hundred of you
havo recorded your names. Go, my friends,
and tako it back, for I charge you this day, in
this bright sun and in tho central city of Geor
gia, that if that record remains as yon havo
made it, whereby yon have covenanted and
agreed that these Southern States shall be un-
equal members of this Union and that tho in
telligent men of this conntry shall bo disfran
chised and deprived of their right to hold office,
and that pauperism shall fix tho burden
of taxation, and vico and ignorance make
laws for intelligence and virtue, you surely
will go down to posterity so infamous that
■when a legitimate Legislature shall have assem
bled somo unfortunate creatures, who may bo
compelled by Providence to call you father,
will apply to tho Legislature to have their
names changed. I understand somo of yon
that voted for tho 14th article, and voted to ex
punge relief, call yourselves Democrats. You
aro vain, deluded creatures, if you think that
tho Democratic door will ba over open to re
ceive you with such a name. Such a voto is di
rectly against the Democratic platform, and di
rectly for the Radical platform, and must bo re
pented of and changed.”
And again ho said:
“But we have a party now organized, a strong
and a glorious party, with a statesman at its
head, and with correct principles for its plat
form. From Maino to California the glorious
tramp of the Democracy is growing more and
more distinct, and by November a verdict will
bo pronounced by tho great freemen of Ameri
ca that shall gladden tho hearts of patriots now
and forever."
Horrible Stale of Affairs In South
Carolina.
The following extracts from our State ex
changes, says tho Charleston Courier, show that
a deplorable state of affairs exist iu somo sec
tions of the State, which calls for the most
strenuous and united efforts of all law-abiding
citizens to bnng about a reform:
From the Columbia Phoenix, of Saturday.]
The Killing of A. F. Dubabd, Esq.—The
community, on yesterday, were shocked to hear
that this estimable citizen bad been shot and
killed, on the publio highway. It appears that
Mr. Dubard left this city Thursday afternoon,
for his home—about fifteen miles above Col
ombia. About six miles from tho city, his
body was found—pierced through with
several slugs. Tho deceased was robbed
of his watch and money,, but tbe bundles
in his bnggy wero left nntonched. _ It is sup
posed that ho was instantly killed; his coat was
bnrnt with powder, proving that the murderer
stood very close when the fatal shot • was fired.
The incentive of tho assassin was, doubtless,
money. Mr. Dubard was an old and respected
citizen of Richland, and highly esteemed for hia
strong and reliable traits. He was a leading
member of the Methodist Church, and iu his
neighborhood was its main stay. A cruel deed
deprived him of his life. But as a pious, God
fearing old man, it is to bo presumed that he
was not unpreparod for the qnlok summons that
came to him. His violent and sudden death
will excite general and genuine sympathy. The
assassin is not yet known; but it is to bo hoped
that the officers of the law and the friends of the
deceased will use eveiy proper means to fix up
on tho offender the responsibility of his atrocious
crime. The marks of flat feet wero distinctly
seen abont tho body.
From the Columbia Union, of Saturday.]
Information has reached here of the death of
Strap Jeffries, a oolored man of considerable in
fluence in bis neighborhood, abont eighteen
miles from Union Court House, and near the
line of York county. Oar informants state that
on the night of the 29th ultimo, several dis
guised men took him from his house and shot
him dead, within the hearing of his family.
1 LaJIs.—I
The "Wild Lan5s.—Upon a representation to
tho Governor, by Comptroller-General Bell, tho
following was issued on tho 9 th instant:
Ordered, That tho Comptroller-General desist
from tho issuing of executions against nnro-
tumed wild lands until the lst'day of Julynext;
and it is furthered ordered, that the advertise
ment of the list of returned wild lands be dis
continued from and after the 11th instant-, and
that the Comptroller-General continue to col
lect the unpaid tax on said lands until the 1st of
Jnly mentioned. Rufus B. Bulloch.
A woman in Milwaukee left her house recent
ly, and returned to find her infant child man
gled and partially devoured by a hog. An offi
cer of tho law was about to Bhoot the animal,
when she plaintively begged him not to do so,
“as her loss was heavy enough already.”
Important Letter from Gov. Bollock.
From the Few Era, 10eh.]
"We have been shown a letter from Governor
Bullock in reply to ono received from a promi
nent Democrat, and at our solicitation wo have
been allowed to publish it. The letter is as fol
lows :
Executive Depabtmeny,) .
