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H>ife fi-ij; jt-*i <■>;> l>t built at.J umlhtainfcd for
the same t xpense as one 74, and for purposes
of anr.wam e for which we want them, they
art befit r tlion two 74,*i they arc managed
css lor*—ou bt to sail faster, and can be navi
gated in - !'<>: ‘( r v at’ r—we do not want74’s—
courage being equal, in line of buttle ships
skill alul experience will always insure aue
c<‘—we t not ripe tor them—but butt
bolt the . ides of an American to that cf a
a British fix.; .ir, and though we should lose
sometimes, we would winaa often as wc should
lose; the whole history of the revolutionary
wrar, when we met at sea on equal terms,
would bear testimony in favor of this opinion.
Give us then this little diet well appointed—
place your Navv Department under an able
and spirited administration—Give tone to
the service. Let a sentiment like the follow -
ing precede every letter of instruction to the
captain of a chip of w ar—“ Sir, the honor of
“ the nation is • degree attached to the flag
“of your vessel; remember that it may be sunk
“ without disgrace, but can never be struck
“ without dishonor.” Do tins—cashier every
officer who fetriick his Hap; and you would
soon have a good account of your Navy. This
may lie :i:cd to be a liard tenure of service—
ward or easy sir—embark in tn actual, vigor
ous war, and ill a few weeks, perhaps days,
1 would engage completely to officer your
whole fleet from New-Englaud alone.
Give iis this little Heel, audio a quarter
part of the tuae you could operate upon her
in anjfothi r way ,wc vrouhl bring her to terms
with VOU—nut to your feet—No sir; Grcat-
Hritaui is at present the most Collossal Pow er
the world ever witnessed—-her dominion e.\-
tends fioni the rising to the setting sun. Sur
vey it tor a moment Commencing with the
newlv found Continent of New-Holland, as
she proceeds she embraces under her protec
tion,or in her potsessioipthe Pliillipine-lslands,
Java, Sumatra, passes the coast of Malacca,
rests for a short lime fruitlessly to endeavor
to number the millions of her subjects in
llindoftan, winds into the sea > f Arabia, skirts
ahmg the coastsofCoronuiialcl 8i Ceylon, stops
for a mornent for refresitnu nt at the Ca)>c of
flood Hope—visits her plantation of the Isles
of France and Bourbon—sweeps along the
whole of the Antilles—doubles Cape Horn to
prelect her whalemen in the Northern and
Southern Pfccnic Oceans—crossses the Ame
rican Con tint nt hum QueeiiCli.irlotte’s Sound
to Hudson’s Bay-—glancing in the passage at
her C domes of llie Canadas, Nova bcotiaand
New-llnmsvcicf—thence continues to New
foundland, to lent, after and foster her fish
eries, and then takes her departure for the
United Kingdom of Englamt, Ireland and
Scotland, nor rests until she reaches the Ork
nic.s—the vntima t.’.ulc of the geography of the
ancients, Such an overgrown commercial and
Colonial Power as this, never before existed.
True sir she has an enormous national debt
of TOO millions of pounds sterling, and a
diiirnal expenditure of a million of dollars,
wliicli while ivi arc wldneing about a want c.f
•r; txmrce *. Would in- six short weeks wipe off
the whole public d,bt of the United Slates.
Will these mill-stones sink her"’ Will thu
subject her to the power of France I No s.r ;
hurst the hobble to-morrow—-destroy the fra
gile basis on which her public credit stands,
tl.e single word ewf.dtnee— sponge her nation
al debt—revolutionue her government—cut
the throats of ail hi r ru\ .and f-uiolv—and dread
ful a.i would lie the process, siie would rise
with renovated vigor from the lid!, and pre
ivnt to her em-mv m-’ie imposing, irresist
able front than ever.
No sir—Great BH'ain cat -it be subjugat
ed hy Fram e the genius of her institutions—
the genuine, game-eoc-k, bulldog spirit of
her people will lift her head above the waves
long after the dynasty of Bonaparte—the ill
gotten pow er ot France, collected by peifidy,
plunder and usurpation, like the unreal im.a,e
of old, <iomf>ns"<i of clay, and of iron, and
of brass, and of silver, and of gold, shall
have crumbled into atoms.
