Upson pilot. (Thomaston, Ga.) 1858-1864, March 31, 1859, Image 1

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Volume 1. THE UPSON PILOT, 18 PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. G-. A. MI Xj JLa m3 n , Editor and Proprietor. JAMES 11. II OOP, Publisher. Terms of Subscription. In advance, for 1 year, ------ $2 00 If pnyiliefii delayed C months, - 00 If delayed until the end of the year - - Ji 00 Rates of Advertising. Advertisements will be charged at the vale of one dollar per square of ten lines or less, and fifty cents for each subsequent insertion. Professional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, will be inserted 12 months for sl2. Liberal contracts made with Merchants and others wishina to advertise by the year. Fnr Announcement of Candidates s•">, invariably in advance. Marriages and Deaths inserted free when accompa nied by a responsible name. Obituaries of over 10 lines charged as Advertisements. \y 0 commend the following Rates of Advertising by contract to business men generally. We have placed, then) at the lowest figures, and they will in no instance be departed from : TtV CONTRACT. 3 mos. [ 6 mos, p nio-s. 1 year. ONK SQUARE. _ \ Without change, $C 00 $8 00 $lO 00 sl2 00 Changed quarterly 700 10 00 12 00 10 00 Changed at will, 800 12 00 14 w 18 00 fS'change’. 10 00 15 00 *2O 00 25 00 Changed quarterly 12 00 18 (Ml 24 00 28 00 Changed at will, 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 THREE SQUARES. _ „ I Without change. 15 00 20 00 25 00 80 00 j Changed quarterly 18 00 22 00 2b 00 34 00 j Changed at will, ‘ 20 00 20 00 32 00 40 00 j HALF COLUMN, \ Without change, 25 00 .0 oo 40 00 oO 00 j Changed quarterly 28 00 32 oo 45 00 •>•> 00 j Changed at will, 35 00 45 ou 50 00 00 00 : ONE COLUMN, | Without change. CO 00 70 00 80 ot) (0 Changed quarterly 05 00 75 ( )0 00 oo HO 00 Changed at will, 70 l 0 85 o <j 100 00 1-5 00 Legal Advertising. Hales of Lands and Negroes, by administrators. Ex- | <ectiters and Guardians, are required by law t*> be held j on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours j often in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the ; Court House in the county in which the property is sit- j nated. Notices of these sales must bo given in a pub lic gazette forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice for the sale of personal property must be given at least ten days previous to tlie day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must j be published forty days. I Notice tliat application v ill bo made to the Court ot Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be j published weekly for two months. Citations for Letters of Administration must be pub- | fished thirty days—for Dismission from Administration, j monthly six months—for Dismission from Guardian- ; ship, forty days. fiules lbr Foreclosure of Mortgage must be published ( monthly for four months —for establishing lost papers j for the full space of three months —lor compelling ti tles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond | has been given by the deceased, the full space oi three months. Publications will always be continued aecormug to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered, at the follow ing rates: Citation on Letters of Administration, $2 oft “ Dismissory from Administration, 000 o “ ’ “ Guardianship, 350 Leave to sell Land or Negroes, i> 00 Hales of personal property, 10 days, 1 sq. lo> Hales of land or negroes by Executors, •> o 0 Estravs, two weeks, \ 50 BbentTsSales, 60 days, (1 00 “ a aq “ 200 Money sent by mail is at the risk of the Editor, provided, if tiie remittance miscarry, a receipt he ex hibited from the Post Master. PR< >FESSIONAJj CART >^- DR. JOHN GOODE, TANARUS) E6PECTFULLY offers his Professional services to the citizens of Thomastou and its vicinity. Us can lie found during the day at Dr. Heards of fline. and at his father's residence at night. Thomas ton, Feb. 10. THOMAS BEALL, ATTORN K V AT LAW, TIIOMASTON, G.\. fs!3—ly IV W. ALEXANDER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOM ASTON, GA. nov2s—ly E. Warren. C. T. Goodk. ■ WARREN & GOODE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA. novlS—tf A. C. MOORE, D E NT IST, THOMASTON, GA. OFFICE at my House (the lato residence of Mrs. Hicks,) where I am prepared to attend to all class ■es of Dental Operations. My work is my Reference. nov!B—tf G. A. MILLER. ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASTON, GA. BUSINESS CAKI) S . granite hall, OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE, MA.COiSr, GEORGIA B. F. DE^SE, • (Late of the Floyd House.) —ts Proi’Rietor. HARIjEMAN & GRIFFIN, Dealers in Staple Dry Goods ami Groceries of every Description Corner of Cherry and Third Streets, MACON, GA. WE would call the attention of the Planters of Up- and adjoining counties to the above Card, be hoving we can make it to their interest to deal with n<. H-’ op f-j \v*mbe 10. lft&* % no*>2* • ts. RUSI IST ESS CAR,I> S . A. S. BROOKS, Dealer in Family Orocories, TIIOMASTON, GA., KEEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds of Family Groceries, Iron. Hollow M are, &e., Atc., and a few Liquors for the afflicted. I if’ Fruits and Oysters in season. nov25 —ts JAMES M. EDNEy7” General Purchasing and Commission Merchant, A .NO DEALER IN PIANOS, MELOIzEONS, PUMPS, SAFES, SEWING MACHINES, Ac. Publisher of “Cherokee Physician.” “Chronology of N. C.,” “Southern IJishops,” Hickory Nut Falls, Aic. 117 Chambers Mioet, \e\v-Yrk. Buys every kind of Merchandise directly from Job bers, Importers, Manufacturers, and Whole sale Dealers, (either for Cash or on time,) on the best possible terms. Commission for Buying and Forwarding, Tico and a Half per Cent. REFKRKNCRSt Wilson G. Hunt & Cos., Ross. Falconer A Cos., Meli us. Courier & Sherwood. Cook, Dowd linker & Cos., Furman Davis & Cos., A. T. lfruee &. Cos., A. 11. Gale & Cos., New-York; MePUeeters & Glu-olin, John I>. Odom, Esq.. Norfolk, la.; lion. John Baxter. Rev. W, G. Brownlow, Knoxville, Tenn.,; lion, i lies. L. Jones. Newport, Ky..; Brown & McMillai. Washington, 11. &. I). Richardson. 1). Avert, Esq., Galveston, Texas; D. ! R. McAnnally, D. D , St. Louis. M ■>..; R. S. Foste' - , 1). , 1)., Evanston, J. M. Jordan A Cos., Chicago, 111.,; S. 15. | Erwin, Esq., Washington D. C..; I*. D. T. Moore. K ;q., j Rochester, New-York; W. M. Wightman, D. D., Scat- ; taubuig. S. C.,; Rev. C C. Gillespie. New Orleans, La ; : John W. Btoy. Esq., Charleston, Hon. 15. F. Perry, ; Greenville, 8. C.,; lion. Wm. A. Graham, Hillsboro, ‘ Hons. Chas. Manly and J. W. Ellis, Raleigh, lion. D. j L. Swain, Chapel Hill. Chas. F. Deems, D D., IViison, j N. C.,; Dr. J. E. Fact. Macon, Mbs..; illyatts & Toler, j Marion, Ala..; IV. Schley. Jr., Augusta. G. A. Mi n er, i Thomastou Ga.,; 11. 15. Crooks. Esq., Philadelphia, Pa. i Jam 20, 1859. SYDENHAM AC EE. JNO. F. IVERSON j ACEE Sc IVERSON, 5/ 25 V £S T S A\ f> It I* ILW IST S, j SIGN OF GOI.DrX RAGLE, COL U M 15 U 8 , G EORO IA . i'EALERH in Foret v and Domestic Drugs, Medi-f / cines. Chemicals. Acids. Fine Heaps, Fine Hah and ; Tenth Rallies, Perfume'y, ‘i'-usses and Shoulder I 15races, Surgical and Dental imi. uinents. pure M ines and Liquors for .Medicinal purpose - Medicine Chests, Glass. Paints. Cos, Van ishes, Dye Stuff-, Fancy and Toilet Articles, Fine Tobacco and Havana Segars, Ac. Ac. janC— ts. ?i)U M‘ j O A :L „ From the Louisvihe Journal. j Cußa and the Democracy. The bold attempt of Senator Slidell to invest the President with the war-making power, and at the same time to give him the uncontrolled disposal of thirty million dollars, deserves the serious and continued attention of the American people. Al though the measure failed, still the mere inception of tiie scheme, and the fact that a Senator in his place should propose su.h a base sui render of legislative functions, and siioo a wild departure from 11 he pre cedent and conservative action of the gov- j eminent, must bo regarded, in the einphat- j ic language of ibe \\ ashington States , ns j ‘’ill-omened/’ It is, too, the more to he i deprecated, inasmuch as it was not with- I drawn through any conviction or aeknowl- ; edgment of its impolicy, unconstitutional!