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Volume 1. THE tpSON PILOT, 18 PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. Q-, A. MILLER, Editor and Proprietor. JAMES R. HOOD, Publisher. Terms of Subscription. In advance, for 1 year, - $2 00 If payment be delayed 0 months, - 2 50 If delayed until the end of the year - - 300 Bates of Advertising. Advertisements will be charged at the rate of one dollar ]>er square of ten lines or less, and fifty cents for each subsequent insertion. Professional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, -will be inserted 12 months for £l2. Liberal contracts made with Merchants and others wishirrg to advertise by the year. For Announcement of Candidates £5, invariably in advance. Marriages and Deaths inserted free, when accompa nied hv a resjsensible name. Obituaries of over 10 lines charged as Advertisements. We commend the following Hates of Advertising by contract to business men generally. We have placed them at the lowest figures, and they w ill in no instance be departed from : PY CONTRACT. 3 mos. 6 mos. 0 nn>s. 1 year. OJCK MMI’ARE. Without change, £0 00 £8 00 £lO 00 £l2 00 Changed quarterly 700 10 00 12 (Hj 10 00 Changed at will, * 800 12 00 14 QO 18 00 TWO SUCARKS. Without change. 10 00 15 00 20 00 25 00 Changed quarterly 12 00 18 00 24 00 28 00 Changed at will, 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 THKKK BUCAUKS. Without change, 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 Changed quarterly 18 00 22 00 26 00 31 00 Changed at will, 20 00 26 00 32 00 40 00 HALS COLUMN, Without change, 25 00 30 oo 40 00 50 00 Changed quarterly 28 00 32 00 45 00 55 00 Changed at will, 35 00 45 QO 50 00 60 00 ONK COLI'MS, Without change. 60 00 70 00 80 qq 100 00 Changed quarterly 65 00 75 00 00 00 110 00 Changed at will, 70 00 85 qq 100 qq 125 00 Legal Advertising. Sales of Lands and Negroes, l>v administrators, Ex ecutors ami Guardians, are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours often in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the property is sit uated. Notices of these sales must he given in a pub lic gazette forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice for the sale of personal property must be given at least ten da\s previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will bo made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be published weekly for two months. Citations for Letters of Administration must be pub lished thirty days—&ir Dismission from Administration, month!} six months—for Dismission from Guardian •hip, forty days. Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must le published monthly for four months—for establishing lost papers for the full space of three months —for compelling ti tles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always he continued according to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered, It the following ratks: Citation on Letters of Administration, £2 50 “ Diemissory from Administration, 600 ” “ “ Guardianship, 350 Leave to sell Land or Negroes, 5 00 Pairs of personal property, 10 days, 1 sq. 150 Bales of land or negroes by Executors, 3 50 Estrays, two weeks, 1 50 BheritTs till (la/*, 5 00 “ •* 30 “ 2 50 lir Money sent by mail is ui the risk of the Editor, Erovided, if the remittance miicarry, a receipt be ex ibited from the Post Master. rrr. ,!?L - PROFESSIONAL CAR DS. DR. JOHN GOODE, RHSPECTFULLY offers his Professional services to the citizens of Thomaston and its vicinity. He can be found during the day at Dr. Heard’s of fice, and at his father’s residence at night. Thomaston, Feb. 10. THOMAS BEALL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASTON, GA. fedS—lv P. W. ALEXANDER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASTON, GA. no\2s—ly B. Wahrrj*. C. T. Goode. WARREN & GOODE, ATTORNEYS AT TAW, PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA. novlS—tf A. C. MOORE, D ENTIST, THOMASTON, GA. OFFICE at my House (the late residence of Mrs. Hicks,) where I am prepared to attend t<> all elass ee of Dental Operations. M v work is mv Reference. novlS—tf G. A. MILLER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASTON. GA. BUSINESS car ds. ghanitb hall, OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE, macon, Georgia B . F . DENSE* (Late of the Floyd House,) ts Proprietor. Hardeman & griffin, Dealers in Staple Dry Goods and Groceries of every Description Corner of Cherry and