From this belief I acknow ledge I derive a
sentiment of grauiiation. In New-Eoglanel
our Idooel is uimux.q.l—we are the dileet des
cendants of Englishmen—we are natives of
the soil—in the Legislature of the once pow
erful State of Massachusetts now in session,
compos el ot near seven hundred members,
members, to my knowledge not a single fo
reigner holds a seat.
As Great Britain wrongs r.s 1 would fight
her. Vet 1 should be worse than a ‘barbarian,
did I not rejoice that the sepulchres of our
tbre-fathets which are in that country, would
remain tmstu ked, and their coffins remain uo~
disturbed, by toe tinluufoweit r; parity of tin
Goths anu btamensef modern Europe.
How then sir will it be asked, are we to
operate on a power such as I have described
I*l ns have these thirty trigs ti s—she can
not blockade them—our coasts are in our fu
\ei—-iron Novend.i ;• to \i e ch, n the N >rth
ein States 1 me. n, all the navies in our port a—
with our inclement whether and northeast and
south-east storms, and hiuurelous short s, mid
tempestuous north west gwles, which ailbrd
the last chances to go oti the coast—enemy's
ships of w.u 1 could not keep their stat.ons.—
Divide tin *e thirty frigates into six squadrons,
place them in tin southern ports resile tor a,
and at 11, rumble inonnc.ts wo would pounce
upon her West-h.du Island, and repeat tlie
game ot lie Grasst and IVl'staiag in V■) osl
“do. By the time she was looking ti.r us there
we would be round t ■ pe Horn cutting up her
..hait awn. When pursued there \„ would
skim a.-,:., to the Indian Ocean, and lot k after
Ut r Chin-t ami hidia ft of wh.ctn we
would g ive a far different a-count than that
of Li.aus the Frenchman. . Occasionally we
would look after her tine bee fleet—her J.
nude.', fleet---sometime > we would do as the
French Privateer* now do, make ear appear
ance in the chops of the’ channel, and now
and then we might even v ind north about,
and look into the Baltic. v u . should some
times met l with do. stors, but vve have abun
dant means to it pair client—well man. gt and, it
Would require aliundud lit ittsh ft 'gates to
v, a* w - the moveiu. ut of ti. thirty.
‘tiies.. are the nvxns Sir, by which I would
br’mg Great Britain not to our feet but to her
sense*. The Government of Great Britain is
in s.uiie’ degree a popular one—two brandies
of her government, die king and the com
mons, arc governed by tlie popular sentiment,
and the hosj . al yf incurables must idwios
inflow suit —couth the popular sentiment ef
fectually, and you eontvonl tl.<c commons
the commons by tvi'hiioldiug tlie supplies, and
the civii list con tread the king and obtain a
change of a.oesures. In this way you obtain
ed the rk .ee of l.'Sd——d it d,"pended on
tiie king and the louts, you woulu not have
bad a pc ace until this time.
Wc can tomb tiie popular sentiment.
Witli tlie fleet l have- Mentioned, vve could
ham ss greatly die coinmt ree of Great Britain,
wc could bring her people to their senses
we cot.ld make them ai.k tbeii govennru ut
for what object they continued thus to violate
our right* ? whether it was tor the interest of
Grr. I ih tain to throw us into the Ist) of her
tn. my to embitter us to wauls her still more I
whether it was for her interest to sever the
principal lines of connection between her and
us, by obliging us to become a maßUtactur
ing people, and on this head We could already
make an exhibit thu* won id astonish both our
friends and foes, whether ,1 was for her inter
est to force us to become prematurely a great
maritime nation, destined one day or oilier to
dispute with her the s. cpter of the ocean !
In short, 1 would make the people ask the go
vernment. cut ttouo in tins win anil the mo
ment this is effected on both side* tin- water,
the war is terminated tlie business i:, (inislieil,
and you luivc only to agree on lair and equal
terms of peace.