- ; ty, or its dangerous tendency, hut for the avowed partisan consideration that its pas sage would “ immolate” the Democratic party. The organs of that party in Wash ington made no appeals to the patriotism of the Senate, hut to their fears; not to their moral courage to resist a dangerous usurpation, hilt stimulated the meanest of all passions, under the degrading plea that “however regardless they might be ol dan °*er to themselves, they were not at liberty to sacrifice the interests ol the Democratic 1 constituency. The wildest and most lat itudinarian ideas of the olden Federalism, ! in which the youth ot President Buchanan j was baptised—Achilles likt?, all but the j heel, leaving him a chance for retreat — never conceived the concentration of power so illimitable, dangerous and despotic. Du ring the entire war of the Revolution, when George Washington was leading our ar mies and possessed the unbounded confi dence of the Colonial Assemblies, and ot the Continental Congress, the sword and the purse were never ihus placed in his single hand ; and had intemperate friend ship or over-jealous patriotism suggested 1 such a concentration, Washington would have rejected it. both on personal and pub lic grounds. He would neither have per mitted his secret enemies to possess such an argument against his sincerity, nor have allowed the holy cause ot republican inde pendence to he sullied by any suspicion of interested motives. In all the excitement which preceded the declaration of war against Great Britain in ISP2 ; in all our difficulties with the frontier Indians ; in all the movements incidental to the inva sion of Mexico, and in the demands made ! upon France by Gen. Jackson for indemni ! ty, it never entered tlie mind of any states -1 man that the public interests, the national I honor, or the efficiency ol our oftensive and : defensive operations required the placing jof dictatorial power in the hands of a ! President, the ue of money to use by in , direction, or the invasion ot the rights of : any co-ordinate branch of the Government by another. I Nothing can be more beautifully harmo nious than the syr-tem of checks which the ‘THE UNION OF THE STATES: -DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.’ 1 TIIOMASTON, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 31, 1559. sagacity of the framers of our Constitu tion engrafted on that instrument. The direct representatives of the people have the exclusive control of the revenues ; the sovereign States by the Senatorial sanction have the exclusive treaty making power ; and the President is bound to see the laws faithfully executed. But the proposition, which will forever he linked with the name of Senator Slidell as is that of Carthage with treachery and deceit, contemplates the destruction of this elegant harmony, the disruption of the entire system, and the dangerous surrender of the very citadel which was intended to guard the public treasury. By it an immense amount, of money was to he placed in the hands of Mr. Buchanan with a view practically to nego tiate a treaty with Spain for the purchase of the Island of Cuba, and the money was to have been drawn from the Treasury, not in consequence of appropriations made by law,” as required by the several terms of the Constitution, but to be regulated en tirely by the caprice of the President.— Could foreign enmity or the jealousy of the “ divine right” devise an entering wedge more fatal in the tendency to sunder the Union, than this offered by the parieklal hand of a degenerate American statesman. As Erostratus burned the temple of Diana in wantonness, merely to eternize his name in connection with a a'iant villianv. so Sii d* 11 has the infamous notoriety of being the first Senator of the United States who, like the willing minion of the Syracusan tyrant, was willing to surrender all that j dignifies republican simplicity and shout l “choose we a King in Dionysius.’ 4 Yvej cannot over-estimate the degradation of j the Senator’s position, or miscalculate the imminence of party subserviency, when it aims thus to aggregate all the co-ordinate powers of the government and vest them in a single irresponsible individual. Sup- I pose such a proposition should pass, and j Mr. Buchanan should be detected in trait- i orous correspondence, or using the people’s j money to wrong its owners, how could the House of Representatives vole an impeach ment afrer having given up its custody of the treasury to him, or how could the Sen ate act as the high court to try the im penchviu m, when its members Dave con- | sriited “to tie a stone each round the oth- i cv’s nock,” and delegated to the President ! its most sacred functions? We confess this is tai extreme case to suppose, but it is a logical argument to the absurdity and monstrous iniquity of the Slidell scheme. There