Newspaper Page Text
ter is not, perhaps, in itself, of
1 ; l | )o rtance, but the spirit lying
lll! • , n f it is the very essence ot
f!l ' ' .r that the will, comfort, and
many are to be utterly of no
...urn weighed in the balance
whims and fantasies of one.
W There has just appeared here what is
~ { , pe an accurate census of the
j States, by which the population in
1867 is thus given :
White. Black,
v }’„<?]and States, :>,480,39y
-“States,... 9,072,647 352,469
'nd'em States... 0,764,928 3,884,532
\Vestern States.. 12,356,081 311,493
T o t a l 31,074,053 4,579,195
Territories 435,774 54,176
32,109,827 4,633,371
y. this it will be seen that the en
population of the United States, in
j',i7. was 36,743,190, an increase of
y>9,v 118 over the census of 1860. The
white per centage of increase is ninetee?i
ipw the Negro per centage three and
tu-o-thirds (o 2-3). It will also be seen
that where the New England States have
v' Negro, the Southern States have one
hundred and twenty-seven !
Tiiere has lately been some very cold
weather here, and one remarkable effect
it let me attempt to describe, thougli I
du not know bow otherwise to call it than
“freezing into warmth.” Asa general
rule, the population here, on any line of
travel, is quite glum, silent, unsociable,
cold, and selfish. Stepping, one bitter
day,’ however, into a city car, I was
astonished to see a degree of hilarity that
I had never before observed. To all out
ward appearance, the people were the
same; and yet, whereas, once they were
stolid and chilly, they tiow seemed full of
glee. A lady got in, and forthwith—
unprecedented occurrence—at least two
men jumped up to give her a seat. This
met such approval, that a broad grin ran
round the car, and one fellow with a nose
as red as a beet, and watery eyes, cracked
a juke, at which there were just two
laughs and a half, the half laugh coming
from a small boy, who would have
finished his cachination, only that some
one stepped on his toe, and thereby
merged it, midway in its passage, into a
bowl. This pretermit ted, the assemblage
was very jolly, and, as there was no per
ceptible flavor of whiskey in the vehicle.
lam led to believe that it was the ex
treme cold only that had freezed it into
joviality.
The bonds, from time to time, issued by
the pretended State Governments nowin
temporary operation at the South, do not
seii here very readily. It is beginning
to enter the mind of Wall Street that, by
the date of maturity of these obligations,
the people of the State may have some
flung to say about their payment, and,
in such case, it is easy to see they will
never pay a cent upon them. As thp
carpet-baggers and scalawags put them
Mi, let them meet what they have
made. Here and there, where they can
obtain Railroads as collateral, New York
bankers dabble in these bogus bonds; but,
even then, only sparingly. The irapres
u°n of a general sponging out of all
monetary obligations which owe their
existence to force, and not consent, is
gsimij.r ground daily, and its results are
•t’on in the blank faces with which the
b gim Governors—who every now and
then come on here to negotiate loans—
r ure from the Bank parlors of Wall
street.
A , another matter of finance, that was
quite a nice little joke the other day,
tmit resolution of the Senate to rebuke
A J s repudiation proposition and uphold
the bond-holding interest. It goes forth
0 tbe world that forty-two grave and
reverend Senators sustain the debt; but
j 1 inspection o! the personnel of the vote
does not show it entitled to any very great
morn! effect. Eight of the forty-two grave
am. reverend are unmitigated carpet-bag
senators who represent in the aggregate
not more than enough capital to start a
j -veilty-seventh rate grocery; six more
just been denounced by their several
> going Democratic; two more have
l essors ot adverse politics already
aui * four more come from two
; itUe » } )alt ry States that have no earthly
m'poi.ance, and were only higgled into
i- [ *° secure Senatorial votes,
mioutigthm up, you see that twenty of
-tst ini tj,.two fellows represent nobody
taeniselves, and yet the word goes
i, J■ iat the y * jave secured the finances,
vill .; l 1° ie e A es those grasping
the To W , lO -* Ve ky gigantic swindle,
’ tais 18 a resolution, but a
; j lu l ! nme ntionable place is paved with
' |Ust Sllch - Tyrone Bowers.
A Horence journal announces a sen
jp/Umal story of Spanish Contemporary
' ; Ur .y, entitled "Mrfori; or, Throne
aQ, d Alcove.”
FKOM WASHINGTON.
The Great Family Feud—The Civil Ten
ure Raw Returns to T ex Os Inventors —
General Grant and the Fortieth Con
gress at Open Issue—Grant Puts Bis
foot Down Firmly—Congress Gets Its
Back Up.
