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SAVANNAH, April 14, 1812 1
RED-LION HOTEL,
Nil. 200, Market-Street, -within four door* of
Sixth Street, on t e South tide, and in the
centre of the Principal Importers, tie.
GEORGE YOKE,
HAVING considerably enlarged
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Merchants and Travellers, that he has
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liquors , —moderate charges, and the
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Philadelphia, Nov. 2, 1811. 1
Just Received,
Jt OLIVER 11. TJIYLQR'S,
MARKET-SQUARE.
Per ship Charles from New -York, in
addition to former large and elegant
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TWO Tranks Philadelphia
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rocco PUMPS, &c. Which are offer
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Cash only. B. J. SCRIBNER.
April 14. 1
CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Mr. Quincy on the Navy Bill.
f Com hided from our last.J
In considering ibis subject of maritime
protection, I shall recur to the nature and
degree of it, and to our capacity to extend it.
And here we are always me t, at the very
threshold, with this objection; “ a naval
force requires much time to get it into rea
diness, and the exigency will be past, before
the preparation can lie completed.” This
wiqjt of foresight, in time* past, is made an
apology for want of foresight in the time
present. We were unwise in the beginning,
and unwise we resolve to continue until the
end of the chapter. We refuse to do anv
thing until the moment of exigency, and then
it is too late. Thus our improvidence is
made sponsor for our disinclination. But
what is the law of nature and the dictate of
wisdom, on this subject ! The casualties of
life, the accidents to which man is exposed,
are the modes established bv Providence for
his instruction. This is the iaw of our nature.
Hence it is that adversity is said to keep a
school, for certain people*wlio will learn in
no other. Hence too, the poet likens it to “a
toad, ugly and venomous, which bears a pre
cious jewel in its head.” And, in another
place, but with the same general relation,
“ out of this thorn danger, we pluck the flow
er safety.” This law is just as relative to na
tions, as it is to individuals. F'or, notwith
standing all the vaunting of statesmen, their
whole business is to apply an enlarged com
mon sense to the affairs, entrusted to their
management. It is as much the duty of the
rulers of a state, as it is that of an individual,
to team wisdom from misfortune, and to draw
from every particular instance of adversity,
those maxims of conduet, by the collection
and application of which, our intellectual and
moral natures are distinguished and elevated.
In all cases of this kind, the inquiry ought to
be, is the exigency peculiar, or is it general ?
Is it one, in which human effort is unavailing,
and therefore requires only the exercise of a
resignation and wise submission to the divine
w.L; or is it one which skill or power mav
limit or obviate ? On the result of this inqui
ry our obligations depend. For when man
conducts towards a general evil, as though it
were peculiar; or when, through ignorance
or pusillanimity, he neglects to use the means
of relief or prevention, to the extent in which
he posse sses them; if he stretches himself
out in a stupid langor, and refuses to do any
thing because he finds he cannot do every
thing, then indeed all ids clamors against the
course of nature, or the conduct of others, are
but artifices, bv which lie would conceal from
the world, perhaps from himself, the texture
of his own guilt. His misfortune* are, in
such case, his crimes. Let them proceed
j'-nm wliat source they will, he is himself, at
least, a lialf-worKer in tne j Jlluwll
miseries. ,
Mr. Speaker, can any one contemplate tne
exigency, which at this day depresses our
country, and for one moment, deem it pecu
liar! The degree of such commercial exigen
cies may vary, but they must always exist.
It is absurd to suppose that such a population
as is that of the Atlantic states can be cither
driven or decoyed, from the ocean. It is just
as absurd to imagine, that wealth will not in
vite cupidity; and that weakness will not in
sure both insult and plunder. The circum
stances of our age make this truth signally
impressive. Who does not see in the conduct
of Europe, a general departure from those
common principles, which once constituted
national morality ? What is safe, which power
can seize, or ingenuity can circumvent i Or
what truths more palpable than these—that
there is no safety for national rights, but in
the national arm ; and that important interests
systematically pursued, must be systematical
ly protected.