Atlanta, January 7,1871. j
Deab Sir—Your letter calling my attention
to the newspaper statement that Attorney Gen
eral Akerman had pronounced the late election
in this State a fraud, and that in his opinion
Congress wonld or should set it aside, and ask
ing whether such report be true. Also asking
my opinion upon the late election, and what will
or ought to be the notion of Congress thereon,
has been received. In reply I have to say that'
I do not believe the report referred to in regard
to the statement and opinion of the honorable
Attorney General of tho United States is well
founded. Daring his late visit to this State I
have had butlittlo opportunity to converse with
him, but in the interviews which we have had
there was certainly nothing said which would
indicate that the views attributed to him were
entertained by him.
You do me the honor to ask for my own
opinion of the late election, and what will, or
ought to be, tho action of Congress thereon
—and I shall respond frankly, and all the more
willingly because you act with a political organ-
izatian In opposition to the one with whioh I
have the honor to be associated.
Tiro election bald on the 20th, 21st and 22d
of December last, taken as a whole, was as near
a peaceful, fair and unbiased expression of pub
lic opinion and preference through the ballot
box as it is possible to have had in this State,
at this time. So far as my knowledge extends,
them was not a voting precinot in the State
wlere votes were objected to, either by the
mtnagers or by partizan leaders, on the ground
that the persons offering to - vote wero colored.
All parties and all citizens freely ooncede the
right of the black man to the ballot, but it can
not, and I presume will not, be denied that, in
many cases, improper and unlawful means were
exercised to compel the colored citizen to cast
ballots of a different character from those cast
by a majority of his race, and in opposition to
his own preferences;, bnt the enthusiastic prac
tice of various devices to influence the votes of
citizens has been notable', both in this conntry
and abroad, ever since the elective franchise
his been enjoyed, and wo cannot expect to
prove an exception to the natural effect of par
tisan ambition for party success, stimulated
by personal desire for official position. Tbo
great contest in this and other Southern States
has been to secure a universal admission of, and
acquie3once in, tho right of tho oolored man
to vote, and this seems to have beenfollygained-
in Georgia. Tho question of how or for whom
the colored man shall vote is secondary and
local.
I repeat, that the contest has been to secure,
from tho people of our State, a universal admis
sion of or acquiesenco in the right of tho color
ed man to civil and political privileges, and in
tho presence of the late election, no sane man
will deny that this desirable result has been ac
complished. To be sure there have been ex
ceptional cases in parts of the State where this
right has not been fully accorded, but the num
ber i3 comparatively inconsiderable, and shonld
not bo allowed to prejadice a judgmentin favor
of tho State as a whole. Bnt while this is true,
wo cannot overlook the fact that in one Con
gressional District, a distinguished secession
leader and a learned attorney have made a law
unto themselves, and either through fear or af
fection for these loaders, the white citizens of
that district have generally followed their ad
vice and havo set aside and at defiance laws of
the Stato which were constitutionally enacted
and ore of forco until constitutionally declared
void.
I need hardly add that I refer to tho Fifth
Congressional District. The ambition of ono
of these gentlemen has once brought his State
to tho very verge of absolute ruin, and filled its
shattered homes with widows and orphans. He
seems still unsatisfied, and is ready to again
blind tho eyes of his people with prejudice and
drive them ou to a new crusade against the law
and against tho power which will, at all hazards,
maintain the law. I protest that the Stato of
Georgia shall not bo held responsible for his
words, as he has ceased to be a leader of the
people of the State, and is simply permitted un-
diatnrbed to denounco and villify the govern
ment to whoso mercy he is indebted for bis
property, his liberty and his life.