is no aspect in which we can view this Thirty Million resolution, that pre sents a single redeeming feature ot necessi ty or even plausibility. Such a sum, if le gitimately used, would bo inadequate to accomplish the desired end, and though it is not parliamentary to suggest an inten- ! lion to use it illegitimately, still the prac- j rical common sense of the American people | will intuitively deteci its corrupting ten- i dencies and denounce it accordingly. Thir- j tv millions of dollars—a larger sum, we [ believe, than was ever in the Federal i Treasury at any one. time—placed under I the.entire and irresponsible control of one man ! Think of it, fellow-citizens, calmly ! and dispassionately. Say that our coun- j try realized the most perfect ideal of Sir Thomas More, and was an Eden without sin or blot, would not such a proposition come like the great tempter to corrupt iis ! innocence and spread the ghastliness of! death over the grave of its purity ! Could l the man be found, surrounded by partisan : zealots, tiery-hearred extremists, and the j knaves always following the Court as if it! were a camp, who would be abte to resist j the tempat ions, evade the importunities, or escape the snares which baseness, cupid- : ity and cunning would spread around him? | The Slidell scheme, then, deserves to be ! branded throughout the length and breadth of the land as the apple, which the great foe of Republican rights—the monster Dev il of Party —has temptingly offered, that , Democratic liberty might eat and die. It has been urged and enforced by no appeal to patriotism ; it was only defended on the ground of miserable expediency and mark ed by a most degrading subservience to a President who has disappointed the hopes of his political friends and alarmed the fears of those who hoped that experience would have matured his judgment, and that he would have been proud to leave his record on the page of history unsullied by any such pandering to the vilest in stincts of depraved human nature. The scheme is radically, irremediably, and thor oughly bad. It proposes to inaugurate among us the very policy which renders Louis Napoleon the scoff and by-word of all enlightened people. It finds its prece dence only in the decadence of the Roman Empire when the imperial purse subsidized the Pradorean guard, whose cohorts eleva ted imbecility to the purple or ex;.lted in famy to the post of honor, when gold was the great corrupter. Not more fatally did the hemlock which passed the lips ot Soc rates penetrate the vitals of Greece; not | more “assuredly did the axe which cut off the head of Cicero sever the neck of Rome’s | independence, than would the passage of I the Slidell bill have poisoned the pure I of American Dtririarior tr-i b.f r the ! genius of our country’s liberty a headless trunk. The effect might not have been immediate—the present generation might not have felt it, but it would have come, | burning its way “like the mines of sul- I phur,” slowly, insidiously, treacherously, and yet always hastening to the inevitable ruin. God l>e praised that through any agency it was defeated! Heaven grant that the infamous threat of its revival next session, made by John Slidell, may be re ceived with hissing scorn from the entire nation which has been outraged and in sulted by the mere conception of his mon strous proposition. From the Washington States, (Democratic.) Pledge and Performance—Our Foreign Policy. Among the “glittering generalities” of the Cincinnati platform conspicuous stand the following resolutions: Heeo/vcd, That the great highway which nature, as well as the assent of the States most immediately interested in its mainte nance, has marked out for a free commu nication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, constitutes one of the most impor tant achievements realized by the spirit of modern times and the unconquerable en ergy of our people. That result should be secured , timely and efficient exertion of the KMAA au /Vu‘/u irtu / CJ/IL IV Claim over it, and no power on earth should be suffered to impede or clog its progress by any interference with the relations it may suit our policy to establish between our government and the governments of the States within whose dominions it lies.