Correspondence of the N. Y. World.
Washington, December 22.—The day
ending this morning has been one of intense
political excitement among politicians here.
The cause of the excitement is the differ
ence ol opinion between General Grant and
leading Congressmen in regard to the con
tinuance of the Civil-Tenure law. The ex
clusive disclosures of your dispatches of
this difference are as true as exclusive
pains are taken to keep the breach private
m order to heal it.
the facts are as follows :
General Grant has on three occasions
since Tuesday expressed his intention, fti
terms worthy in emphasis of Andrew
Jackson, to have the Civil-Tenure Bill
repealed. His first utterance of :he kind
was to Washburne, at his (Grant’s) resi
dence on I street, on Tuesday night, after
the receipt of that day’s ll or/c/ containing
the disclosures of Butler’s dodge to have
the bill repealing the Civil-Tenure Act lie
over till alter a day long enough to let Mr.
Johnson pocket it with fatal effect, Gen.
Grant excitedly asked his friend: “Is there
anything in this ? If I thought that such
a game was meant, I would—”
The rest of the sentence ended literally
in smoke.
ANOTHER INTERVIEWER OF GRANT.
Yesterday morning a Senator of the
State of Missouri, just about to depart
home for the recess, called to pay his
respects, and to say good-bye to General
Grant at his headquarters. The conver
sation got on politics, and the Senator
miade the initiative remark :
“General, I think the Civil Tenure law
has worked badly, and will work worse.”
To this opinion General Grant replied
exactly in the following words :
“I think so, too. lam glad you think
so. That law must be really repealed be
fore I begin.”
Evidently General Grant was resolving
purposes in his mind, and was harboring
suspicion there, too. These suspicions
found veot and these purposes unwontedly
emphatic expression that very afternoon.
GRANT SPEAKS HIS MIND.
Two Congressmen came to see him. One
was Mr. Washburne. The other is said
to have been Senator Stewart, though
some say it was Senator Williams.
i To these gentlemen General Grant de
clared that he believed a purpose existed
not to repeal the Civil Tenure bill in good
faith, and that Congress had better under
stand that, if there was any double deal
ing designed there was another Congress to
fix things straight. He had thought that
the Forty-first Congress need not meet,
further than extra session of the Senate to
confirm a few appointments. If affairs
went right this winter, the expense of an
other session of Congress would beavoided,
and he was opposed to unnecessary ex
pense. On reflection, however, he thought
the Congress had better meet
in March. That was his opinion. There
fore he supposed that the bill repealing a
continuous session had better be dropped.
If it was passed, he wanted it understood
that he would call the new Congress to
gether by proclamation, at a very early
day.
This, in truthful substance, almost in
literal words, is what General Grant said
to these two Congressmen yesterday after
noon. General Grant said he “wanted it
understood that he thought the Congress
of 1869-70 must meet in March.” Gen.
Grant said the same day that “he wanted
it understood that the Civil Tenure bill
must be really repealed before he began.”
WIIAT DOES THIS MEAN ?
> It means that General Grant believes
the Civil Tenure law will not be “really”
repealed by this Congress. It means that
lie intends to have the next Congress
meet and “really” repeal it “before he be
gins. General Grant demands that Congress
shall back down from the Civil Tenure law
and leave him as free handed as Abraham
Lincoln was.
WHAT IS TIIE STATEMENT OF CONGRESS
in regard to the Civil Tenure law ? I' will
try to show that plain facts prove Congress
to be opposed to the repeal of the act.
No one has ever proposed to repeal it
cept General Butler. He merely intro
duced the repeal bill without a word of
comment, or statement to tell what the
bill was. Its very title was not known till
the clerk read it out. It was referred to
the Judiciary Committee of the House.
That Committee is as follows :
James F. Wilson, lowa.
Geo. S. Boutweli, Massachusetts.
Francis Thomas, Maryland.
Thos. \Y illiams. Pennsylvania.
K. E. Wood bridge, Vermont.
William Lawrence, Ohio.
John C. Churchill, New York.
Samuel S. Marshall, Illinois.
Chas. A. Kidridge, Wisconsin.
FEELING OF THE HOUSE.
Seven of this committee are Radicals.
Six of them are Radicals of the intense
kind. One (Mr. Woodbride) is a little
less Radical, but “be will serve.” Three
of this committee were managers (prosecu
tors) of impeachment. They were:
James F. Wilson, lowa. •
Geo. S. Boutweli, Massachusetts.