Look at the expence and the effect of the
measures you liave adopted ; you are to have
a standing armv of 35,000 men, 50,000 volun
teers, and 100,000 of the militia. These you
cannot get into actual service without tlie
militia, at a less expcnce than 45 million* ot
dollars annually, the ways and means propos
ed being less, is no evidence to the contrary,
no experienced military man can estimate it
at less. What are you to do with it! You
over-run Canaria without material difficulty,
Quebec excepted—that Gibraltar ot the Ame
rican continent can only be taken by regular
siege ami investment; you must starve it out
but it will be provisioned for three years at
least, and before you get there, it will be tolly
garrisoned bv experienced troops. Thus
then to get Quebec you have got to summer
and wintSr a siege in the face of an able and
veteran garrison for three years, and in a cli
mate where during its long winters, tlie ther
mometer sometimes stands at 50 degrees be
low Zero, and tlie centincls free/e at tlirir
posts. Suppose it falls, what do you then
get? The gentleman from Virginia (Mr.
Giles) has already told y ou, your enemy ti kes
possession of Ncw-Orleans, New-York, New
port, or some other prominent anil important
point—you then let one hand wash the other
make the exchange, and leave off just where
you began with a dibt of 130 millions, and
the country subjected to all the evils of war.
Instead of three years expence of the laud
forces, take one year—call it 45 millions of,
dollars instead of 130 millions—contrast this
with the expence of a navy.
The existing naval force of the United States
may be estimated as equal to ten stout fri
gates;
20 additional 36 gun frigates would cost a
grceably to the estimate of tlie Secretary
of the navy, of November 19, 1511—102,000
dollars each, equal for twenty new frigates,
to 53,420,000
Ai.mud expence of thirty 3G gun fri
gates according to the same esti
mate at 102,000 dollars annuallv,
is . §3,060,000
Multiply this sum ten times for
ten years services, and it would
give . . 830,600,000
Add the first cost in complete or
der of 20 additional frigates now
proposed to be built, . . 3,420,000
For the first years they would
want but little comparative rx
pence, but avid 13 per cent per
annum to keep the whole num
ber in repair lor ten years, this
would be syooa.ua c.
Making §39,852,000
Thus giving an efficient maritime force ot
thirty frigates in complete order for ten years
with a surplus left sufficient to replace every
ship of this fleet, should every one of the
thirty in that time, be lost, or destroyed by
the enemy.
Give us then a navy. The Senate have pro
ceeded thus far with a unanimity and harmo
ny highly honorable to them as men and as
statesmen. This measure will be considered
as the test of our sincerity ; for one, if it be
not acceded to, however reluctant it may be
to my feelings, to div ide at a moment like
tin ;, without an effectual defence being given
us, I shall not consent to burthen tny consti
tuents vv ith
Annual loans to a large amount;
Addition 25 per cent retention on drawbacks,
thereby destroying the colonial trade, and
crippling the treasury instead of replenish
ing it;
New and heavy tonnage duties on our own
vessels;
Duties on salt;
on licences;
oil auction sales* frequently the last
refuge of the distressed;
on refined sugars;
on carriages, chaises anti waggons for
tire carriage of persons ;
on spirits;
Neir shad I, under such circumstances, by
mv vole, consent to impose on them stamp
and direct taxes, cum multi* ulus, that must
follow—expellees that ought not to begone
into, except for the purpose of vigorously
prosecuting a war in such a manner as to pro
cure a speedy and favorable peace, the only
rat ional object of war.
Peace is most unquestionably the polar star
of tlie policy and the interest of the United
States ; it should be obtained at any cost
■short of an essential sacrifice ; iv is no dis
grace tor an infant not to contend with a gi
ant ; if wc cannot carry on the war witli all
tlie energy and the force, and the power of
the nation—let us record our wrongs—make
the best, of the existing state ot things, and
when vv e have the ability, punish our aggres
sors to the last letter of the alphabet. Possi
bly this is the- real policy of the United States
but if we are to go to war, give us a navy, it
\ nu do not, and our commerce is abandoned
our navigation to be swept from the face of
the ocean—our houses battered about our
ears, and vv e are- denied those means of de
fence which the God of Nature has given us,
■■nil to which we are habituated ; then indeed,
the northern section of this l nioii w ill be lit.
tic better situated than the colony of Jamaica,
and forms apart, there will be some cause to
suspect, that it has little more real voice or
weight in the Councils of tile Government
than it has in the Parliament of Great-Britain,
(live no cause sir for suspicions of this sort,
take off our restrictions—unmuzzle us let
us have peace or tear. )f w e l ave war, let it
commence with one cheering prospeet, the
prospect of unanimity : give us this little
heel, and m tWaive siv- months after it lias
been fairly launched upon the main, wc will
eligag. to rera.i r you a good account of it
vve will be enabled proudly to shew you, that
“ Our march too, shall be upon the mountain
aw,
Our cannon shall rc-tcho o’tr the deep.”