— We can, under no circumstances, surren der our frt j'Onderance in the adjustment of all questions arising out ts it. Resolved, That in view of so command iug an interest, the people of the United States cannot but sympathize with the ef forts which are being made by the people of Central America to regenerate that por tion of the continent which covers the pas sage across the interoceanic Isthmus. Resolved, That the Democratic party will expect of the next administration that every proper effort will he made to insure (isu rncJanrn in the Oulj of J\lexico, and tt maintain a permanent protection to the great outlets through which are emptied into its waters the products raised out of the soil, and the commodities created by the industry of the people of our western valleys, and of the Union at large. The principles of foreign policy herein enunciated, were warmly approved by the common sense of the nation ; and coupled with the pledge of the Democracy to ap ply them in the administration of govern ment, they contributed in no small degree to the triumph of the party. After the lapse of two years, since the incumbency of Mr. Buchanan, it cannot he impertinent to inquire how far the Democratic party has redeemed the obligations it so solemn ly assumed before the country. And first in regard to the ascendancy which the Administration were expected to maintain in the Gulf of Mexico. Nev er, we will venture the declaration, was a pledge so shamefully repudiated. Instead of the ascendancy we are committed to as sort, we exhibit the deplorable spectacle of utter impotence and decay. No diplomat ic representative at the capital ot Mexico, but a solitary ship in the Gulf, and Amor- ; ican influence completely obliterated from ; the country, —thus it is that a Democratic ; Administration has redeemed its obliga- j tions to the people, and vindicated the na tional honor in the eyes of the world. Nor is this’all. Not content with the renun ciation of their own “ascendency,” the U. States ingloriously acquiesce in the usur pations of foreign Powers. At this mo ment, the French and British ministers in Mexico virtually control the destinies ol the republic. At this moment, an allied j fleet from Europe rides supreme in the I Gulf, and imposes its behests at the mouth j of the cannon. At this moment, the Mex ican republic is a helpless and submissive vassal of Anglo French ambition ; and while the just demands of the U nited States upon Mexico are forgotten by our govern ment, the comparatively inconsiderable j claims of European creditors are enforced by military demonstrations. The picture is repulsive, but is exagger- j ated is no single feature. Shall the Do- | mocracy silently acquiesce in so signal a j violation of their plighted faith to the na- ‘ tion ? Are they willing to he held respon sible for so great a delinquency ? Two years vet remain of Mr. Buchanan’s incum bency*; and if the party will signify its res olution to exact a literal fulfillment of its pledges to the people, it may still “insure” ! this promised “ascendency” in the Gulf of j Mexico. For ourselves, no matter what the reproach of indiscretion in confessing ■ our own inconsistencies, we are determin ed the Democracy shall not violate their engagements, if perpetual admonitions ol duty will avail anything for the defence of their reputation. Apart from our volun tary obligations, the obvious interests of the country demand that the United States shall at once assume their legitimate influ mpjv* jrj Mexican counsels : and tho Demo- crat who Deglects to urge the policy, is laithless both to the pledges of his party and the importunities of patriotism. In another most important particular, the Democratic Administration has failed to fulfill the engagements of the Demo | cratic party. By the declaration of the Cincinnati platform, the Democracy are pledged to the principle of American as i cendcncy, and the annihilation of foreign influence, on the Isthmus. We have “a right to claim control over it,” and under no circumstances will we surrender “owr preponderance in the adjustment of all j questions” affecting the States of Central ■ America. It was in these brave words that the Democratic party declared its purpose to protect the rights of the coun try in Central America. Have we secured the “free communication between the At lantic and Pacific oceans,” which we prom ised to realize by ”the timely and efficient exertion of our legitimate control” over the Isthmus ? On the contrary, the treaty negotiated with the view of protecting the rights of our citizens, is practically reject ed by Nicaragua ; the transit is closed, and the only “communication” with our Pacif ic possessions exists by the sufferance of British speculators. In the maintenance of our “preponder ance” on the Isthmus, what has been done? . 