Newspaper Page Text
4
, v -' C&fcv.) XL ,
Jt®JISKES»
EEV, A. J. RYAN, Editor
AUGUSTA, GA„ OCTOBER 17, 18C8.
THE SITUATION.
It is always well, in the hour of dan
ger, to keep our courage up to the stick
ing point, and never to yield until resist
ance becomes utterly futile, and the last
ray of hope expires. And so, our papers
do well to keep up a firm tone and pre
sent as hopeful a view of the prospect as
honesty and facts will admit. Sometimes,
however, we may go too far, and so
build up false hopes and create a fatal
apathy in the cause we advocate. It is
our purpose to avoid these extremes, if
possible; and when we write of “ the
political situation as hopeful, 'we tell our
readers honestly and fairly, that it is
only if every man will but do his whole
duty.
From New York, Connecticut, and the
great West, we have the most cheering
news; and everywhere, except, perhaps,
in our own South, there is energy and a
cheerful hopefulness. The treachery,
and tyranny, and extravagance of Radi
calism have been and are being boldly
exposed, and the people, startled by the
exhibit, are coming to that “ sober
second thought which will make them
pause and reflect before they continue
their country for another unhappy four
years in the hands of its worst enemies.
It is this evident “sober second thought”
which makes us hopeful of success, and
bid our readers be of good cheer, but re
lax nothing of their zeal and energy in
the cause.
THE WORK BEFORE US,
As the day of the election for Presi
dent and Vice-President draws near, the
great heart of the Nation beats quick,
and its pulse throbs fast, as it hopes for a
Constitutional victory and the restora
tion of Liberty and Peace. Will that be
a blessed day for the American Union ?
or, will its sun set in darkness and deso
lation ? These are the questions which
nerve and quicken the pulsations in the
Patriot’s bosom, and make him alternate
between fear and hope, as he repeats
them to himself. And who shall answer
them ? Each individual for himself. It
is not for one, or for one hundred, alone to
work in the interests of this great cause;
but, for all-all who love Constitutional
Liberty, and would perpetuate its bless
ings and its glories, to work with unfal
tering will and unceasing devotion, to the
end. If we fail, approving Conscience
will acquit us of blame, and free us from
the twitchings of remorse. If we succeed
—and God grant we may!—we shall Dot
only have approving Conscience to re
ward us, but the blessings of the present
and future generations for the grand work
we shall have accomplished. Why stand
we idle, then, when so much is at stake—
when so much is to be done ? It is the
last grand conflict of Political Justice and
Truth with Political Error and Fanati
cism, that is being fought. It is the last
struggle for the preservation and perpetu
ation of Constitutional Liberty, that is
being made ; and he who dallies now* is,
indeed, a dastard and a traitor. Is there
one true son of the South so poor in pa
triotism, so cowardly in spirit, that he
would herd with the enemies of his coun
try and his liberty, or could stand idly
by, and see the banners of despotism
flaunting their crimson lies in his sace }
without arousing within himself all his
manhood and devotion to Truth ? If
there be such a one, we appeal to him
now—by the love which he bore his
poor suffering South—by the love he
gave to his mother, his sister, his wife,
his little ones ; by the affection which
he pledged to “ another not a sister,”
and the honors which he would place
around her brow; by the peace and hap
piness which he would secure to his fami
ly and fireside ; by the regard he ought
to feel for his fellow-men—in a word, by
all the ties, sacred and secular, whieh
ought to bind him to his native land, and
all the memories which ought to arouse his
patriotism, and bravery, and devotion, in
this hour of his country’s peril, to put
aside his apathy, and bestir himself in the
great cause of Constitutional Liberty.
To those whose bosoms have already
been fired, and who are working so nobly
in this glorious work, we appeal, to con
tinue with unceasing energy and un
flagging devotion. The Democratic party
has unfurled his Banner, and is march
ing onward, we hope, to decisive victory.
The trumpets are sounding, the drums
are beating, and the cohorts are gather
ing all over this broad land. Their noble
leaders, with unfaltering step, and un
fliching eye, are in the van of the ad
vancing columns, cheering their follow
eas, and bidding them be of good heart
and firm purpose. Their “tramp, tramp,
tramp,” is felt, and the shouts of the
mighty host are heard from the bleak
shores of Maine, along the coast of the
broad Atlantic, reverberating from the
crests of the Rocky Mountains, mingling
with those from the far-off Pacific, and
descending the mighty Father of Waters
to the Gulf of Mexico. And shall we
of the South be stragglers in this grand
Constitutional Army ? Shall we stand
idle and take no share in the great con
test? No! a thousand times, no! Aw r ake,
aris£, to the immensity of the issue at
stake; awake to the importance of the
struggle; shake off your lethargy and
your apathy ; join heart and hand with
those who are coming to free you from
the shackles which Radicalism has fas
tened upon your lacerated limbs, to res
cue you from the Military Despotisms
which grind your life blood out of you ;
from the misrule and oppression of the
usurpers who sit in the high places at
Washington and strangle your
your peace, and your prosperity here.
