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I,jjT f , n each occasion. On the last even
:' r . r Feast of St. Michael the Archangel
!the solemnity of the services were
, nuc h enhanced by the chaunting of the
Litany of the Saints, to which the re
houses were sung by the entire congre
tiou. This, in the presence of the
--ed Sacrament —exposed for adora
tion beneath a lofty canopy, high up above
t| ; . main altar —while all the altars were
decorated with a forest of bright flowers
;Ul ;j brilliant with a multitude of lighted
;■ mules, and clouds of fragrant iucense
n'-md ’through the temple—all this,
kcd an event in the history of Bou
]i/rny that will be cherished for years as
one of the brightest and happiest memo
ries of St. Stephen’s parishioners. In the
throe. Churches named, the number of
communicants was very large, and hand-
SOIU ,. collections were made for the Pope,
but I have not yet heard the amouuts.
S. R.
GOV, PERRY’S LETTER,
Greenville, S. C., Oct. 1.
/as Taylor , Esq,, Chairman , Sec.
jjnr Sir: I received, this evening,
y OU r kind invitation to be with you on the
fjthinst, and address your “grand mass
meeting.” I thank 3 t ou most sincerely for
this honor, and be assured that nothing
couid give me greater pleasure than' to be
present at “the enthusiastic Gathering of
the people which will be convened in Tam
many Ball.”
But although it is impossible for me to
be with you in person my heart and soul
will unite with you in all your efforts to
elevate to the Presidency your distinguish
ed statesm&Df Horatio Seymour. I believe
that the salvation of the country and the
existence of our republican form of Gov
ernment depend on his election. If the
Radicals should carry this election 1 have
no idea that the American people will ever
haw an opportunity of electing a con
stitutional President of these United States.
1 am justified in this conclusion by the
usurpations, oppressions, tyranny, and ex
travagance of the Radical party in Con
gress. They have already, in utter dis
regard of the Federal Constitution, strip
ped the President of his highest and most
legitimate prerogatives and conferred them
on the Commanding General of the Army
—their candidate for the Presidency.
They have denied the President the power
of selecting his own Cabinet, or dismissing
from office those who have proved recreant
and betrayed their trusts. They have en
croached on the Judiciary Department of
the Government, and refused to let the
Buprerne Court of the United States de
cide on the constitutionality of their legis
lation. They have struck down at one
blow, ten sovereign States of this Union,
and hold them under military despotism.
They have disfranchised the white race in
the Southern States and enfranchised the
negroes.
I feel assured that if the Northern peo
ple could only see, or be made sensible of
the miserable condition of their fellow
citizens and kinsmen of the South, they
would not sustain a party in power who
bad brought this great calamity of negro
supremacy on one-third of the llepublic.
In the Legislature of South Carolina there
are eighty negroes and only forty white
members in the House of Representatives.
The greatest part of these forty white legis
lators are the lowest and worst of men,
without property, intelligence or character,
and were elected by the negroes. Their
legislation has been wild, extravagant and
attrocious Paying no taxes themselves,
and their constituency, by whom they were
elected, paying nothing into the Treasury,
they have made appropriations and levied
taxes which will bankrupt the State.
But their legislation in other respects is
still worse and more alarming. They have
authorized the suspension of that bulwark
of Anglo-Saxon liberty, the writ of habeas
co: pus, and have authorized the raising of
a standing force of negro troops, in viola
tion of the Constitution of the United
States, which forbids a State keeping a
standing army. Under these laws this
negro government will have the power of
imprisoning any citizen without warrantor
accusation as long as they please, whilst a
negro iorce will be left to insult and out
rage his family and plunder and destroy
his property.
In the meantime the State will be, as
tho whold South must be, utterly impov
erished and desolated. Instead of being
■in advantage to the North, as the South-*
ero States formerly were, they will be an
expense—an incubus on their industry,
energy and enterprise. We are paying
or nothing toward the support of the
bedera : Government, and we are unable to
Pgy as long as this negro rule continues.
are without capital to cultivate our
•aruls, and capital will not come here for
investment whilst this negro government
continues. There is no security for life or
property. The newspapers are tilled with
nou*cs and barns burnt, property stolen
-mi • ersons murdered.