This is the situation as I understand it, and
now your query as to what will or ought to be
the action of Congress thereon, must bo no
ticed, and in doing so I can only stato my own
conviction, and by which no ono else is bound,
and for which I alone am responsible. I be
lieve Congress will do justice, and in giving my
opinion of what Congress ought to do, I speak
with great deference for the wisdom, patriotism
and virtue of the body whioh holds our future
in its hand. I think Congress ought, without
delay, to admit tho State into the Union by
giving seats in the Senate to the Senators who
wore duly elected by the Legislature legally or
ganized in January, 1870, and by giving seats
in tho Hoftse to the members of Congress duly
elected from the 1st, 2d, 3d, 4tb, 0 th and 7th Con
gressional Districts. That having been done a
joint committee from each House of Congress
shonld be appointed to visit the 5th District
to investigate and report what action by Con
gress, if any, is necessary to protect the people
of the State and distriot against domestic vio
lence, and to maintain a Republican form of
government by securing to a majority of tho
legal voters in that district their proper repre
sentation. In individual cases of violation of
the election law the aot of Congress, approved
May 31st, 1870, doubtless furnishes sufficient
remedy, but where a whole district set the law
at defiance, and under the advice of leading
publio men nullify tbe whole system provided
by law for holding tho eleotion, overawe, arrest
and confine, tho legally constitnted managers,
and place others of their own unauthorized ap
pointment in their stead, the case calls for more
prompt and comprehensive remedy than the
slow process of law against individnal cases in
semi-annual courts, especially when the resnlts
of suoh insurrection and usurpation will have
been accomplished before a case in court could
ba decided.
If a Republican form of Government based
npon the consent of the governed, is to be
maintained in this State, tbe nullification in the
5 th District, Jmnst be promptly, wisely and boldly
dealt with. The people of Georgia at large now
want peace. They now accept the Constitution
and laws of the United States and of this State
as their guide and will, I believe, faithfully
abide by and uphold both until modified by ju
dicial decision or repealed by legislative enact
ment. The nnllifiers axe but few as compared
with the whole people, and need be noticed
only to bo corrected.
Outside of the 5th Distrist, there are bnt a
few counties—some in the 7th District, border
ing on tho Alabama lines—where serious distur
bances have ocourred, immediately before, dur
ing, or since the election. Therefore it is, that
I am of opinion that Congress onght speedily
to admit the State to the Union, because, as a
State, she accepts and will abide by the Consti
tution as it if. Congress ought to take early
and efficient measures to advise itsolf and act
upon the condition of affairs in the 5th Distriot;
booause, if not oorrected, more serious and
wido-sproad trouble, turmoil, and disaster will
result from it. . _ ■
If you were a Bepubhoan, I should say fur
ther, that Congress owes it to the party to whioh
a majority of its members belong, that no delay
bo allowed to occur in the work, of restoring
Georgia to the Union. Its party friends here
hare carried out its laws and its requirements.
The party heretofore arrayed aginst us, now ad
mit and will concur in the civil and political
rights of the colored man, and I am encouraged
with the conviction that the time has now ar
rived when the great mass of our people can
buiy past differences, and with the war and all
the bitterness engendered thereby put away out
of sight will unite upon tho platform erected
by Wisdom, Modebation and Justice before
our troubles began—“The Constitution, The
Union and the Enfobcement of the Laws.”
Under our Constitution and laws every man
is entitled to a vote and a voice in the selec
tion of representatives and public agents, and I
express the hope that in future our differences
will only be a rivalry to propose and carry out
measures that will best secure a wise and eco
nomical administration of the State’s affairs;
the most rapid and permanent construction of
works of internal improvement; the highest de
velopment of our mineral and agricultural re
sources, and the maintenance of a liberal and
efficient system of free education.
Respectfully and truly yours,
7cc.RufusB.Bullock.
THE MONARCH OF ADVERTISERS.
Wt»t nn Enterprising Doctor made by a
Judicious use or Printers’ Ink—Helm-
bold’s Princely Turnout.
Helmbold’s big sleigh was out in tho Park yes
terday, with a load of Judges and Generals. A
Sun man, meeting the Doctor, asked him how
much the bells cost.
“They’re gold plated. There are 378 of them.
They cost me $970,” answered the little giant
of the medical world.
On farther inquiry the reporter learned that
the harness cost nearly $4,000, and the buffalo
robes $1,S50. Thinking that a man with such
a turnout ought to bo worth something, the re
porter came down town and hunted Up the Doo-
tor’s assets. He found them, to be as follows:
Five-story brownBtone store,694 Broad
way $200,000
Stook iu store 100,000
Private residence 60,000
Furniture in private residenoe 25,000
Stable..., 30,000
Horses, carriages, sleighs, harness,
robes, and the finest turnout in tho
world 30,000
Stores at Long Brandi....... 35,000
Cottages at Long Branch 25,000
Furniture in cottages 10,000
Land in Long Branch 420,000
Stock in his Philadelphia laboratory... 150,000
Total. $845,000
The reporter learned that the Doctor owns,
in addition to the above, several lots on Madi
son and Fifth ^venues, and some on the Bou
levards. Tho reporter was assured that there
was not a pencil mark against all this property.