Thos. Williams, Pennsylvania.
The gravamen of impeachment was al
leged violation of the Civil Tenure law.
Hie burden of impeachment speeches was
glorification of the law. Mr. Williams and
Mr. Wilson made elaborate arguments to
prove its constitutionality and policy, and
insist that it be a permanent part of the
Government. This Judiciary Committee
must report the bill Butler offered, if it be
reported at all. The committee met every
day of the two weeks’ session. During ali
these meetings, fourteen in all, the°bill
was never even named once. Every day
the committee adjourned for want of busi
ness, therefore they did not consider it
their business to take up the bill. The
Committee are undoubtedly opposed to the
bill. The House undoubtedly follows the
Committee. Business languished every
day in the House. Ben. Butler was present
every day in the House. Ben. Butler
never once asked after or for his bill. This
proves he has no desire to bring it up now.
FEELING OF THE SENATE.
In the Senate not even a motion lias
been made touching the repeal of the law.
It is regarded as a permanent part of the
government machinery. Thirty-five Sena
tors voted to convict the President as guil
ty of violating this act. Os these thirty
five every one who made remarks justify
ing his vote, applauded the law as not
good merely for a day, but for all time.
These thirty-five are one more than a ma
jority of the Senate now. They have been
reinforced by Southern Senators who
slavishly agree with them. The Senate
are committed to the law and cannot re
scind it without stultification. The repeal
of the law would depriye the Senate of
what they believe (or profess to believe)
one of their constitutional prerogatives.
The Senate are very strict to adhere to the
Constitution—as they understand it. The
law gives to the Senate the practical power
of appointment, and enables them to dic
tate the retention of whom they will. This
power makes many Senators rich. It is
plain that the Senate will not repeal the
law “really,” as Grant puts it. But the
dodge, as seen, was to appear to repeal it,
yet insure this pocketing of the repeal by
the President out of spite against Grant.
This dodge has been exposed. The result
of the exposure is that Gen. Grant sub
stantially issued yesterday the first procla
mation of President Grant. convening the
Forty first Congress in March with the
express purpose of having the Civil Tenure
law really repealed.
WILL THE FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS REPEAL
THE BILL ?
That depends on many circumstances.
It depends on what are impossible now to
get at —General Grant’s purposes in seek
ing the repeal. If he intends to make the
Ins walk, then it may bo predicted that
the act will not be repealed. The Ins must
continue in, because the very Congress
itself is chosen upon the pledge of their
general retention, collectively speaking,
for the reason that the members are in
debted forelection to the very officials vfhom
the Civil Tenure law has ground out of'
Mr. Johnson against his will. It General
Grant will make it demonstrably under*
stood that he desires the repeal of the law
in order to have a name of being free,
while yet bound in fact, and will give his
personal word in each case that about 00,-
000 officials shall not be disturbed, then
the repeal may be entertained. That Gen
eral Grant could become a party to such
pledges is impossible ; that he would, if
he could, is preposterous. It, is felt to
day in Washington that the Congress can
not repeal the law, and that it will stand.
It is felt that calling the Forty v first Con
gress will not help matters a whit. That
body will not have the two-thirds in the
House to enslave the Executive. Not
having two-thirds makes Grant a majority
and Congress a minority in ease of a con
troversy. Therefore the minority will act
on the principle
“That they who have
Must hold the power,
And they must get
Who can.”
Besides, in all proportional respects,
and nearly in all individual respects, the
Senate of the Forty-first Congress will be
the same as this, and they will not relin
quish an emolument and a power to any
President who dictates before he is inaugu
rated.
It is felt —and Washington is aceurrtely
acute to catch the real meaning of events —
that an irreparable breach has been made
between the President to be and the Con
gress as is, which the Congress to be will
only aggravate.
Mrs. Grant says that Mr. Grant is a
very obstinate man. An obstinate man
attains the climax of that divine quality in
a quarrel. The quarrel is his. The other
side is not a whit less placable. Avery
nice little fight is begun, in which any re
sult is possible, except surrender of either
side of* their fusion. And all this has
come to pass without help or instigation of
third persons. Jt is a family feud and
will be a family funeral. It simply de
monstrates that the party of revolution,
after getting all they could of that element
out of the country, are applying the prin
ciple to themselves. Creating the miseries
of our land, they cannot survive their set
tlement. McK.
