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REV’ A. J. RYAN, Editor-
AUGUSTA, GA., AUGUST 8, 1868.
CATHOLIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITU
TIONS IN THE SOUTH.
Wherever the Church goes, she founds
institutions of learning. Beside her
Altars, Colleges and Convents rise and
flourish; and her teachers stand as high
as any in the intellectual world. She
fears Ignorance, and the prejudices and
bigotries of Ignorance; but Learning she
loves, and loves to make the handmaiden
of Religion. Her Educational Establish
ments, in number, character, influence,
and success, rank the equal of any,
superior to many, inferior to none. Yet
is she accused of fostering ignorance, and
opposing the progress of intelligence.
More, and more accurate, religious know
ledge is required of her children of
twelve years of age, than other Churches
require of adult members. A longer
training, and a more extensive course of
study, are required of her Priests, than
any other, so-called, Church demands of
its Ministers. And yet the old calumny
is still kept alive, that we strive to keep
our members ignorant.
We would have no fears to institute a
comparison between Catholics and non-
Catholics, in the matter of Education.
But this was not to be the purport of these
few words. We merely wished to call the
attention of the Catholics of the riouth to
our Colleges and Convents. They need
no recommendation at our hands. They
have proven their claims to our confidence
and support, by the upright citizens, and
good Christians, whom they have trained
and sent forth to honor every walk of
society through which they move, and
every avocation of life of which they are
engaged.
First and foremost, stands Georgetown
College—an Institution without a superior
in this country. Ask the Protestant
young men who have been trained in
Georgetown, what sort of men Jesuits
are ?—for Georgetown is one of their
Institutions—and you will wonder what
stories they will tell of the goodness, kind
ness, virtue, ability, simplicity, and
straightforwardness, of the Fathers. The
children of those who hold the Jesuits
in horror, rise up and defend them.
Georgetown is doing noble work in the
training of our youth. The character
which it has made for itself in the past is
the pledge of its future prosperity. In
reading over the list of its Alumni for the
past Academic year, we find a long array
ol Southern boys and young men. Next
year we hope the list will be larger.
Then, there is Mount St. Mary’s, iu
Maryland, presided over by Rev. John
McCaffrey, D. D., one of the most accom
plished of gentlemen, one of the brightest
ornaments of the American Priesthood,
and one of the ablest of educators.
Assisted by a splendid corps of Pro
fessors, he has made Mount St. Mary’s a
name of honor throughout the country.
It has been mainly supported by Southern
patronage, which we hope will continue
to increase.
Spring Hill College, near Mobile, St.
Mary’s College, Kentucky, St. Vincent’s
College, Missouri, by the high order of
education they give, and, particularly, by
the moral training their pupils receive,
should be sustained by the Catholics of
the South. All these Colleges, and others
not now rememhered, are training to high
learning, and to pure virtue, young minds
from every part of the South. They
should be supported and sustained.
Our Convents, too, are many, and we
are willing that their character should be
measured by the character of those they
educate. We can only ennumcrate them,
with the simple remark, that each and
every one of them is every way worthy
of the patronage of our people.
In Maryland, we have St. Joseph’s, at
Emmetsburg, under the charge of the
Sisters of Charity, and the Academy, at
Frederick, under the Nuns of the Visita
tion. The Academy of the Visitation, at
Georgetown, has no superior. In Vir
ginia, in charge of the Visitation Nuns,
are the Academies at Richmond, Wheel
ing, and Abingdon. In South Carolina,
the IJrsuline Academy, near Columbia.
In Georgia, wo have Academies at Sa
vannah, Atlanta, and Columbus, in charge
of the Sisters of Mercy; and, in Augusta,
a Convent is in course of erection, which
is destined, we hope, to be one of the first
Institutions of the State. In Florida, the
Sisters of Mercy are in charge of an
Academy at St. Augustine. Alabama,
Mississippi, and Louisiana, have their own
Convents, in charge of the Sisters, of
various Orders. Kentucky is dotted
with Convents, between which there is a
holy rivalry, each striving to surpass the
others, yet all working in Catholic har
mony. Tennessee has her St. Cecilia’s,
of Nashville, and her St. Agnes, of Mem
phis, under the charge of the devoted and
accomplished Dominican Nuns.
Between all these, there is room enough
for choice; and we trust that they each
will receive that share of patronage which
they all so nobly deserve.
SUFFRAGE.