, In the time of peace we see all over the
-’Ouih Federal troops kept up at au enor
mous expense, to keep the white race in
-übjugation to negro government—a gov
ernment which, if continued, will make The
f ?°le South a Hayti or San Doniiniro.
p e have, too, a Freedwen’s Bureau
throughout the Southern States, whose
sole purpose is to prejudice the freedmen
against their former masters, and unite
them to the Radical party. This Bureau
is paid for by the North, and costs the
Government ten or fifteen millions annual
ly- >v by should the white people of the
Northern States pay enormous and crush
ing taxes to establish negro governments
over their own race throughout the South?
W by should they keep up a standing army
here, for the purpose of maintaining those
governments ?
The only purpose which the Radical
party have in creating and continuing this
unnatural despotism is to perpetuatetheir
own progress as a party. In order to ob
tain their ill-gotten authority, and keep
control of the Government, they are willing
to make one-third of the republic an
Ireland or a Poland. Peace there never
can be at the South, while negro suprern
acy is maintained here by Federal bayo
nets. It is impossible that a brave, intel
ligent, and patriotic people can willingly
submit to such degradation and tyranny.
It is not human nature to do so.
As an old Union man I can say with
truth that, the Southern people accepted
in good faith the results of the war, and
would have been as loyal to the Federal
Government as New York or Massa
chusetts i; t’n-y had been re,stored to the
Union under the Constitution. They
abolished slavery and were determined to
give their former slaves equal protection
with themselves in the enjoyment of all
their civil rights. When tbc freedmen
showed themselves capable of exercising
political rights, they were willing to confer
them also. But at present they know,
and the negro knows, that he is incapable
of exercising prudently and wisely the
political rights of a citizen. Hence the
carpet-ba fc gers who have come here from
the North to take charge of the negroes
and assume the government of the coun
try. The freedmen are now as much
political slaves to these carpet-baggers as
they fomerly were domestic slaves of their
former owners.
Instead of meeting fairly the issues in~
volved in this Presidential canvass, and de
fending their usurpation, tyranny and
prodigal extravagance, the Radical party
are trying to make the election turn on the
past issues of the war. in order to do
this they appeal to the prejudices of the
North against the rebels at the Souths
At the same time they are receiving into
full fellowship and hugging to their bosom
the meanest and vilest of those rebels who
have joined their party. In a recent act
of this Radical Congress they removed
the disabilities of ten or fifteen hundred
“red handed rebels,” and declared them
worthy of holding office because they had
joined the Radical party. Such men as
Gov. Holden, of North Carolina, and Gov.
Brown, of Georgia, who were at the begin
ning of the war the fiercest and most un
compromising secessionists, Lave been made
loyal citizens, whilst Governor Worth, of
North Carolina, Governor Jenkins, of
Georgia, and myself, who were always
Union men, are repudiated because we
will not give in our adhesion to the Rad
ical party.. He who betrays his race, his
country, his principles and his God, is wor
thy of office in the Radical party, and no
longer a “red-handed rebel.”
I am happy to inform you that the
Democracy of the South, the old Union
men, and all the secessionists of principle
and honor, Republicans by birth and edu
cation, and lovers of the Federal Consti
' tution, are up and doing. We shall carry
for Seymour and Blair, beyond a doubt,
the States of North Carolina, Georgir,
Mississippi, Texas, and Vir*
ginia. We are making a great effort to
carry South Carolina, also. The colored
people are losing confidence in their carpet
baggers and scalawags, who have told
them nothing but lies, and have fulfilled
no promise made them. Thousands of
the colored people in South Carolina will
vote with their former owners, and a much
larger number will not vote at all in the
Presidential election.
At the North this election is a contest
between liberty and despotism, but at the
South it is a question of life or death, and
we so regard it.
Yours truly, t£c., B. F. Perry.
II0>;. B. 11. HILL OX THE POLITICAL SIT
UATION
New t York, Oct. 3, IS6S.
To the Editor of the Herald :
In the Gerald of this morning is an ar
ticle headed ‘‘(Southern Democratic Lead
ers in New York,” and among the number
my own name is mentioned.
Allow me, first of all, to say I am no
party leader; never have been, never ex
pect to be.
Allow me, in the next place, to say I did
not come to New York to “drink wine or
eat fine dinners,” and have not been so
engaged.
I came North to ascertain, if I could,
the exact temper, views and purposes of
the Northern people and the probable re
sult of the political contest now being
waged. To one who has studied and learn
ed to admire the system of American
government, Federal and State, limited
and reserved with harmonious boundaries
fixed for each by plainly written constitu
tions, the examination has not been en
couraging.