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Afkil 9.
The doors were closet! immediately
after prayers, and so continued till
rebuilt i o’clock.
The Speaker read a letter from an
impressed seamen. Referred to a se
lect committee of five.
Mr. -Archer had leave of absceiiee
for ten days.
Mr. Bilil* offered a resolution for the
appointment of a committee to join
such committee as the Henate may ap
point, to consider anil report, w hat bu
siness demands the immediate attention
of Congress, and whether a recess he
compatible with the public interest,
and the term of such recess.
Tlie resolution was laid on the table
for one day, the rules of the house so
requiring.
Mr. Poiudextcr offered a resolution
for the appointment of a committee to
inquire into the expediency of extend
ing the right of suffrage to the people,
of lllinos Territory, w ith h ave to re
port by bill or otherwise. Adopted,
and a committee of five ordered.
The house receded from their non
eoncurrence in the amendment of tlie
Henate [respecting a month’s pay] in
the bill providing for the officers and
soldiers who were engaged on the Wa
bash.
A motftm was made to postpone till
the first Monday of December next, the
bill providing a temporary government
for the Territory of Louisiana. Lost,
40 to 37. T lie bill then passed, 48 to
42.
Mr. Newton called up the bill au
thorising in certain *ases the importa
tion of goods purchased anterior to the
2d of February, 1811.
Mr. Rhea moved to postpone the bill
till the first Monday in December next.
After a short debate, this motion was
lost, six only rising in its favor.
The house in committee of tlie whole,
Mr. Breekcnridge in the chair, on the
bill.
Mr. Rhea moved to strike out the
first section, and said a few words in
support of it.
Mr. Lowndes spoke at considerable
length in support of the bill and against
striking out. For striking out 26.
Mr. Lowndes proposed amending
the bill by striking out—“ and which
were purchased or actually contracted
for in Great-Britain, her colonies or
dependencies, before the first of Feb.
1811.
The committee rose, reported pro
gress, and had leave to sit again, with
out taking the question on the amend
ment.
House adjourned half-past 3.
From a London Taper.
AMERICAN PRESIDENTS.
In accounting for the present dispo
sition of the American government, it
is to be considered that the personal
character of the Chief Magistrate, is
by no means without its influence.
It has been often remarked, that
though in this country, the kings pow -
er is more strictly defined by law. than
that perhaps of any other prince, yet
Iris personal influence is by no means
imperceptible ou the measures of go
vernment.
In like manner, the personal influ
ence of tlie president of the United
States, must be held to be at least
equal to that of the sovereign of this
country.
There have been fonr presidents of
the United States, viz:—-Washington,
Adams, Jefferson and Madison. The
two former have been of the Federal,
the two latter of the anti-federal party.
Washington was twice unanimously
called to the administration of the go
vernment, and of course was president
for eight years ; Adams held the office
only for four years ; Jefferson was pre
sideut for eight years ; and Madison
is now in the third year of his first pre
sidency.
The personal character of all these
gentlemen, are to be considered in an
estimate of American polities.
W ashington is, on the whole, one of
the purest and most unexceptionable
characters that occurs in history ; and
in nothing, is the excellence of his cha
racter more conspicuous than in the
uniform liberality of his sentiments
towards this country.
li‘ an aversion to this country were
excusable in any American magistrate,
it surely’ was so in \\ ashington—but
nothing of this kind ever found admit
tance into his bosom. He regarded the
conduct of the mother eountiy in the
war with the colonies, as the offspring
of ministerial error and popular pre
judice—and on the close of the contest
not only dismissed all feelings of hos
tility, but entertained for his ancient
enemy, those sentiments of esteem and
respect to which her national charac
ter so well entitles her.