This age has taken upon its wise self
the task of solving many great political
problems. In fact, it wishes to solve
them all; for it has no idea that its suc
cessor, the 20th century, will inherit half
of its wisdom. Our age is charitable,
indeed, thus to busy its brain and wear
out its life for the sole benefit of the
coming centuries. We wonder, will they
be grateful, or will they laugh at our
folly, as we smile, so complacently, at the
follies of preceding ages ? Some of these
problems our age has already solved,
whether rightly or wrongly, time shall
tell. On the political black-board now is
marked the most difficult and complicated
problem of all—that of Suffrage. The
age demands its solution. The age, as
usual, is in a hurry. It will not wait.
It has set down the problem, and it calls
impatiently on Europe and America, its
two brightest scholars, to come up quickly
and solve it. Europe, cautious and
slow, looks gravely at the problem, sees
all its difficulties, studies it with closest
attention; but, instead of solving it,
shakes a head which history has made
wise, and asks time for more reflection.
Up, with a jaunt} 7 air, yet with the look
of an overgrown schoolboy, jumps
America. America is a bright boy,
wonderfully gifted, not much given to
study, yet very precocious; thinks little,
’tis true, yet talks well on all subjects—
in fact, speaks best on subjects known
the least—is somewhat of a reckless,
devil-may-care character, yet, withal,
clever-hearted, always dresses well, and
has a harmless mania to show off and
appear to best advantage; is apt to
guess at the answer to any hard question,
in order to avoid the trouble of making
it out, and is a first-rate guesser at that.
What does America care for the difficulty
of that problem, which poor old ploddiDg
Europe was afraid to solve ? Why, ’tis
not a circumstance; ’tis as easy as A B, C.
’Tis all settled, in a moment, just a guess,
and America turns about, and says: “Why,
I’ve got it—l bet I have--just as sure
as you’re alive—there’s no mistaking—
I knew I could do it—pshaw! it doesn’t
require a bit of study—l knew, Europe,
old fellow, I was a heap smarter than
you—we don’t do up things in your
slow style—by-jingo ! we go abead—
nothing stops us—like lightning—hurrah
for me!—three cheers for the stars and
stripes!—here’s the answer to the pro
blem —I bet it’s right—Suffrage must be
universal!”
America, that’s your guess. You may
guess something very different after a
while. But, go ahead, as you say you
do ; make your guess an American
Mini ©i i®i ®©im-
political dogma. Believe in it, and act
according to it, and let the future decide
your wisdom. The political equality 7 of
all men—white, black, yellow, ignorant,
educated, upright, corrupt—yes, of all
men, who give such signs of high man
hood as to chew tobacco, drink whiskey,
whittle, curse a little. The political
equality of all men—a royal, purple
phrase—but take care that it does not
cover a hideous falsehood. Build your
future Government upon that dogma,
it certainly is broad enongh, but don’t
turn prophet, and tell the world your
Government will last forever. Some of
us have doubts; we cannot, for the life of
us, make an honest act of faith in your
new dogma. And, besides, it was only a
guess ; you didn’t work the proplem out*
We have tried calmly and coolly to work
a part of that problem, and our solution
bids fair to be far different. Instead of
extending suffrage, we would limit it.
Perhaps we are narrow-minded. Who
ever has manhood, has the right to vote,
seems to us to be devoid of sense, though
we are free to confess the proposition does
contain real American logic. Physical
manhood by no means neoessarily implies
intelligence and conscience. We are of
the opinion that voting is a moral act,
and should be regulated by moral condi
tions.
If it should be proved to us that every
man is intelligent and conscientious, then
would we accept the conclusion that
every man might vote. We fear, how
ever, that such a proposition shall never
be proved.
Universal suffrage is a sham ; it is
more than a sham, it is a blunder; it is
worse than a blunder, it is a crime. It
is based upon universal equality. Are
all men equal, physically? intellectually?
morally' ? Who will say so ? And if
they are, as they are, unequal; if among
them there is superiority and inferiority;
if this inequality be, as it is, a law of
humanity, a universal organic law, potent
and palpable the world over; how expect
humanity to live, and thrive, and advance,
when one of the laws of its life and
motion is violated ?
Violation of that law is contravention
of God’s designs. Contravention of His
designs is crime. Therefore, do we say,
and re-assert, that universal suffrage is
worse than a blunder—it is a crime.