The Dootor’a business is immense. The orders
have reached $30,000 and $40,000 in a single
day. Seven years ago ho oamo to this city
with $20,000 in his pocket. Now he is worth
his millions, and spends as muoh money as any
man in the city.
“ How did he make his money?” asked the
reporter of the Doctor's agent.
“Through advertising liberally in tho news
papers,” was the reply, “same as Bonner,
Smith & Steele, Ayer, and Jayne.”
Tho Dootor is advertising in 3150 newspapers.
He buys his own merchandise and contracts
for his advertising iu such a manner that ho is
prepared to discount at seven per cent, per an
num any obligation that may be presented. The
Doetor is emphatically a self-made man.
He has a special fondness for yachts,, and is
spending larg8 sums of money in procuring
models of the yacht Dauntless. He proposes to
decorate his drug store with these models.—N.
T. Sun.
A Persecuted Croesus—Wliat a News
paper Paragraph has Done for a
millionaire;
The prevalenoe of respectable beggary is
really shocking. Some two or three weeks ago
wo published an interesting paragraph from
onr correspondent at Elizabeth, New Jersey,
abont a young and intellectual millionaire named
Dimmock, who resides in that place, who in a
few years has accumulated a stupenduous for
tune, and who is liberal as well as successful.
Wo now learn from onr Elizabeth correspondent
that Mr. D. has been subjected to intolerable
annoyance since the publication of the para
graph in question. He has been in daily re
ceipt of great numbers of pitiful appeals and
heart-rending letters of beggary, not only from
Cincinnati, but from all parts of the country.
Widows young and old, grave and gay, lively
and severe, devout and festive, have implored
and entreated of him to give them or lend
sums of money, from five dollars to five
thousand. Even clergymen in distress have
begged of him for small annuities, for a
trifling addition to their very slender sala-
aries, or for a few thousand dollars to the
“cause of tho Lord.” Aspiring young men
have written to him for small sums to start
them in life, and broken down old men have
imagined ho would be willing to give them a
portion of his capital to set them np again in
business, or save them from despair. All the
charitable societies have been after him; men
with great ideas havo been after him; women
with a “mission” have been after him; poor
students have been after him, and dead “beats”
innumerable have been after him. He has been
solicited to subsoribo to ever so many periodi
cals and publications. He has been elected a
member of tho “Board of Trustees” and “man
aging committees” of at least one-half of all the
publio institutions on the American continent.
If his fortune were fifty millions instead of five,
he could not meet half the demands whioh the
beggars have made upon him within a few
weeks. .His life has been rendered wretched,
and his millions are the cause of his misery.—
It is feared there will be no end to the piteous
appeals addressed to him, and that he will be
bored l>y them as loDg as he lives, just as Hr.
Peabody was always bored by similar appeals.
We are grieved to learn Jhe»« things.—Cincin
nati Commercial. ~
A wondbful feinting maohine is in progress,
if not completed, in this city. Tho invention
is designed to make 100 types of any font an
swer, to indent and make a mold, from whioh a
stereotype oast can be obtained, equally as per
fect as those formerly obtained from a form of
type set in the usual way. Thes types (of two
alphabets; figures; pnnetuation marks and com
bination words,) are placed in a type bead, in a
machine operated by keys, and made to im
print and indent a mold 100 impressions per
minute, from whioh a stereotype cast can be
obtained in five minutes, of uniform thickness,
ready for the press, or they can be printed with
ink on paper and transferred to a zinc plate,
and printed by a reoently invented lithographic
press, 2500 impressions an hour. Every style
of type, borders, ornamentation, and also music,
can be produced, requiring only ono typo of
each character. Justification and corrections
can be made without the loss of any more time
than the same amount of matter would take in
the usual way, and as many as fifty different
styles of type can bo used by the compositor
without rising from his seat (at the maohine.)
The maohine dispenses with fonts of type and
oases, setting, distributing, and seven-eighths
of the labor of the composing room. The ma
chine is driven like a sewing maohine, and oc
cupies no more space. It can be manufactured
for not over $200; and the type-heads for $3
each.—New York Express.