1 . _ 1 „. 0 1411 CUUU 11 | but if we understand the condition of af fairs in Central America, the “pieponder ance” is already waived in deference to the superior claims of Great Britain. The neutrality of the Isthmus is the watchword of the Administration. In fact, the Amer ican minister is instructed to stand aside in apathetic indifference, while Gore Ouse ley negotiates a treaty for the express pur pose of substituting English ascendency for the “preponderance” asserted in the Democratic platform. We know the terms of that convention. They were submitted to Mr. Buchanan in advance of their prof fer to the government of Nicaragua. They make explicit provision for an equality of British power on the Isthmus, and for the privilege ot British interference in its po litical relations. With the same right of intervention, and with infinitely greater resources of encroachment, England will be sure to supplant the United States in Central America. How can the embodi ment of the Cincinnati platform consent to such an arrangement ? Will the party suffer its faith to be violated by the sacri fice of an ascendency which it is pledged never to surrender ? Timid persons will shrink aghast at the candor of these animadversions. The ser vile spirit of the mute partisan will be shocked by the exhibitiolTt f his own de linquencies* We would lain spare their sensibilities, but we have higher aims than to play the apologist of power. Our obligations to the party are superior to the claims of an Administration; and we intend to protect the principles of Democracy against the in fidelity of associates as well as the attacks of avowed enemies. Signs of the Time*. Bogus Democracy, like a guilty culprit, now trembles in its boots. On all sides are to be seen unmistakable evidences of its waning hopes and declining strength. “The hand writing is seen upon the wall,” in characters fearfully plain, and conster nation possesses the rioters upon the pub lic spoils. The recent disclosures of gross corruptions and unheard ol profligacy, on the part of the general government, star tles the honest masses, and, like true pa triots, they are fleeing from the rebellious ranks into* which they have been deluded by conspiring leaders* ’ The following melancholy strain, which is dipt from the Atlanta intelligencer, of last week, shows that his ‘‘harp is hung upon the willow trees,” and, with the in- j nocence of a wolf and the grief of a cormo- j rant, he sobs forth this doleful refrain to “fence men “In these modern times we find many politicians as well as public Journalists who may be denominated as “fence men.” Make the fence between Democracy and Know Nothingism, where you will, they forthwith get astraddle ot it, with one leg on one side, and one leg on ‘Mother ’ side, ready to pitch over one way or the other as circumstances may make it necessary or expedient for them to do. Well, this is a free country and if a man wants to sit oil the fence he has a perfect right to do so ; but God save us from such politicians say we.” Now isn’t it too had that these bloated, plethoric feeders upon public pap cannot compel the people “to shell out.” always, to satisfy their greedy maws. Then just, to think how obliging they have been ; put the fmxce where you will —run it towards “filiibnsterdom,” —wall in “squatter sov ereignty”—hedge out “States rights—tak ing in the name of economy, but the realw ty of prodigality —take in all possible cor ruptions of the ballot box, and Govern mental interference in election —take a right to steal Cuba . and a sufficient anny to concur Georgetown^ —take in the iu- tegrity oi the National Democracy a* “tho | paramount political* good”—take in “in | ternal improvements by the general gov | eminent”—take in a hundred million* acres of public lands, to give to foreign I criminals and paupers—take in the right, j of aliens to tix the domestic institutions of our territories—take in a custom -house for every town that wants one—take in a sti pend for every man of influence who has worked for the party —take in any amount of slavery agitation—take in all these things and a thousand more—make the fence to run, now North, now South, now East, now West ; never straight but al ways zigzagged, ahd by sinuosities along. This is the kind of fence you make and now’ though vou mav sob and “boo, hoo, hoo,” never so much, honest straight forward men must and will erosslit, and it is no use for you to “snivel,” even when you see"theni?going over by thousands.