From the universal inequality of men,
deep-rooted in humanity, bow logically
deduce universal equality ?—and, if you
cannot do so, how proclaim Universal
Suffrage ? It is against reason, against
sense, against the very laws of humanity,
against History—against God. And,
therefore, it cannot last. It is a paradox
which fanaticism would lift into a law.
It is the greatest political falsehood,
which fanaticism would erect into the
aublimest political truth. It is the most
dangerous political error which fanaticism
would sanctify as the grandest political
dogma.
By its fruits will you know it; and its
fruits will be fruits of blood. It is the
germ of future revolutions and anarchies.
So surely as it is planted, and takes root,
and grows, so surely shall there be death
in its fruits.
A destructive principle leads to de
struction. It will be a law of death and
doom to this land. One of two things—
either that law must be destroyed, or, it
will destroy us. Which alternative shall
we choose ?
RADICALISM"
If the Banner of the South were
strictly and entirely a Religious paper,
we should eschew Politics altogether in
its columns; but it is, as its name im
ports, an organ, not only of the Roman
Catholic Church, but also of the oppressed
and down-trodden South. It is designed
to uphold and vindicate principles which,
nor war, nor plunder, nor oppression,
can destroy principles, to maintain
which, our people struggled through four
bloody and vengeful years—principles
which live to-day, and burn as brightly
as they did in the now far distant days,
when it was proclaimed: “Justice a
breastplate ; true judgment a helmet;
equity an invincible shield and, later,
still, “The Truth shall make you free
and, farther down the rapid flight of
years, when the Catholic Barons of Eng
land proclaimed their Magna Charter at
Runnymede; and, still later, in that
glorious 4th of July, 1776, when the
people of America sent forth to the world
their grand Declaration of Independence.
Yes, these principles are living to-day,
despite the opposition, enmity, and tyranny
of the dominant party. And, if the
Banner of the South upholds these
grand principles—principles rendered so
sacred, because of their Divine association
and honorable antiquity, and, more than
all, because of their connection with the
Lost Cause, so dear to every true Patriot
—surely it cannot remain a passive and
silent spectator of the struggle now going
on between the party of Justice and Right
and the party of Oppression and Wrong.
Hence, we feel it a duty we owe to our
dear South, to give our efforts, humble
though they be, against that spirit of
injustice and tyranny embodied in the
word Radicalism. It has been tried and
found wanting. It has brought the
burthens of an enormous public debt and
most onerous taxation upon the people.
It has bankrupted the Nation; it has
alienated, more than ever, the different
sections of the Union; it has destroyed
public credit; it has ruined trade and
agriculture; it has destroyed the liberties
of the Southern people, and placed over
them a galling despotism. These, and
many other evils, are fastened upon that
Radical party; and, it therefore, becomes
the duty of every true patriot, and, above
all, of every Southern patriot, to do all
in his power to overthrow that party.
Destroy it in November next, by placing
at the head of the Nation the Democratic
candidates, Seymour and Blair; and then
there will be hope for the South, joy for
the Patriot, and glory for the Nation.
IMMORAL LITERATURE.
Immoral literature is one of the greatest
iniquities of the age, and one of the worst,
if not the very worst, signs of social
corruption. Out of the Press, day by
day, come papers, pamphlets, magazines,
books, with foulness on every page, and
deadly moral poison in every sentence.
Broadcast over the land these are spread
—by thousands are they hourly read—by
young and old, till we are sure that we
may say, without exaggeration, that not
an hour passes in which innocence docs
not pass away from some soul, and
purity from some young life, before the
evil influences of our corrupt literature.
There was a time when the author of a
bad book would conceal his name. There
was a time when the readers of a bad
book would seek secrecy, where, beyond
the reach of any eye, they might feast on
thoughts of passion and scenes of sin ;
but now, publicly to the world, authors
of vilest books give their names ; pub
licly the books are bought and sold;
publicly are they read; for, not only have
the people lost love of virtue, but they
have also lost shame of sin. The minds
of the rising generation are giving evi
dence of the terrible power of evil read
ing. Among our young there is a fearful
precocity in evil. Boys, in years, are
men in crimes; and girls, entering their
teens, are women in knowledge. That
literature is revelling in the ruin of the
hearts of our children. Wc must save
them from its influence. For the evil
reading we must substitute something
pure and high, something that appeals
to virtuous feelings and not to vicious
propensities. Read they will, and read
they ought; but let their reading be such
that the purest might not suffer from it*
Let parents see to it, that no book, paper,
story, magazine, be allowed to enter their
hands, unless they are certain of its moral
character.