Oh, men of the South ! will you not rally
to the standard of this party which
comes thus to your relief? Rally! rally •
before it is too late. And you, women
of the South, use your potent influence in
this good eause. Urge your husbands,
sons, brothers, and lovers, to the rescue.
Your interests are at stake, your peace
and safety are in jeopardy, your happi
ness is threatened. Give all your sweet
persuasion and irresistible influence to the
cause of the South, to the cause of the
Union, to the cause of Constitutional
Liberty.
And thus, all working together, in har
mony and zeal, we shall, as we findly
hope, be able to join, heart and soul, in the
shouts of joy which the Democratic victory
in November next, will cause to ascend
from one end of this broad continent to the
other; and in the prayers of thanksgiving
which will then ascend to the Throne of
Grace for the preservation and perpetua
tion of Constitutional Liberty.
RIGHT AND DUTY,
This age, with voice arrogant and
loud, is constantly speaking of Rights-
It seldom lias a word to say ot Duties.
In speeches, books, pamphlets, papers,
magazines, reviews, &c., we read usque
ad nauseam , of man’s and Nations’ sacred
rights—what they are ; how many of
them the Tyranny of the Past has crushed,
which the liberality of the Present must
recover ; how they must be extended ;
what a terrible crime it is to take away a
single right, &c., &c., ad infinitum. The
whole world rises up, and shouts: “ Men
and the People must claim, recover, and
exercise all rights. - ’ It is the age of
Rights. Right is the talismanic word ;
and Duty, which is a better word, with
a deeper meaning, is forgotten.
And, yet, every Right implies Duty.
The privilege of possession bears with it
the burden of responsibility. Many
Rights better not be had at all, if they
are had only to be misused or abused.
mbhibb m m seam-
This popular clamor for Rights is accom
panied by a popular neglect of Duties
Better far would it be to take up the
word Duty and make it our watchword.
When men use—and well use —all the
| Rights they have, then, and not until
I then, are they prepared for the exten
sion. Give men too many Rights, and
, inevitably they abuse them.
! Less of Right and more of Duty—that
is what we need.
And, the very men who shout loudest
j for their Rights, are the very men who
trample on the Rights of others. Witness
the political Party which has ruled the
North already too long, and which, we
fear, is destined to rule it longer. It is,
by profession, the party of human Rights.
There rises rebellion in Italy—that part' 7
; claps its hands ; there is revolution in
| Spain—that party hurrahs; there are so
' called "social ameliorations” in Austria
' —that party cheers on the so-called
i “ Liberals.” But—mark its wonderful
! consistency—all the while it is extending
j its own Rights, and applauding the ex
tension of the Rights of people thousands
of miles away, it is trampling on ns of
! the South, crushing out our Rights, and
: striving to hush our voices and fetter our
pens when we claim them. And it does
so, on the principle, that it has the Right
so to do.
It makes one’s blood boil with just in
dignation to witness such hypocrisy, and
to be compelled to bear such indignity.
Has the whole world Rights, and have
we none ? Must we endure such wrongs
from the Party of Rights—and, forsooth,
be grateful because we are so well treated ?
Must we reunite with such a People ?
Must we worship in the same temple,
and beside the same altar of Liberty 7,
with such hypocrites? Does not every
day and deed of that Party more and
more clearly demonstrate that we did well
to go out from their Government—that
we do ill to enter into it again, unless it
be purified of its terrible corruptions—
if, indeed, it can ever be*purified ? If we
enter into that Government as it is now,
will its corruption, like a loathsome dis
ease, he contracted by us; or, shall we do
our share in purifying it ? Political re
union may be profitable, in a material
point of view; but it certainly shall be
perilous to the moral character of the
People of the South. It is a political
necessity, which we accept, simply be
cause we must —but, it will be a great
moral risk. Who knows, however, but
that we, chastened by sorrow, and puri
fied in the crucible of affliction, may yet
regenerate the very Government and
People that have wrested away our rights?
A grand duty, surely it would be, and
the noblest of missions. It would be a
glorious revenge for the wrongs we have
suffered.
But if, by becoming politically* reunited
with the North, we would become cor
rupt; if, like them, we would forget
Duties in clamor for Rights; if, like
them, we would become venal, and hy
pocritical, our prayer is that we may
rather still suffer, and still be wroDged ;
for it were better that we should never be
free, than that we would be free with
their corrupt and corrupting freedom.