Touching the nature and degree of that
maritime protection, which it may be wise in
tliis nation to extend to its maritime interests,
it seems to me, that our exertions should ra
ther be excited tfian graduated, by the pre
sent exigency; that our duty is to inquire,
upon a general stale, what our commercial
citizens have, in this respect, a right to
claim ; and what is the unquestionable obli
gation of a commercial nation, to so great a
class of its interests. For this purpose, my
observations will have reference, rather to the
principles of the system, than to the provi
sions of tlie bill now under debate. Undoubt
edly, an appropriation for the building of ten
or any other additional number of frigates,
would be so distinct a manifestation of the
intention of the national legislature to extend
to commerce its natural protection, as in it
self to outweigh any theoretic preference for
a maritime force of higher character. 1 can
not, therefore, but cordially support an ap
propriation for a species of protection so irn
portant and desirable. Yet, in an argument,
having relation to the system, rather than to
the occasion, I trust, I shall have the indul
gence of the House, if my course of reflec
tions should take a wider range than the pre
positions on the table, and embrace, within
the scope of remark, the general principles
by w hich the nature and degree of systematic
naval protection should in my judgment be
regulated.
Here, it seems hardly necessary to observe,
that a maiu object of all protection is satis
faction to the persons, whose interests arc
intended to be protected. And to this object
a peculiar attention ought to be paid, u lien
it happens that the majority of ti# rulers of
a nation are composed of pcßjpns, not imme
diately concerned in those interests, and not
generally suspected cf having cn overweening
attachment to them. In such a state of
things, it is peculiarly important that the
course of conduct adopted should be such as
to indicate systematic intention as to the end,
and wise adaptation as to the means. For in
no other way can that satisfaction of which I
speak result; arid w hich is, in a national point
of view, at the same time one of the most irn
portant objects of government, and one of the
most certain evidences of its wisdom, lor
SAVANNAH, TUESDAY, APRIL 21, 1812.
men, interested in protection, will always
deem themselves the best judges of the nature
of that protection. And as such men can
never be content with any thing short of effi
cient protection, according to the nature of
the object, so instinct, not le-s than reason,
will instruct them whether the means you
employ are, in their nature, real or illusory.
Now, in order to know what will give this sa
tisfaction to the persons interested, so desir
able laith to them and to the nation, it is ne
cessary to know the nature and gradation in
value of those interests and to extent! pro
tection, not so much with a lavish as with a
discriminating and parental hand. If it hap
pen in respect of any interest, as it is ac
knowledged on all sides it is at present the
case with the commercial, that it cannot be
protected against all the world to the utter
most of its greatness and dispersion, then the
inquiry occurs what branch of this interest is
most precious to commercial men, and what is
the nature of that protection which will give
. to it the bighnsl degre eof certainty of which
■ its nature is susceptible ! It bus been by the
result of these two inquiries, in my mind,
that its opinion has been determined concern
ing the objects and the degree of protection.
Touching that brunch of intere st, which is
most precious to commercial men, it is impos
sible that there cun be any mistake. For
however dear the interests ci’ property or of
life, exposed upon the ocean, may hi to their
owners or their friends; yet the safety of our
alters and of our fire sides, of our citii sand of
our seaboard, must from the nature of things,
be entwined into the affections by ties incom
parably more strong aud tender And it hap
pens tliat both nut ioiul pride and honor are
peculiarly identified with the support of
these primary objects of commercial interest.
It is in tliis view', I state that the first and
most important object of the nation ought to
be such a naval force as shall give such a
degree of rational security, as the nature of
tlie subject admits, to our cities and seaboard
and coasting trade ; that the system of mari
time protection ought to rest upon this basis,
and that it should not attempt to go further,
until these objects arc secured. And 1 have
no hesitation to declare, that until such a ma
ritime force be systematically maintained by
this nation, it shamefully neglects its most
important duties and most critical interests.
With respect to the nature and extent of
tlvis naval force, some difference of opinion
may arise according to tne view taken of the
primary objects of protectioo. For myself, 1
consider that those objects are first to be pro
- tected, in the safety of which the national
character and happiness are most deeply inte
rested. And these are chifly concerned, be
yond all question, in the preservation of our
maritime settlements from pillage, and our
’ coast from violence. For tins purpose, it is
, requisite that there should be a ship of war
j for the harbor of every great city of the
I United States equal, iu point of force, to the
usual grade oi ships of the line of the mari
time belligerents. These ainjra might be so
1 inati-aoud to act singly or together, as cir
, oumstances might require. My reason sot
, the selection of this species of force is, that it
put every city and great harbor in the United
States in a state of security from the insults;
and the inhabitants of your seacoast. from the
j depredation of any single ship of war of any
r nation. To these should be added a number
I of frigates and smaller vessels of war. lly
such means our coasting trade might be pro
tected, the mouths of our harbors secured
(in particular that of the Mississippi) from
, the buccancrs of the West-Indies, and, here
, after, perhaps, from those of Sonth-America.