There ought to boa Public conscience
that would silently rebuke immoral pub
lications of all kinds. In the absence of
such a censor, why are there not laws;
and if there are, why are they not rigor
ously enforced against the publishers and
sellers of such writings ? An impure
literature, more rapidly and deeply'than
any other cause, corrupts«a people.
corrupt people never yet preserved liberty
long.
THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES
BY A, H, STEPHENS.
We have read, with care, the ii rs t
volume of Mr. Stephen’s great work, “The
War between the States.”
From the reputation of the author as a
Statesman, a Thinker, and a Speaker
much was expected, and we believe that
he has successfully met the most sanguine
expectations. For accurate statements
close reasoning, and a clear, keen insight
into our form of Government, the volume
before us is remarkable beyond any work
of the kind we have ever read. His
style is simple and plain—though not
classical, nor beautiful, still not without
elegance. Yet, style, in a work of this
kind, is the least thing to be regarded.
The thought, the truth, the logic of the
work, are of first importance. There is
one statement, however, to which, with
all respect to Mr. Stephens, we have reason
to object. On page 33, illustrating an
idea, he says : “Galileo complied with
the exactions of torture by renouncing his
belief in the rotary motion of the earth.”
We are surprised that a man of Mr,
Stephens’ attainments should fall into
such a grave historical mistake. Galileo
was never tortured, nor did he ever re
nounce his belief in the motion of the
earth. We hope Mr. Stephens, in his
next edition —and we trust his able work
will go through many editions—will
correct this error—the onlyono that mars
the pages of this first volume. If he
wants proofs of the incorrectness of his
statement, we have them, and are ready,
when called upon, to furnish them.
«■ mm<*- ■
MEETING IN CINCINNATI.
SPEECH OF MR. PENDLETON.
My Fellow- Citizens: I thank you from
the bottom of my heart for the kind greet
ing that you have given me. I appreciate
all your kindness. I have had occasion,
often in the past, to thank you for esteem,
and confidence and support. I can only
to-night repeat to you the words which I
have so often before uttered. Democrats
of Hamilton County, you are my neigh
bors and my acquaintances; you have
known. me from my boyhood; you know
my political opinions, my personal charac
ter, and the motives by which I have been
governed in all my public life. You have
given me a cordial and earnest support for
the highest office in the Republic. [Ap
plause.]
You have said that you are willing to
confide to my keeping its duties and its re
sponsibilities. [Good.] And when you are
defeated in your trust you have given to
me so many tokens that my heart swells
with an emotion of gratitude, which my
trembling voice can scarcely find words to
express. [Cheers.] You have laid upon
me a burden of obligation which I cannot
repay. I shall always endeavor to deserve
your confidence, and the memory that I
have it here to-night will be the proudest
reminiscence of my political life. [Cheers.]
And what I say to you, my fellow-citi
zens, I might say with almost equal justice
to all the Democratic party in the State of
Ohio, and to the hosts of friends from ail
the other States who seconded their ef
fort. And it gratifies me very* much to
know that here, at my own home, my rec
ognition, my acknowledgments are due,
due, not only to my Democratic, but also
to many Republicans, convinced, some of
them, perhaps, of the correctness of my
opinions, and some of them actuated by
personal kindness, desired my success.
And while lam on this subject, my
friends, I hope it will not be considered
out of place for me to say to all Democrats
and Republicans—to those who differ with
me as well as those who agree with me— that
in all the warmth of political discussion, I
have endeavored to cultivate the ameni
ties of life, and that where it was necessary
to differ I have differed without intending
to impugn the character, or question the
motives, or excite the bitterness of those
with whom I have felt called upon to
differ ; and that it gives me pleasure to
know that the struggles of fifteen years
have left no sting of bitterness in my heart
toward any of my fellow-citizens, and to
hope that they feel none toward myself.
TAMMANY IIALL CONVENTION.
1 have had occasion lately to speak of
the proceedings of the New York Conven
tion. I approve them all. [Cheers.] t
approve the platform ; I approve the
nominations. The platform
the principles for which we have so zeal
otisly struggled. I have enumerated them
before :
Fidelity to the Constitution!
Fidelity to the Union !
Fidelity to the rights of the States ! (
Fidelity to the liberties of the citizen •
Fidelity to the principles of free govern
ment !