Shaken to its foundation by a criminal
war occasioned by a fanatical discussion
about the rights and capacities of some
savages imported as chattels for specula
tion from the jungles of Africa, the ques
tion now is, whether these savages, being
now confessedly free and certainly greatly
improved by Southern masters, this great
system of government can again be made
harmoniously stable and the freedom of
the white race maintained and of all races
perpetuated ?
I find the Republicans meeting this great
question by proposing to “maintain and
perpetuate ’ measures which are “outside
oi the Constitution, which avowedly seek
■MBBII ©f ffll fs®OTH„
to disfranchise and degrade white people
for no reason but that of a vindictive
hatred of section against section, and which
pretend, in the most unnatural way, to
elevate the negro by leading him, ignorant
and credulous, promisingly to equality,
but really to ruin, as the butcher tempts
with the bundle of hay deluded sheep to
the slaughter pen.
I find the Democrats meeting this most
palpable insanity of the Republicans by
exhausting all their powers upon a cent
per cent argument about bonds, gold and
i greenbacks. I find the capitalists, more
insane than the political leaders, taking
sides with the Republicans in this issue,
and are lavishly spending their means to
maintain and perpetuate measures which
subvert the government and destroy the
industrial energies of the country in order
to make the government stable and its
resources ample to pay their bonds.
'Ministers of religion are executing their
noble commissions as peacemakers by
abandoning the gospel and urging their
hearers to join in the work of maintaining
a policy whose only fruits in the past have
beeu and whose only fruits in the future
can be riots, hate and bloodshed. Amid
all this Babel discord of political and
moral confusion of the Northern people, I
find but few who seem to remember that
those who are chosen to administer it
must be sworn “to support, protect and
defend it.” It is most significant that in
the whole Chicago platform and the letters
of acceptance from the nominees thereon
this constitution is not mentioned cor even
alluded to. Its builders remembered there
was a Constitution. I have heard and read
long speeches from notorious (called dis
tinguished) political leaders, who, I do
believe, have never so much as read the
Constitution, and most certainly have
not read its history nor understood its
meaning.
Statesmen have abandoned the Constitu
tion, clergymen have abandoned the Bible,
and the people are losing both freedom and
religion. Nothing in the North—not even
its greater cities and wonderful material
developments—stands out so prominently
to view as this startling truth.
If the Union can be cordially restored
and the resources of the country thereby be
developed,.this government will be able to
pay the existing debt, even if three times
as great as reported. In this contingency
there need be no debate as to whether the
debt shall be paid in currency or gold, for
then the credit of the Government will be
restored and currency will be equal to gold.
If the Union cannot be cordially re
stored, and the resources of the country
thereby be permitted to be developed, the
existing debt will not be paid; nay, not ten
cents on the dollar, for in that event the
resources of the country will be consumed
in a process of subverting the Government,
and some other government, which did not
contract the debt will take its place either
in the form of red republican anarchy or a
military dictatorship.
How can the Union be cordially restored?
By returning to the constitution. How
will the government be subverted? By
the American people deciding to “ main
tain and perpetuate” a policy outside of
the constitution. Inside of the constitu
tion a Union, freedom, increased prosper
ity, restored credit and bonds payable.
Outside of the constitution Union, free
dom, prosperity and credit will perish
together.
The Reconstruction policy of Congress
has cost hundreds of millions already. It
has lessened the productions of the South
one hundred millions each year of its ex
istence. It has depreciated the value of
Southern property to one fourth its value
in 1566. It will cost the Federal govern
ment hundreds of millions more to “main
tain and perpetuate” this “assured suc
cess,” this wholesale destruction. It will
lessen the productions of the feouth more
than one hundred millions per annum,
and, wickedly enticing the poor negroes
from the fields of plenty into loyal leagues
of hate and into armed companies of
death, will for years desolate the South.
Can you maintain the Union, promote
prosperity, restore good will, stimulate
philanthropy, modify Southern temper,
restrain “rebel outrages” and pay the
bonds by “maintaining and perpetuating”
such a policy ? But I am told that the
victorious North is ready to fight again
and millions of “boys in blue” will march
under their peat leader, General (then
President) Grant, and “make the con
quered rebels submit to this negro equali
ty and social ruin.” You will? Bravo!
But stop, courageous fool ; answer me,
how will that restore the Union and pay
the bonds ? It is so brave for these, well
equipped and after a long, hard struggle
to encounter one poorly equipped and then
boast about it and call that one a coward,
and so magnanimous to crush that one
and force him to accept, that equality with
the negro which the Northern States re
pudiate for themselves. Stop all this new
form of treason, and stop the miserable
policy of reconstruction which is its fruit.