Third Streets, , Tr _ MACON, GA. ly R w ould call the attention of the Planters of Up , ®on and adjoining counties to the above Card, be benng we can make it to their interest to deal with Racon Nf* ra Le r jq l?ss. an d - ts. msi mm . BUSINESS CARDS. A. S. BROOKS, Dealer in Family Groceries, THOMASTON, GA., KEEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds of Family Groceries, Iron, Hollow Ware, &c., Ac., and a few Liquors for the afflicted. W Fruits and Oysters in season. nov25 —ts JAMES mTeDNEY, “ General Purchasing ana Commission Merchant, AND DEALER IN PIANOS, MELODEOXS. PUMPS, SAFES, SEWING MACHINES, &c. Publisher of “ Cherokee Physician,” “Chronology of N. C.,” “Southern Bishops,” Hickory Nut Falls. &c. 117 I'liaiulici’s Street, New-York. Buys every kind of Merchandise directly from Job bers, Importers, Manufacturers, and Whole sale Dealers, (either for Cash or on time.) on the best possible terms. Commission fur Buying and Forwarding, Two and. a Ilaif per Cent. REFERENCES : Wilson G. Hunt & Cos.. Ross, Falconer & Cos.. Meli us Courier & Sherwood, Cook, Dowd, Baker & Cos., Furman Davis A Cos., A. T. Bruce & Cos., A. H. Gale & ! Cos., New-York; MePbeeters iV Gheselin, John B. ’ Odom, Esq.. Norfolk, Va.; Hon. John Baxter, Rev. W, G. Brownlow, Knoxville, Tenn.,; lion. Thos. L. Jones. New[*ort, Ky.,; Brown & McMillnr, Washington, W. & D. Richardson, D. Ayers, Esq.. Galveston, Texas; D. R. McAnnally, D. D., St. Louis. Mo.. ; R. S. Foster, D. D.. Evanston, J. M. Jordan &: Cos., Chicago, 111.,; S. B. Erwin, Esq., Washington, D. C.,; D. D. T. Moore, Esq., Rochester, New-York; W. M. Wightman. D. D., Spar tanburg, S. C.,; Rev. C. C. Gillespie, New Orleans, La.; John W. Stoy, Esq., Charleston, Hon. B. F. Perry, Greenville, S. C.,; lion. Win. A. Graham, Hillsboro, Hons. Chas. Manly and J. W. Ellis. Raleigh, Hon. D. L. Swain, Chapel Hill, Chas. F. Deems, I). D., Wilson, N. C.,; Dr. J. E. Fant, Macon, Miss.,; Myatts & Toler, Marion. Ala.,; W. Schley, Jr., Augusta, G. A. Miller, Thomaston, Ga.,; W. B. Crooks, Esq., Philadelphia, I’a. Jan. 20, 1850. SYDENHAM ACER. JNO. F. IVERSON ACEE & IVERSON, DRUGGISTS AND CHEMISTS, SION OF GOLDEN EAGI.E, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi cines, Chemicals, Acids, Fine Soaps, Fine Hair and Tooth Brushes, Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines and Liquors for Medicinal purposes. Medicine Chests, Glass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stull's, Fancy and Toilet Articles, i me Tobacco and Havana Segars. &c.. &e. jan6—tf. P> © L 0 T ] © ik L 3 From the Richmond Whig. Letter from lion. John M. Botts. Richmond, March 14, 1859. To the Editors of the Whig: Tito ridiculous and unfair attempts at misrepresentation of what I said a short time since in the Convention, by a portion of the Democratic press in this city, can only serve to satisfy all who heard my re marks of the abandonment of all attempt to answer the argument, and of the des perate straits to which they are reduced for something that will constitute a capi tal upon which the existing canvass in this State may bo conducted. Despairing of all efforts to refute the stubborn facts that have been presented against the Democracy, they have resorted to the most uncandid, disingenuous, and unfair means, to create a popular prejudice for the moment —not against the candidate of our party, hut against me, who am in no sense before the people for any office. At this, however, I have neither felt sur prise nor regret. I was not surprised, be cause I have been too long accustomed to such misrepresentations not to have been prepared for it. I did not regret it, be cause it conclusively showed the weakness of our adversaries’ position. But I did regret to see that Mr. Letcher, between whom and myself the kindest rela tions have always existed, had imitated so bad an example ; and taking the “ cue” from the Richmond Enquirer, had uncere moniously and gratuitously introduced my name into the canvass ; as if my soundness or unsoundness on the slavery or other questions, had any thing to do with the contest between Mr. Goggin and himself ; as if my merits or demerits were now pre sented for the consideration and judgment of the State. If he is correctly reported, he has misrepresented my language, and the meaning it conveyed. 