A system of protection, graduated upon a
I scale so conformable to tlie nature of tlie
. country, and to the greatness of tlie commer
cial interest, would tend to quiet that spirit
, of jealousy which so naturally and so justly
( begins to spring among the states. Those in
( forested in commerce would care little what
local influences predominated, or how the ball
of power vibrated among cur factions, provid
t ed, an efficient protection of their essential
( interests, upon systematic principles, was not
only secured by the- letter of the constitution,
’ but assured by a spirit pervading every des
cription of their rulers.
But it is said, that “ we have not capacity
| to maintain such a naval force.” Is it want
! of pecuniary or w ant of physical capacity ! In
relation to our pecuuiary capacity, I will not
; condescend to add any proof to that plain
statement already exhibited, showing tliat we
have an annual commercial exposure, equal to
six hundred million j of dollars, and that two
thirds of one per cent, upon this amount of va
lue, or four millions of dollars, is more than is
necessary, if annually and systematically ap
’ propriateff, for this great object; so anxious-
I iy and rightfully desired by your seaboard,
and so essential to the honor and obligations
’ of the nation. I will only make a single other
statement, by way of illustrating the small
ness of the annual appropriations, necessary
for the attainment of tliis important purpose.
The anuual appropriation of one sixth of one
| per cent on the amount of the value of the
whole annual commercial exposure, (one mil
lion of dollars) is sufficient to build in two
years, six 74 gun ships; and taking the aver
age expense in peace and war, the annual ap
propriation of the same sum is sufficient to
maintain them afterwards, in a condition for
efficient service. Tliis objection ofpepuniwjt
inability, may be believed in the interior
countryvil here the greatness of the coirntier
cial pqf party and all the tender obligations,
connected with its preservation, are not rea
lised. ,fcul, in the cities and in the coisimr
ciaHfetes, tint extent of the national resources
• is more truly estimated. They know the
magnitude of the interest, at stake and their
essentia) claim to protection. Why sir, were
we seriously to urge this objection of pecuni
ary incapacity, to the commercial men of
Massachusetts, they would laugh us to scorn.
Let me state a single fact In the year 1745,
the state, then the colony of Massachusetts
Eav, included a imputation of 220,0b'! souls,
and yet, in that infant state of the country, it
owned a fleet Consisting of three ships, one of
’ which carded twenty guns ; three snores ; one
’ Mg t and thr-e sloops; being an aggregate
. often vessel* o?war. These partook of the
dangers, and shared in the glory, of tliat ex
pedition which terminated with the surrender
of Louisburgh. Comparing the population,
the extent o) territory, the capital and all the
otlu r resources of this great nation, with the
narrow means of the colony of Massachusetts
at that pi riod of its history, it is not extrava
gant to assert, that the fleet it then possessed,
m proportion to its pecuniary resources, was
groan-r than would be, in proportion to the
resources of the United States, a fleet of fifty
sail of the line mid one hundred frigates. W ith
what language of wonder and admirat ion does
that great orator and prince of moral states
men, Edmund Burke, in his speech for conci
liation with America, speak of the commerce
and enterprise of that people ! “ When we
speak of the commerce with our colonies, fic
tion lags after truth; invention is unfruitful,
and imagination cold and barren.” “No sea
but what is vexed by their fisheries. No eli
mite that is not witness to their toils. Nei
ther the perseverance of Holland, nor the ac
tivity of France, nor the dextrous and firm
sagacity of English enterprise, ever carried
this most perilous mode of hard industy to
the extent to which it has been pushed, by
this re cent people ; a people who are still, as
it were, but in the gristle and not yet har
dened into the bone of manhood.” And shall
the descendants of such a people be tuld that
their commercial rights are not north de
fending, that the national arm is not equal to
their protection! And this too, usu r the
lapse of almost forty years has added an ex
tent to their commerce beyond all parallel in
history, and afier the strength anti resources
associated to protect them, exceed, in point
of population, seven millions of souls, posses
sing a real and personal capital, absolutely
incalculable!
Our pecuniary capacity then is unquestion
able, but it is said, we are deficient in physi
cal power. It is strange that those, who urge
’ ibis objection, assert it only as it respects G.