RADICAL RULE—NATIONAL BANK
RUPTCV.
The Radical party is terribly alarmed at
the fearful exposure, by Mr. Alexander
Delmar, Director of the Bureau of Statis
tics of the Treasury Department, of the
financial condition of the country, result
ing from criminally extravagant appropria
tions by Congress while pretending to be
cutting down and curtailing expenses. On
the appearance of Mr. Delmar’s ‘ state
ment the Radical partisan Press denounced
it as grossly incorrect, aud denounced him
as utterly unworthy of credence. Mr.
Delmar’s facts and figures were called
forth by the urgent request and solicitation
of prominent capitalists in New York,
who desired a statement of the income and
expenditures of the Government, particu
larly the estimated receipts and expendi
tures of the current fiscal year. The
facts and figures which Mr. Delmar
presented, being obtained from an official
source, are entirely correct. Financial
ruin, inevitable bankruptcy, stares the
Government in the face. There is but
one remedy that can save it, and that is
the speedy overthrow of the infamous
party, and still more infamous policy, which
has involved the country in financial and
political ruin.
Hon. Robert J. Walker, by consent of
Secretary McCulloch, has examined the
Treasurer’s books, and the result of his
examination sustains the statement of
Hon. Alex. Delmar. The National Intel
ligencer of Tuesday morning contains a
table, which is a transcript from the books
of the Treasury, prepared no doubt by Mr.
Walker, and the same referred to in our
Washington dispatches of Tuesday. The
Intelligencer, in referring to this table,
says :
"It is authentic and accurate. It con
tains no conjectures or estimates but only
recorded facts.”
"From this table it appears that the debt
on the 31st of August last was greater, by
over one hundred and sixty-eight mil
lions,
($168,659,236,)
than on the Ist of April, 1865, a few days
before the close of the war, the subsequent
rate of increase exceeding four millions of
dollars a month, or nearly fifty millions of
dollars a year. But there are results still
more alarming. The debt is greater by
over thirty-five millions of dollars than it
was on the Ist of May last.
($35,085,486.)
On this basis the yearly rate of increase of
the debt would be over one hundred and
five millions of dollars,
($105,256,458.)
If to this annual rate of increase we add
interest at the rate of six per cent, a year,
compounded annually for twenty years,
the debt, instead of being paid, would be
more than doubled and would largely ex
ceed FIVE THOUSAND MILLIONS OF DOL
LARS.
Now 7 , let us look at the monthly increase
of the debt for the last four months. This
increase w*as at a rate largely exceeding
eight millions of dollars a month ($3,771,-
371), but the increase in the month of
August last was over twelve millions of
dollars ($12,079,832), being a rate of in
crease largely exceeding one hundred and
forty-four millions a year.
($144,958,954.)
"It must be remembered, also, that this
last increase of debt is during the great
quarter when the average rate of revenue
from imports exceeds about one-third the
rate for the fiscal year. Suppose the debt
to increase at the rate of one hundred and
forty-five millions of dollars, adding to this
interest compounded at the rate of six per
cent, per annum, and the debt would be dou
bled in about fourteen years, long before
which we would havepassedinto bankruptcy.
Indeed, from the intolerable burden oftax
ation, arising from such an annual in
crease of the debt, we should reach na
tional bankruptcy in the Congressional
elections of 1870. And yet it is the Radi
cal party which accuses its opponents of
repudiation, whilst its own course of
enormous war expenditures in time of peace
makes national bankruptcy inevitable. In
deed, it is only a vast decrease of taxation
and expenditures which can save us from
the disaster. But this reduction can never
come from the Radical party, which insists
on the continuance of a large standing
army, to subject the whites of the South,
by force , to negro governments and negro
supremacy.
"We have seen the rapid increase of the
public debt, not only since the peace, but
within the last four months. But this
table exhibits a still more alarming fact.
It is, that w’hilst the debt bearing interest
in currency had decreased on the 31st
August last $629,940,728 from the 31st
March, 1865, the debt bearing interest in
coin had nearly doubled, having increased
on the 31st August last nearly one thou
sand millions of dollars
($996,130,505)
since the 31st March, 1865. Thus, on the
30th April, 1865, the annual interest paya
ble in coin was only $63,978,412, -whilst on
the 31st August last this annual coin in
terest had increased
($123,573,621,)
the increase of annual coin interest being
nearly sixty million dollars,
($59,595,209 ;)
or, converting this sum into currency of
that date,
$87,009,005.