Mobe Tbouble in Union.—Passengers report
to us ft renewal or continuation of the unfor
tunate state of affairs in Union. It appears
that on Sunday last, Captain Aleok Walker, the
oolored captain of militia, applied to the parties
who had charge of the guns belonging to the
militia, bnt his demand was refused, and he
was subsequently arrested—as stated in Wed
nesday’s Phoenix— charged with the killing of
Mr. Matt. Stevens. Fifteen of his militia were
also arrested. On Wednesday evening a party
of unknown horsemen went to the Sheriff and
peremptorily demanded the keys of the jail;
they were given up, and they proceeded to the
jail and took oharge of five of the prisoners—
Captain A. Walker, Chamer Herndon, Joe Van
Lew, Andy Thompson and Sylvanus Wright.
he next morning the bodies of Walker and
Herndon were discovered in the road 5 it was
afterwards found out that Thompson and
Wright were badly wounded. We are further
informed that Mr. Smith, (the acting deputy,)
who was wounded on Sunday last, died on
Thursday night The ieachinga of bad men
are bringing forth terrible troubles.
STORIES ABOUT CATS.
The Adventures of Hr. Oliver In Pursuit
of Vengeance.
From the Philadelphia Dispatch.)
The fact that if r. Oliver lived in a uniform row of
houses iu the Fourteenth Ward was the reason
why he was unfortunate. One moonByht night
last week the noise made by the eats on thoroof
was simply awful Mr. Oliver lay in bed, try
ing in vain to get to sleep, grinding his teeth
with ragOj Untu at last the uproar overhead be-
oame unendurable. Mr. Oliver crept out of bed
Softly, so that his wife should not be awakened.
He put on his slippers, seized a boot with eaoh
hand, and, clad in the snowy robes of night, he
opened the trap-door and emerged upon the
roof.
There wero thirty or forty cats out there hold
ing a kind of general synod in the oool of the
evening, enjoying the bracing air and singing
glees. As Mr. Oliver approached the cats
moved off to the next roof. Mr. Oliver ad
vanced and flung a boot at them. They then
adjourned suddenly to the next residence. Mr.
Oliver projected another boot and went after
the first one. In this manner tho whole synod
retreated and Oliver advanced until the last row
of twenty houses was reached, when the eats ar
ranged themselves in a line along the parapet,
ruffled up their fur, carved their spines and spat
furiously at Oliver. That bold warrior gathered
up his boots and determined to retreat. ; —
He walked over a dozen bouses nafr de
scended through a trap-door. He went down
stairs to his bed-room and opened Abe door.
There was a man in the room in the act of
walking np and down with a baby. Before
Oliver had recovered from his amazement the
man flung the baby on the bed, and seizing a
revolver began firing rapidly, at Oliver. It.then
dawned upon Oliver that he had coins down
the wrong trap-door. He prooeeded up stairs
again suddenly, the man with tho revolver
practicing at him in a painful manner. When
Oliver reached the door ho shnt the trap quickly
and stood upon it. The man fired through the
boards twice, and then hooked the door upon
the inside. ; • . T om
A moment after Oliver heard him springing
a watchman's rattle from tho front window. As
soon as tho neighbors knew there was a man on
the roof they all flew upstairs and fattened
their trap-doors, and Mrs. Oliver fastened hers,
with the firm conviction that some predatory
villam had entered while she slept and stole her
Oliver. "When he tried the door it was fast, and
Mrs. Oliver was screaming so fieroely that he
could not make himself heard. By this time
the street was filled with policemen, all of
whom were blazing away at Oliver with their
revolvers, while the young men in the house
across the street kept up a steady fire with pis
tols, shot-guns and miscellaneous missiles. Oli
ver, with every advantage of forming an opin
ion, said that Gettysburg was a mere skirmish
to it.
He hid behind the chimney, and lay up
against the brick3 to keep himself warm, while
the policemen stationed themselves all around
tho square to capture him when he would slide
down one of the water-spouts. But Oliver did
not slide. He sat on the roof all night, with
tho bitter air circulating through his too trifling
garments, listening to the yowling cats and oc
casional shouts from the picket line below, and
thinking of tho old Jews, who nsed to. pray
from their house-tops, and wondering whether
Musselmen were ever shot at, or bothered with
cats and policemen, when they practiced’ their
evening devotions on their roofs. And then he
wondered how i t would do to take off his night
shirt and wave it over the edge as a flag of
truco. He ooucludednot to do so,becauseof tho
danger of a bullet from some misguided police
man not familiar with the rules of war.