He had toe much respect for genuine
freedom not to fbei the highest venera
tion for that countn. which had tar
nished the model of the free govern
ment he had succeeded iu btstowing
on his own. This natural predilection
■*°r the laud of his forefathers, was so
perceptible through ihe whole source
of his administration, that even the
spotless purity and transcemlant re
nown of his character, did n;>t prevent
the tongue of calumny from attributing
to him an undue partiality towards
Great-Britain; and the man who con
ducted the armies of America, in the
war with England, was stigmatised
as a British agent.
Similar accusations were made a
gainst Hamilton, his great coadjutor,
who entertained for the British charac
ter the same respect, and viewed the
conduct of tlie mother country in the
war, with the same liberal sentiment.
These illustrious men justly thought,
that though the ties of dependence no
longer existed, the identity of blood,
language, laws, religion, government
and manners, rendered England the
natural ally of America, and formed a
connection between them, which, with
out violence to the intentions of Provi
dence, and injury to the interests of
both nations, eould not afterwards be
‘dissolved.
Mr. Adams professed, and intendril
to tread in the steps of Washington,
but his personal influence was much
less than that of his great predecessor;
and, during his administration, the
Federal party gradually declined in
strength.
On the accession of Jefferson, in
1800, to the presidental dignity, new
sentiments were adopted, and new
principles governed the American ca
binet. This gentleman hail always
been suspected of an antipathy to Eng
land, and from the period of his elec
tion to the office of president, this an
tipathy became gradually more and
more apparent, till at last he was ad
mitted, on all hands, to be in disposi
tion as in office, the most conspicuous
of the Anti-Anglican faction.
This propensity of Mr. Jefferson lias
been accounted for, on various hypothe
ses—He resided in France for several
years, as minister of the United States,
and returned to his own country at the
commencement of the revolution. It is
certain that at this period he carried
back to America very strong prepos
sessions in favor of Franee—a decided
Siartiality for French manners, and
j’rencli liberty.
The French partialities, which he
then entertained, are therefore suffici
ently accounted fcr. Bat how shall
we explain his adherence to these par
tialities, when the course of events in
France has proved, in so lamentable a
manner, the fallacy of his expectations,
as to the establishment of a free gov
ernment in that country; and when tlie
French instead of being iike the Ame
ricans- ■”**"'** “ UcpuUtt, nr,
Occonie the slaves of the most cruel ty
ranny that ever afflicted the human
race.
This pertinacious adherence to
French polities and French paitiali
ties, can, vve think, be explained only
on one supposition—that the party
which entertained these monstrous
principles, was destined to he the pre
vailing one in the country, and that
Mr. Jefferson’s public virtue ves in
sufficient to contend with his private
ambition. *
He saw that the streets of power and
emolument w ould reward of his
adherence to this line of polities—aud
his zeal, seconded by his abilities, soon
placed him at the head of the Anti-
Angliean faction. When raised to the
summit of his ambition, gratitude natu
rally attached him still closer to (lie
lim; of policy which procured him
his elet ation. and his antipathy to Eng
land thenceforward bore the appear
ance rather of a passion than a prin
ciple.
Mr. Madison was originally a Fede
ralist, and coadjutor of Hamilton in tlie
composition of the distinguished work
wliieh bears the name of that party:
and he has been gradually seduced
into other courses by the operation,
probably of the same motives which
swayed the mind of Air. Jefferson—
and, from his recent conduct, it seetns
likely, that he is determined not to be
inferior to las predecessor in what
constituted the most prominent fea
tures of that gentleman’s public cha
racter.
Our object in the preceding remarks
has been to show', that there exists in
the American government a hostility
towards this country, independent of
any measure w hich the British govern
ment may pursue; and from whatever
curses tins hostility may be thought
to proceed, none will deny, that it has
manifested itself in such a manner as
would justify the most hostile feeling
ou the part of the British government.
From tie Dumfries ard Galloway Courier
February 25.