Work of the Confederate Priva
teers. —The Confederate privateers did
a large business. The Alabama cap
tured twenty-eight ships, twenty-two
barks, five brigs, six schooners, the
steamer Ariel, and the United States gun
boat Hatteras. The Shenandoah cap
tured thirty-eight vessels, mostly ships
and barks. The Florida took thirty
six ; the Sumter took twenty-seven. There
were probably three hundred crafts of
various kinds captured by the Confede
rate privateers.
Xoat (fiattsc.
[Under this head, we propose to pub
lish, weekly, Sketches, Anecdotes and
Reminiscences of the struggle for South
ern Independence; and earnestly solicit
contributions containing such Sketches,
Reminiscences and Anecdotes.]
MEMORIAL
\\ e cheerfully give the following com
munication a place under the head of
the ‘ Lost Cause.” The collection of
poems by Miss Sallie A. Brock, of Vir
ginia, is the most complete that has yet
been issued, and the book, for its own in
trinsic value and literary worth, is worthy
of being in the library or drawing room
of every Southern man and woman.
The object for which the book is issued,
and to which the proceeds are to be de
voted, appeal to every Southron for sym
pathy and active support. We ask our
exchanges to publish the following:
TO THE LADIES OF THE SOUTHERN MEMOR
IAL ASSOCIATION.
After frequent disappointments and
unavoidable delays, I have at last suc
ceeded in presenting, for the considera
tion of the reading public, the Southern
Amaranth.
As stated in the preface of the volume,
the book was conceived in a desire to
offer testimonial of gratitude to the me
mories of the brave men who perished in
an ineffectual effort for Southern Inde
pendence.
Virginia is my mother State, and dur
ing the war at the South it was my high
privilege—while I regarded it as a holy
duty—to extend to those brave men suc
cor in some form. I sewed for the sol
diers, I knitted for them, I nursed them
when sick and wounded, I wrote letters
for them to friends at home, when they
were themselves unable to use the pen—
and more; my prayers for them did not
cease during the four years of the march,
the camp, the bivouac, and the field—and
this in common with all of my Southern
sisters; and yet liovv little did we, in
comparison with the promptings of our
hearts. Our women were all workers,
but very small seemed our efforts when
measured by the compass of our wishes
—our prayers.
My object in compiling the Southern
Amaranth has been to render some assist
ance in rescuing the bodies of those for
who 11 we worked from the nameless
graves of the numberless battle-fields
over which they were scattered.
In order to make effective my under
taking, I ask the generous co-operation
of ladies connected with the Southern
Memorial Associations in any and every
part of the South, as well as of the
triends of humanity, and appreciators of
bravery wherever they may be found.
To any such who, for the Memorial
Associations of the South, for Southern
educational purposes, will secure sub
scriptions, the book will be furnished at
a discount of fifty per cent, on the retail
price for copies bound in plain muslin;
forty per cent, for muslin, full gilt; and
thirty-three and one-third per cent, for
full morocco. The prices are three, live,
and eight dollars, according to binding.
It is particularly desirable that tlTe
widows and hrpban daughters of Con
ic derate soldiers, and maimed Confeder
ate soldiers, should bo encouraged as
agents oi this book, the discount to be
divided among them according to the
judgment of the Associations for which
they operate.
The Southern Amaranth is the largest
and most complete collection of South
ern poems, growing out of the late war,
that has yet been presented, and is re
ceiving high encomiums from the press.
It is an octavo volume of 048 pages,
printed on fine paper, with an illustrated
title page by McNevin and elegantly
bound.
Issued by George S. Wilcox, successor
to Blelock & Cos., 49 Mercer street, New
York.
A correspondence wiih ladies of South
ern Memorial Associations is most ear
nestly desired Sallie A. Brock.
Address, care George S. Wilcox,
49 Mercer street, New York.
Parties desiring agencies will address,
Geo. S. Wilcox.
To the True-hearted People of Georgia.
Again we come before you to plead the
cause of our unburied dead. As you may
know, the Legislature of ISGG made a
small appropriation, and appointed us
trustees of the fund, to bury the dead of
Chickamauga and along the line of Sher
man’s march to Atlanta, and to gather into |
a common resting place the remains of
those who were not under the protecting
care of local memorial associations. For
this purpose the citizens of Marietta gave !