"When daylight oame the neighbors rallied in
a crowd, armed with all kinds of weapons, from
howitzers down, and mounted to the roof.
Oliver was taken down and put to bed, and he
now has more influenza for a man of his size
than any other citizen of tho Fourteenth ward.
He says he is going to move as soon as he gets
well—he is going to move into a houso that is
trext door to nobody, a bouse that stands in the
middle of a prairie of some kind, and he in
tends to stenoil his name in white on the trap
door. x
Exit a Patriot.
The final bow which Mr. Fomeymakes to hia
old Washington readers is neat, although some
what artificial. He dashes his leave-taking,
whioh is meant to be a union of dignity and
grace, with a bit of appropriate sentiment,
which is meant to bo affecting. All this is well;
but a story reaches us—by a private but relia
ble source—whioh blunts tho edge of Mr. For
ney’s fine sentences at the same time that it ex
plains the reason of. his going." Not very long
ago, our correspondent writes us, Forney went to
the Chief Clerk of theTreasuryDepartment and
said: ‘ ‘Mr. Saville, how wonld you liko to be As
sistant Secretary of the Treasury?” Mr. S.-‘ ‘I am
not particularly anxious.” Forney—“If you will
give the Chroniole certain printing, I can bring
influence enough to secure you the appoint
ment.” “What printing do you mean ?” asked
Saville. Here Forney went into specifications.
He wanted certain printing taken from other
Republican papers and given to hia own. To
this proposition Forney received a scathing
reply. Mr. Saville, in substance, said: “Col.
Forney, I am well satisfied with my present po
sition, and not at all anxious for the Assistant
Secretaryship. But, if I were, I would scorn to
do what you ask. Yon have waked up the
wrong passenger. ” Thereupon Forney went to
Mr. Boutwell, made charges against Saville,
and asked for his removal. Secretary Bout-
well touched his little bell, and Saville was soon
face to face with Forney. This was on enter
tainment Forney had not expected. Then and
there Saville told the story we have just related,
and Forney could not gainsay a word of it.
Poor fellow, he was headed for once, and in the
house of his friends. We have no doubt that
this affair has had muoh to do with his deter
mination to sell the Chroniole. On being asked
the other day, by one of his friends, why he
proposed to sell out and leave Washington, ho
replied; “Because I am not appreciated hero.”
What a pity that such a patriot is not appre
ciated in the National capital! The future
historian will make a note of this neglect, and
ascribe it to the degeneracy and demoralization
of the age.—Courier-Journal.
How is This ?—Hon. Cassias M. Clay made
a speech in Riohmond, Ky., last Monday, in
which he took strong and decided grounds
against Grant and the present Administration;
unqualifiedly favored universal amnesty, and
advised the negroes that if they would be pros
perous and happy they must stand by their late
masters, and cease to act npon the ridiculous
and totally unfounded hope of ever being their
social equals. When a man like Mr. Clay, with
all the peculiar political tenets that he has held
for so long, takes the stand that he has taken,
it affords ono of the most significant signs of
the times, and still further confirms the rapidly
growing opinion that the days of Radicalism
are numbered. Mr. Clay, seeing at last that the
course of the Radical party is oertain, if perse
vered in, to entirely ruin the 00untry, lifts his
voice against it, and no little credit ia due him
for it; bnt his deoided and manly expressions
will fall like a wet blanket upon the Radicals of
Kentucky, who had been confidently expecting
him to stump the State in their behalf. They
had better profit by his example, and re-aasert
thoir manhood and their dignity before it is
eternally too lato.—Lexington (Ky.) Observer.
Heavy Emlgratlan to Texas.
Memphis, January 7.—The tide of emigra
tion from Tennessee, Georgia, eta, is heavier
than any previous season. Texas seems to be
their objective point Aooording to the Ava
lanche, the nomber of wagons whioh crossed
at this point since September 1, is sixteen hun
dred and sixty-four; number of people is over
nine thousand. At Helena the crossing has
been greater, and it is said large numbers have
crossed at Point Pleasant As a class these em
igrants are much better than those who have
gone before. They have better outfits, and are
generally in a condition to purchase farms.