Now, the total annual interest in coin and
currency, as shown by the table, was
$102,836,531,
on 31st of March, 1865, and $127,948,611 on
the 31st of August last, showing an in
crease in the annual interest, payable in
coin and currency, on the 31st of August
last, of
s2o, 112,080.
But this, as shown by the table, is not the
only real increase. Thus we have seen
that, whilst on the 30th of April, 1865, the
annual currency interest was $45,127,936, it
had fallen on the 31st of August last to
$4,374,990 whilst the annual coin interest
had increased nearly sixty millions of
dollars.
"The account would then stand thus :
On the 30th April, 1866
Coin interest converted into cur
rency 893,408,481
Currency interest at that date... 45,127,93*3
Total annual interest in cur
rency. $138,736,41;
On the 31st August, IS6S
Coin interest converted in cur
rency $180,417,980
Actually currency interest 4.374.99)
Currency interest 31st August,
IS6S $184,792,970
Currency interest after the close
of the war, 30th April, 1865.... 138,730,417
Increased interest, 3lst August,
IS6S $10,056,539
"Thus we see that since the close of n ie
war (30th April, 1565) the anndal interest
of the public debt has increased upward
of forty-six millions of dollars. This in
creased annual interest would represent a
principal sum exceeding seven hundred
and fifty millions of dollars.
"We repeat, then, it is clear that the
Radical policy renders national bank
ruptcy inevitable. That policy regards
the rebellion as unsubdued, the .States as
conquered provinces, still ready for war,
and the w*hites to be kept in subjection In
negro governments,sustained by standing
armies costing more every year than tho<
of France or England, and with inn*q
heavier taxation. The Democratic party
proposes a different policy. -It regards
secession and slavery as forever settled by
the war, and by the subsequent action of
the Southern States in constitutional con
vention assembled. It would repeal ti e
Freed men’sJßureau, disband the standing
army, reduce it to a peace establishment,
and leave the Southern States to govern
themselves in subordination to the Fed
eral Constitution. It is clear, then, that
the expenditures can only be reduced by a
ebange of men and measures, and the
change can only come from the overthrow
of the Radical party and policy. For
three years and a half not a Confederate
soldier has been in the field, nor an arm
raised against the Federal Government,
yet the Radical party duringall this period
has given us w<*r measures aud war ex
penditures. They have given us standing
armies, military government, aud war ex
penditures ; they are rapidly increasing
che public debt, and if continued in pov ,-r
must choose betw*een augmented taxation
or national bankruptcy. The people may
still save the country by a change of rulers
and policy, but after the election it will be
00 late .”
The Canvass in the West.— All ac
counts from the West are favorable to tbs
Democracy. Ohio and Indiana are claim
ed for Seymour and Blair in November.
Tuesday next will decide the question as
to the next Presidency.
NEW ORLEANS (LA.) CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE BANNER OF THE SOUTH.
New Orleans, Oct. 7, 1863.
Banner of the South :
Os course, Fm excused. No use for on
apology. Letters full of politics arc
“played out” for all sensible readers,
and, as everybody knows that the nevs
market presents hardly any other com
modity just now*, why, of course, nobody
expects to read any more newspaper mv
respondence between now and the mo -
tion, aud that’s the reason I’ve quit
writing.
“ So, no more at present,” would m
be my last sentence, but that I want m
give you one or two little Catholic items
before closing. The first is that m
venerable Archbishop Odin retun 1
home unexpectedly last week from b >
visitation in Western Louisiana, where
Apostolic labors have been so heavy dum
the recent hot months—his coufirmatmcm
alone having averaged over a huadn 1
persons in each Church and Chapel visit
ed—that his strength was absolutely
hausted, and he was obliged to retm. '*
home to recuperate. But, “uneasy H e
the head that wears a” mitre, for the b
old Pastor, being* too indulgent to r> m
a visitor, is perpetually overrun by r
ous, but indiscreet, people, who see:.: '
think he has nothing to do but sit ii 1 *
room and see company. Couseque ' y
it is to me a mystery when or how he
ever find time for that “perfect 2 !
which is now so irnpoitant for him.
At last, our Catholic people are .
tied with the long* expected Triduum ‘
the cause of the Holy Father. A r
this week they have been in the Ch-v'
of St. Stephen, m Bouligny, St.
Lima, in the Third District, and N
Dame de Bon Secours, in the Fourtm
and, of course, the exercises must >-
quickly follow in all the other city'
Churches, as the designated period the: - ■
tor has nearly expired. At St. StepD:
the instructions were given chiefly by
eloquent Father Smulders, whose chain
ing discourses, aided by bis somm o
voice and majestic manner, held e
crowded audience in rapt attention fi
an hour and a quarter to an hour aim