us a beautiful site immediately on the rail**
road, into which, with our limited means,
we have removed over twelve hundred
bodies. Hundreds still remain uncared
tor in the neglected corners and roadsides,
imd tbe battle-fields where they fell, to be
trampled by the beast of the field or turn
ed over by the plowshare. Another small
appropriation was made by the last Legis
a ure—too small, however, to continue,
dertaking?° Peol ’ SUCCeS '’ s0 firau an
,-3° ner J Government has spent mil
ihPn > lO federal cemeteries of Marietta
, The humblest colored
ij ' 0 oicd 1q the Federd servic has
a well guarded beautiful and costly resting
place marked with slabs of purest mar
. e \ to * e £ ln .g monuments attest the grat
itude of their Government, while our noble
gn r< iwvu re j- 1 Gl V, n Bllence and neglect,
bhall this digraceful neglect coutinue or
can we get such aid as will enable us, with
the opening spring, to place them all in
consecrated ground ? May we not beg the
aid of every Georgian ? Can they continue
deaf to the cry °t‘their uncoifined dead?
VY ill not their friends and neighbors and
comrades, in the glorious cause for which
they fell, see to it that their bones no long
er moulder, uncared for on the hillside.?
YY.e ask not for graded walks, nor iron
railings, nor marble slabs,, nor Heaven
pointing monuments. We know that
Georgians will educate their sons to give
all this in the future, but we do ask for
them now an untrodden grave. Surely that
is little enough for the most lowly. Can
it be relused to those loved martyrs, who
iof our honor, our homes, our all that was
dear to us, risked their lives, and fell where
~,v e m en love t 0 fall ~ l the field of bat
tle ■ That our cause was lost was surely
not their fault, nor has defeat lessened our
obligation to them. Then in the name of
humanity, and in behal of Georgia’s
honor, we appeal to you Is Georgians, as
Southern men and women, to finish this
work, and to the people of every commu
nity in this State to remember these men
died in defending your right to worship
God according to the dictates of your own
conscience, and we earnestly ask each Pas
tor to act as our agent in his charge to
receive and forward to us for this work.
As another means to tbe accomplish
ment of this object, by our earnest solicita
tions, a small party of the ladies of your
btate, whole-souled,country-loving women,
have consented, for the benefit of this
work, to give a series of concerts in the
principal cities of the State, and thereby
aid to wipe out the record of Georgia’s in
gratitude, as it now stands forth in her
dishonored graves, and in the name of the
mourning hearts of the land we thank
them.
Mrs. Ciias. J. Williams,
Columbus,
Miss Mary J. Green,
ilesaca,
Trustees G. M. Association.
prisoners of war.
The New iork Democrat of the 2Gth
ult., says:
“In reply to a resolution of the House
of Bepresentatives, ’ says the Washing
ton Union, “calling upon the Secretary
ol Mar for the number of prisoners on
either side held, and that died during
the war, he makes the following report :
Number of Union prisoners South, 200,-
940; number of Confederate prisoners
North, 200,000 ; number es Union pris
oners died, 22,590 ; number of Confed
erate prisoners died, 26,435.”
Upon this, the Petersburg Index says:
“M e find the above paragraph in the
\\ ashington Union of Tuesday evening,
and take it for granted that the editor
speaks from the record.
“What a commentary these simple,
severe, statistics present on the loyal
falsehoods of Congressional buncombe,
and Harper’s Journal Civil (and political)
Liesation.
“Alter ali the ‘barbarities at Ander
sonville and Salisburyafter all the
hired perjury with which Wirz was mur
dered ; with all the unbounded appliances
for health, comfort, and cure, which the
humane, Christian, enlightened and civ
ilized North possessed; with all the utter
ly infamous character of Washington offi
cial testimony where ‘rebels’ were con
cerned; with constant practice of, and un
blushing notoriety in falsyfying records
to suit their case, what are the facts ?
“Out of 261,000 Union prisoners, 22,-
500 died. Out'of 200,00 Confederate
prisoners, 20,500 died. The Union
prisoners exceeded the Confederate pris
oners sixty one thousand ; yet the deaths
of Union prisoners fell below those of
Confederate prisoners six thousand.
“Two ‘Ysnkee’ prisoners died out of
every twenty-three in Southern pens.
Two ‘rebel’ prisoners died out of every
fifteen in Northern pens.
“Put that in your moral pipes, ye
whited sepulchres.”
THE CONFDERATE DEAD.
The Memorial Society of Nashville beg
to inform the friends of the “Lost Cause,”
ot Tennessee, and all of the Southern
States, that they have purchased upon
very liberal terms four acres of' the new
Catholic Cemetery adjoining Mt. Oliver,
to reinter the brave and honored Confed
erate soldiers, whose remains are now
lying* in the commons and fields of David-
5