Britain, and admit, either expressly, or bv
implication, indeed they cannot deny, tliat. it
is within our physical capacity to maintain
our maritime rights against every other na
tion. Now let it be granted, that we have
. such an utter incapacity in relation to the
British naval power; grant that at the nod of
that nation, wc must abandon the ocean to
the very mouths of our harbors; nay our
harbors themselves. What then! Does it
follow that a naval force is useless! Because
we must submit to have our rights plunder
! ed by one power, docs it follow that we must
. be tame and submissive to every other ! Look
1 at tlie fact. We have, within these ten yeai-s
. lost more property by the plunder of the mi
. nor naval power of Europe, France included,
than would have been enough to have built
-and maintained twice the number of slops,
i sufficient for our protection against their de
* predation. 1 cannot cxci-cd the fact, when
. l state the loss within that period by those
■ powers at thirty millions of dollars. Our Capa
. rutv to defend our commerce, apoimst <vn v
> one of these power*, is imttent&bTe. H cause
. we cannot maintain our rights against the
strong, shall we bear insult and invite plun
t der from the weak! Because there 13 one Le
-1 viathan in the ocean, shall every shark satiate
; bis maw on our fatness, with impunity!
But let us examine his doctrine of utter
i inability to maintain our maratime rights
r against G. Britain, so obtrusively and vehe
f menlly maintained by some, who clamor the
. most violently against her insults and inju
i ties. If the project were to maintain our
i maratime rights, against tliat mistress of the
. sea, by convoys spread over every ocean, there
would indeed be something ludicrously fan-
L ciful and w ild in the proposition. But nofli
• ing like this is either proposed or desired.
. I'lie humility of commercial hope, in refer-
L ence to that nation, rises no higher than the
i protection of our harbors, the security of our
. iiarbors, the security of our coasts and coast.
I ing trade. Is it possible such a power as this
[ shall be denied to exist in this nation? If it
. exist, is it possible that its exercise shall be
[ withheld ?
Look at the present state of our harbors
, and sea-coast. See their exposure, I will not
. say to the fleets of Great Britain, but to any
single ship of tlie line, to any single gloop of
war. It is true the policy of that nation in
duces her to regard your prohibitory laws,
i and her ships now seldom visit your ports.
But suppose her policy should change ; snp
i pose any one of her ships of war should choose
: to burn any of the numerous settlements upon
i your sea-coast, or to plunder the inhabitants
i of it; would there not be some security to
those exposed citizens, if a naval force were
laying, in every great harbor of the U. States,
. competent to protect, or avenge the aggres
sions of any single ship of war, of whatever
force! Would not the knowledge of its exis
tence teach the naval commanders of that na
tion both caution and respect! Sir, it is wor
. thy of this nation, and fully within its capa
city, to maintain such a force. Not a single
sea-bull should put his head over our acknow
ledged water-line, without finding a power
sufficient to take him by the horns.
But it is said that “in case of actual War
witli Great Britain, our ships would be use
less. She would come and take them.” In
reply to this objection, I shall not recur to
those details of circumstances, already so fre
quently stated, which would give our ships
of war fighting on their own coasts, and in
the proximity of relic)’ and supply, so many
advantages over the ships of a nation obliged
td'inne three thousand miles to the combat.
Hi. ’.allowing this argument, from British na
yil’ superiority, its full force, 1 ask, wliat is
that temper on which a nation can most safely
rely in the day of trial! Is it that which takes
council of fear, or tliat which listens oniy to
tlie suggestions of duty! Is it that which
magnifies all the real dangers, until hope and
exertion are parahsed in their first germina
tions ? Or is it that which dares to attempt
nobleends by appropriate means which, wisely
weighing tlie nature of any anticipated exi
, genev, prepares, according to its powers, re
solved that, whatever elso-it may want, to it
r sell) it will never be wanting! Grant all that
■ is said concerning Triad, naval superior.’.;.’ in
: the events of war. has comparative weakness
; nothing to hope from opportunity ? Are not
NO 3.
the circumstances, in which tliis country and
Great Britain would be placed, relative to
nayal combats, upon our own coast, of a na
tion to be in a condition to avail itself of con
junctures and occurrences ? Mr Speaker,pre
paration in such cases is every thing. All
history is replete with the truth, tliat “ tlie
battle is not always to the strong, but that
time and chance happen to all. Suppose
that Great Britain should send 12 seventv
tours to burn our cities or lay waste our
coasts. Might not such a naval force be dis
persed by storms; diminished by shipwrecks;
or delayed and weakened by the events of the
voyage ! In such case, would it be nothing to
have even half that number of line of battle
ships, in a state of vigorous preparation, rea
dy to t ake tlie advantage of so problable a cir
cumstance, and so providential an interposi
tion? The adage of />ur school books is as
true in relation to states, as to men in com
mon life, “ Heaven helps those who help
themselves,” It is almost a law of nature.
God grants every tiling to wisdom and virtue.
He denies every thing to folly and baseness.