The South wants peace. She is impover
ished and needs it. She was promised it
on terms of equality if she would surren
der and is entitled to it. See has kept her
Appomattox bond in good faith, and every
Northern soldier is, in honor, her endors
er while she keeps that bond. Will they
join and will their chief lead the politicians
in this negro assault on the peace of the
South and the honor of the orth ? Take
away these carpet-baggers and send us the
laborers, farmers, machinists and capital
ists of the North by taking away this
miserable reconstruction policy which
sends us the first and keeps away the last.
We have peaceful, fertile, cheap houses for
30,000,000 of Northern people who will
come to help us build up the country
whose sky gis the brightest and whose
Iruits are the sweetest on the earth. But
we uave no plane for a white carpet-bag
ger who comes to take control of the negro
and oreed hate and strife to get office.
Among your hundreds of thousands of
readers are bankers, brokers, millionaires,
merchants, skillful accountants and learned
gentlemen. Can you induce them to solve
the following problems:
How effectually can the Union under the
Constitution be restored by measures out
side of the Constitution ?
How long will it take to pay the public
debt by expending hundreds of millions to
destroy the industry of the country, and
in maintaining by the bayonet a policy
outside of the Constitution, which the
bayonet, negroes and false courts alone es
tablished ?
How long will it take to improve the
temper of the Southern people by con
tinuing the policy which alone has dis
turbed that temper since the surrender,
and which every daj-keeps their persons,
their property and their families iu dan
ger of pillage, rape, and burning?
Os what value is it to the North to force
upon the South governments which will
enable deluded negroes to select for South
Carolina and Georgia Governors and Rep
resentatives from Vermont and Massa
chusetts?
lou say General Grant will be elected.
Possibly so.. I cannot fix a limit to fanati
cal infatuation. If he shall be elected and
shall administer the Constitution according
to his oath he will have no more cordial
supporters than the Southern people. If
he shall administer the Chicago platform,
as he stands pledged contrary to his oath,
he may find submissive subjects, but no
honest supporters at the South and no free
constituency in America.
The South asks nothing but what the
promised—equality under the same
Constitution. Georgia asks no power to
make a Constitution tor her internal affairs,
or to change that Constitution, which is
Dot conceded to and exercised by Illinois.
Will a President chosen from. Illinois con
cede that claim according to the Constitu
tion, or will he deny it according to the
Chicago platform ?
.With a pledge to carry out the platform,
without even an allusion to the Constitu
tion either in the platform or in the pledge,
will the people of America risk the rights
and tiie freedom of every man merel} 7 to
confer an empty honor on one man, how
ever great? , B. H. Hill.
RITUALISM IN THE SOUTH.
The Doings of a Ritualistic Rector in
Memphis—Strange Innovations in the
Episcopal Service—A High Church
Sermon—Action of Bishop Quintard
—A Tart Reply.
The Tennessee papers contain full ac
counts of the Ritualistic ceremonies in
Memphis, which are, just now, creating
an extraordinary agitation among the
members of the Episcopal Church in that
State. It seems that the Ritualists have
converted the Memphis Opera House to
the purposes of religious worship. The
Memphis Appeal, after giving a brief re
sume of the origin and growth of the
Ritualistic movement in England and
New York, says :
Memphis, which in many things is a
pocket edition of New York, and which
affords many of the excitements and at
tractions of the great commercial capital,
is the first city where Episcopalians have
been, in any numbers to speak of, seized
with this new mania of Ritualism. For
years there has been a lurking desire for
it on the part of some of the Ministers,
but they did not culminate in any deter
mined conformity to it until after the re
turn of the delegation of the clergy who
visited tne great Council of the Anglican
Catholic Church. Among these clergy
men was the Rev. J. W. Rogers, who
there had his scholarly views of the ques
tion more thau verified by the practices'
of the ministry in the London Churches
mentioned above. This determined him
upon the course he has with so much
eclat initiated. He witnessed, before his
departure, a feeble effort to establish a
Collegiate Church, and Deaneries, hither
to unknown to the American branch of
the English Church, and other indications
cropping out by a leaning towards what
is termed “High Churehism.” He deter
mined, therefore, upon his return, upon
what he yesterday accomplished success
tally, and proposes to continue. Seldom
have we seen a inure elegant and refined
CONGREGATION
than had already assembled .when we
entered, at scarcely eleven o’clock. The