On Siturday morning w e receivad.
by tlie Xay of Liverpool, American
papers to the ilthult. and as the in
formation they contain is of some im
portance, aud had not reached the Lon
don prints, we immediately sent an
abstract of it to oar readers In this town
anil neighborhood. Nothing of mate
rial consequence has since transpired,
and it is therefore to this intelligence
that Vve take the liberty of particular
ly directing the public attention. The
war-whoop it seems is still sounded j,
the government of the United Stat,
and, fioni the imperious tone they,,
sume in their official communication
they appear determined to drive t]'i
country to some act of aggression, c
which they may found a more plansiy
pretext for their singular and drivel
ling policy, than they have been ail
to find in our orders in
are not, however, without some l'aii
hope that matters may ye* be aeeon
mod a ted between the two countries. ;
popular government, such dff*Ameriu
is frequently subject to temporary ft
of plirenzy, which on a more cool af
deliberate view of consequences, quiet
ly subside and leave those who were
objects of them astonished and confounj
ed at their own folly. Os this retail
we cannot but consider the present v
leneeof the Americans, for it bears a
the characteristic marks of a fury boi
deriug on madness. One of tlieir j)
furiated orators in Congress exclaimti
that “ he w ished to God he could ev*
conceive of his passion, of his dead!
hatred towards Great Britain! If j
had the command of the redAnrtillertj
heaven, he would drive that hafe audio
ed island from her moorings, and ve
his vengeance against his enemies i
both sides of the channel! Such is i)
general stvle of the ravings in whit
these republicans vent their rage again
tlieir mother country ! Fortunate, ho
ever, it is for ns, that those bravos, *
far from being able to command tl,
” red artillery of heaven,” are not eve
in possession of the more vulgar mean
ot earthly warfare. They have neiihi
a nary nor an army, nor the peeuniai
resources hy Vi Licit these human meai
of defence and annoyance can be crea
ed. Their debates on this subject ai
in the highest degree ludicrous and ai
surd, and vve con'd laugh at the hnpi
tence of their inconceivable passion an
deadly haired, were we not rather ii
clined to weep, when ve reflect on ti;
degradation of a country w hich derits
its origin from Britain, and which ui
tier the immortal Washington, bees
its career with a glory that dazzled a:
astonished the world! But it is ftoi
this very circumstance that we angi
good. Tlie ebullitions of a rage v ine
is 100 vast even to be conceived by the;
who feel it, cannot last forever. l\
violence will waste and enfeeble it
and when tlie hour of cool reflection n
curs, those who have been its duoi
vt ill bewail their folly in the biltemes
perhaps, “of unavailing repentant’
Symptoms, indeed, of returning rease
already begin to appear. Mr. (rallalit
the secretary of the treasury, has lai
eUons-ri'-w a rejioit ox wtei
of the national finances, and on the ei
peiisc of a war establishment, whirl
by show ing tbe people how their pursi
may be effected, lias touched them •
the tender part, and begins to mil
them v nice. > ‘
DEBT It UCTI VJi E.,W TH({ UJiiCE
f apt. Pierce, of the brig Carotin
arrived yesterday from Bt. Bartholi
mews, last from St. Thomas’s, wlier
he learned that a most destructiveA'tfr/J
quale had extended itself over the Spun
ish Main. I he. houses in the towns i
Caraecas and La Guira iutd been ii u
rally shaken to pieces, involving man
of their inhabitants into the ruins. TI,
dreadful calamity was said to have j,
ken place on the 2filb uh. intelligent
of which was brought to St. Thomas
by a schooner which arrived at C ar:.:
cas tlie day before eapt. P. sailed. Hi
sehr. had ou hoard several prisorm
who had been confined in the prison
nl < arraeeHx. From every part oft!.
Province that intelligence had been r
eeivetl, its effects had been felt, and i
many parts the earth Lad been sun*
The shock which occasioned those dc
asters, was also felt at St. Thomas’;
Char. Times.
Latest Fashions.
Just received per brig Elizet
.Ve;c- York r/ £
Oliver h. Taylors
•Market Square.
IADtES Kid and Morrocco SHp
i of the latest fashions,
Misses Red and do do
Ladies Nankeen Boots,
do Kid and Morocco heel’d Slip
do Undressed Morocco trimn.l*
Slips
Gentlemens Lace Boots, with mar.
other articles, which makes aver;
complete assortment—are offered foi
sale for cash only.
It J. SCRIBNER.
April 2S o
Notice.
THOSE indebted to the estate c
M alter Roe, are notineii
that their accounts will be put in sui
after the sth of May, unless paymen
is made to the subscriber, in vvbos
hands the Books are placed for cf
lection.
JOS. s. PE LOT.
April 28. $