— This the people do, not because they wish to be on the “fence,” hut because they wish to go straigh t forward and your crook ed “fence” is in their way. — Horne Couritr . As English Woman’s On moss op Americas Ladies. —Madame Bodiclion, who has recently published a tract on “ Wo men and Work ” .pvimwiam v- ■*: mat me me ot most women is a practical denial of their duties to God. While on a visit to this country, she was struck by the utter idleness oft he “lady class” in so ciety. There is, she says, “in America h large class of ladies who do absolutely no thing. In every large in the United States there are large hotels or boarding houses, containing several hundred inhab itants each. This hotel p ipulation main ly consists of families who live altogether in hotels ; and the ladies—having no house keeping whatever to do—have few of tho usual duties of women'in Europe, and are more thoroughly giveh up -to idleness and vanity than any women I believe in tho world. These ladies have not tfie which glosses over the lives of so many women in Europe, and gives Lthem solid value in society as upholders sos the arte and literature; but are generally full of the strangest affectations and pretensions. The young ladies, especially, reminded me of certain women 1 hare seen in seraglios, whose whole time was taken up in dress ing and painting their faces ; with this dif ference—the ladies of the East spend their days in adorning themselves to please ono lord and master —the ladies of the West, to please all the lords of creation. Which is the noblest ambition ? She also notices the fact that there is in this country as strong a public opinion against women working for a livelihood aa in England. We never lit ar of a father in independent circumstances giving his daughter a prosessional education. “If he can live in some style he counts on his daughters marrying; and if he cannot, ho probably sends them to some relative in a city, who receives them for a long visit in the hope of ‘getting them off/ Many thousands of young girls c ome to the cities to stay with brothers, uncles or friends, for this purpose. A worse preparation for any serious life cannot be conceived. Tear* of idleness are often passed in this way; years spent in nothing but dressing and dissipation, and what does it lead to ? Marriage probably ; but what sort of mar riage can be formed by voting girls look ing at the world from such a false position ? With such a beginning to life, it is almost impossible the girl can ever become a no ble human being.” “In America —in that noble, free, new country —it is grievous to see the old, false, snobbish ideas of respec tability casing at the heart of society— making generations of women idle* and c irrupt,- and retarding the on war 1 pr< gross of the (in at Republic.” A Proof of Sanity. — ln a court nv.m in North Mississippi a man was on trial for larceny. Ills sanity was doubted, and the District Attorney thought it best to prove it, and put the following question to one of his leading w itnesses : “ Do you think the prisoner can distin guish between right and wrong ; can tell the difference between good an I bad?” Witness —“I think he can, sir for I saw him take a drink of whiskey, and he said it was good wliibkcy ; and, from this cir cumstance, I should in S r that be could ‘tell the difference between goodnnAbad.’ ” The bar enjoyed a hearty lallgh over the novelty of the answer, in which his honor freelv participated, and the proof was ac cepted. An Irish Judge said, when adrbessing a prisoner ‘ “ ou are to be haogd”, and I hope it will be a warning to you.* “Round sir?” said the sailor, ih refer ence to the shape ot the world, *• I’ve been all over it, and it’s as tlat as a puncakt.’ Juries, like guns, are often ‘charged’ and sometimes w ith v ery bad amUOitiofli Number 20.