But suppose tlie worst. Grant that in a bat
tle, such as our brave seamen would fight in
defence of their country, our naval force be
vanquished. Wliat then 1 D and enemies ever
plunder or violate more fiercely when vveak
’ tied and crippled by the effects of a hard
bought victory, than when flushed, their
vena full, they rush upon their prey, with
cupidity stimulated by contempt? Did any
foe ever grant to pusillanimity what it would
have denied to prowess ? To be conquered is
not always to be disgraced. The heroes
who shall perish in such comb its, shall not
fall in v.i in lor their country. Tiieir blood wil
be the most precious, as well as t; e strong
est n ment of our Union. What is it that
paper contract, called the Constitution ? Why
is it, that the man of Virginia, the man of
Carolina, and tin nun of Massachusetts, are
dearer ui each other, tlmn is, to either, the
man of South America or the West Indies?
Locality has little to do with implantingthis
inherent feeling, and personcl acquaintance
less. Whence then doe, it result, but from
that moral sentiment which pervades all and
is precious to all, of li v ing - shared common
dangers for the attainment of common bles
sings. The strotlg ties of every people are
those which spring from the heart and twine
through the affections. The family compact
of the States has tins for its basis, ’that their
heroes have mingled their b’ood in the’ same
contests ; that all have a common right ill
their glory ; that, if I may he allowed the
expression in the temple’ of patriotism all
have the same worship.
But it is required, “ what effect will this
policy have upon the present exigency! I an
swer,tin- happiest in every aspect. To exhibit
• a definitive intent to maintain maritime rights
i bv maritime means, wliatis it,but to develops
new stamina of national character ? No nation
- can or has aright to hope respect from others,
which does not first learn to le.-pect itself.
And bow is this to be attained ! By a course
ot conduct, conformable to its duties and re
■ lative to its condition; If it abandons wliat
it ought to defend, it flies from the field it
is bound to maintain, how can it hope for ho
nor ? To wliat other inheritance is it entitled,
■ but disgrace ? Foreign nations undoubtedly
i look upon this Union with eves long read
hi the history of man ; and with thoughts
deeply versed in the effects of passion and
. inter* st. upon independe lit stales, associated
• by ties r-o apparently slight aud novel. They
• understand well, that the rivalries among the
• great interests of such states; the national
. envyings, which in all countries spring be
tween agriculture, commerce and manufac
tures j the inevitable jealosies and fears of
• each other, of south and north, interior ar.d
sea-board; the incipient or progressive ran
■ cor of party animosity; are the essential
. weakness ot sovereignties thus combined,
i Whether these causes shall operate,or whetht r
they shall cease, foreign nations will gather
from the features of our policy. They can
not believe that such a nation is strong in
the affections of its associated parts, when
they see the vital interests of whole states
abandoned. But reverse this policy; show
a definitive and stable intent to yield the na
tural protection to such essential interests;
, then they will respect you. And to powerful
nations honor comes attended by safety.
Mr Speaker—What is national disgrace ?
Os what stuff ‘ is it composed ?Is a nation dis
graced because, its flag is insulted; because
its course, upon the highway of the ocean, is
obstructed! No, sir. Abstractedly coiirider
ed, all this is not disgrace. Because all this
may happen to a nat ion, so weak as not to be
able to maintain the dignity of its flag, or
the freedom of its citizens, or tlie safety of
its course.
Natural weakness is never disgrace. But; sir,
this is disgrace; when wc submit to insult,and
to jury, which we have the power to prevent
or redress. Its essential constituents are
want of sense or want of spirit. When a na
tion with ample means for its defence, is so
thick in the brain, as not to put them into a
suitable state of preparation; or, when
with a sufficient muscular force, it is so tame
in spirit as to seek safe ty not in manly effort
but in retirement; then a nation is disgraced ;
then it shrinks from its high and sovereign
character, into that of tlie tribe of Issachar,
crouching down between two burdens—'he
French burden on the one side, and the tfi it
lsb burden on the other, so dull, so lifeless;
so stupid, that, were it not. tor its braying, it
could not be distinguished from the clod of
the valley.
It is impossible for European r ‘ ions not tq(
know, that we are the second comiru-ieial
country in the world ; that we have more th_.i
seven milfoils of .people; with less annual c-Xq
penditure, and more unpledged sources ot
revenue than any nation of the civilised world.
Yet a nation of the civilised world. >et a
nation thus disguished, abounding in v.e.ltli,
in enterprise, and in power, is seen flying
. away from the “ unprofitable contest,” abau
. dotting the field of coirtrovcroy; taking tr<
Fuge behind its own doors, and softer.mg r’
rigors cf oppression abroad, by acwvpa
with worse torments, at home. OtlgbT ‘ ;
. nation to ask lor respect ? L ere