orchestral chairs and the parquette were
all occupied, as were the chairs under the
galleries. Some, and not a few either, to
obtain a better view of the audience aod
the ceremonies, had gone up to the first,
and even the second tiers. Altogether,
there were, perhaps, eighteen hundred or
two thousand people in the house. As
usual in all church or religions assem
blages, the ladies predominated. In the
choir were only two singers and an or
ganist—the instrument used being a par
lor organ of extraordinary sweetness and
power of tone. The scenic and drop
curtains were rolled up, and the stage
served a chancel, in which, against a dark
and sombre woodland scene, in which the
artist had depicted a single rift showing
the blue sky, stood
THE ALTAR,
V hich, with the super-altar, was draped
m dark green, with a white cross in the
centre, the profusely ornamented with
with rare and beautiful flowers. The
super-altar was surmounted by a plain
CRqsS,
apparently about six feet high, on either
side of which was a Trinity of
CANDLES,
which, at the beginning of the service,
were devoutly and reverently approached
and lit by two
ACOLYTES,
dressed in a purple soutan, over which
was a tiiin lace surplice. After lighting
the candles, they retired, and
the priest,
dressed in stole and surplice, in solemn
procession, preceded by the Acolytes,
bearing censers of burning
INCENSE,
entered, and, amid the rolling aromatic
vapor, reverently kneeled at the altar, and
devoutly saluted it. The usual morning
services were intermitted, and the exer
cises of the day commenced with a Lita
ny, which was not intoned, in conse
quence, we suppose, of the choir not
being yet prepared. After the Litany
the Priest advanced to the
LECTERN,
in front of the chancel, which, in like
manuer with the altar, was draped in
dark green, marked in the centre with a
white cross, and delivered a sermon. In
consequence of the difficulties attending
reporting such a ceremony, in so novel a
place, we were unable to catch the text,
but the following is the drift of the
SERMON,
which partook rather more of the lecture,
perhaps, than a regular sermon. It was,
as he informed the congregation, one of a
series which he intended to deliver, in
which there would be a unity of design
throughout. He apologized for referring
to himself, as it is always an ungrateful
and disagreeable task, and he then pro
cseded to review his labors in our midst
for the past twenty-five years, placing his
records before them. “These are my
works,” he said, “and show that I have a
right to come before you as I do. Your
late beloved Bishop, good man!—all
honor and reverence to his memory !—-
advised me to keep the peculiar rite us
our Church somewhat in the background;
not to appear before the people in my
surplices, and with the symbols of the
Church. But he was wrong—it was an
error of judgment with him. . I always
put on my surplice when I preached be
fore the people. The clergy, too, had
advised me thus, but I thought honesty
the best policy, as well as the direct com
mand of God. ‘You are rather forward
in this/ lam told by some. I am for
ward, though 1 have no desire to be con
sidered a leader. I have always been
forward—forward with many of you—for
I recognize your faces, and I have heard
you receive the command ‘forward !’ and
I have received in my arms the dying,
after that command—at Belmont and
Shiloh, and at the battles around Mobile.
I have,” he continued, “celebrated these
‘forward* ceremonies under far different
circumstances from those—when the
flowers on the altar were dappled with
blood, when the bursting shell and
hissing shot, and the thunders of old
ocean, instead of organ tones, furnished
the tremendous diapason.-
“It is useless to cloak it, or deny it, or
attempt to conceal it; there are two par
ties in the Church of England now at
war, and the battle waxes hotter and hot
ter. There is the Low Church, and on
the lowermost round of the ladder stands
a man of great learning and of great
heart—Bishop Colenso. He denies the
infallibility, not of the Pope, but of
Jesus Christ himself, the Son of God.
He has written not only against the
Church of England, but against the
Church of Ciirist. He is a heretic, a ra
tionalist, almost ail infidel. Why is he
not degraded ? Why is his gown not torn
from his back ? The Church in Eng
land is fettered and bound.”
The speaker alluded to the martyr
Beckett, and said, oh! that we had some
humble monk that would dare, as did
the monk who carried the cross before
him. When he would have betrayed
the Church, the humble bearer laid the
cross upon the marble floor, and turning
to the Archbishop of Canterbury said :
“ I cannot bear aloft the Cross of rny
Master in the presence of a traitor to His
cause. Ihe Bishop did not place his
| seal to those articles.
I The speaker briefly told how the Church
. was fettered by Henry VIII and Charles
i L and how the Puritans (whom lie de
nominated the Know Nothings of their
time) tore off the surplices, gowns, and
stoles, and broke the organs. The
5