1 am not in the habit of taking positions that will impose upon me the necessity for retraction or apology, on the score of youth, indiscretion, or thoughtlessness. It is cus tomary with me to weigh and measure all my words,.and it is usual for me to say what I mean, and mean what I say; and on the occasion alluded to, I certainly meant all that 1 did say. In the New York Herald of the 10th, Mr. Letcher is reported to have said sever al ungracious and uncomplimentary things of me, that I had no reason to expect trom him. “John M. Betts,” he said, “had taken the stand against him. How stands he ?” “The Richmond Whig has been compelled to denounce bis unsoundness.” “He avow ed in his Richmond speech his willingness to unite with free negroes to put down the Democracy.” “ Spoils were ot more inter est to him than the rights of the South. When and w*here have I taken the stand against him ? I have mentioned his name but once, and then in terms ot warm per sonal friendship, and chiefly to show the ’ inconsistence of those who had denounced ‘THE UNION OF THE STATES: -DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.” THOMASTON, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MOUSING, APRIL 7, 18-59. him as being “a decided abolitionist,” “un true to the South,” “unfaithful to Demo cracy,” “deficient in moral integrity,” and wanting in mental capacity,” and yet, in the same breath declaring their purpose to vote and work for him, if he should be the nominee of the party. My object w r as to show that the institution of slavery and the interests of the South were least cared for, by those who were most “fussy” on the subject, and that the democratic party had only used the question of slavery as a football for party unity and ascendancy. This is the only connection in which I have used Mr. Letcher’s name, and if that is offensive, then I plead guilty of having thrown the first stone, although I did not make one of the charges myself. Several weeks ago, certain facts were placed at my disposal, under the supposition that I in tended to take an active part in the can vass, connected with certain speculative operations of Mr. Letcher in Washington, that cannot be otherwise than detrimental to his prospects if disclosed, as they cer tainly will be, and if they should be estab lished ; but which I declined to meddle with, because they partook of a personal as well as of a political nature, and be cause I felt towards him all the ties of per sonal friendship. But, “ the Richmond Whig,” he says, “ has been compelled to denounce his un soundness.” How far it is either generous, or proper, or admissable, for a gentleman to repeat a charge or denunciation, that lias been again and again, to his knowledge unconditionally withdrawn voluntarily and without consideration other than that of well settled conviction and manly acknowl edgment, I leave to Mr. Letcher, on a less interested occasion, to determine. But if he relies upon the withdrawn charge of the Whig to establish unsoundness in me, how does he propose to acquit himself of the unwithdrawn and lately reiterated charges of unsoundness and unworthiness against him by the Enquirer—notwithstanding he is the candidate of the party that the En quirer is now pretending to support. And, “I announced my willingness to unite with free negroes to put down the Democracy,” he says : When and where did Mr. Letcher see this, except in the Richmond Enquirer—authority that one might suppose he would not be eager to quote, or establish as reliable—and which he was obliged to know was a gross misre presentation of what I had said ; for he had certainly read my speech as reported, and that certainly furnished no foundation for such a charge. There was but one report of my speech as far as 1 have seen, and that was taken for the New York Herald, by its regular reporter, who, I take pleasure in saying, reported me, in substance, with great accu racy, and his report was never seen by me until it was in print, and that represents me as saying, in reply to a complaint that I was willing to receive the vote of the Re publican party —“ that if there was a State in the Union composed entirely of free ne groes, and the Constitution gave them the right to vote, I would he much obliged to them to help me to beat the Democratic party ” —and so I would—and Mr. Letcher and all his party would, as all know, make every effort and sacrifice to secure their votes to keep them in power. But, will Mr. Letcher, as a lawyer, a politician, a gentleman, or a man of sense, say that this language justified him of say ing of me, before a crowd of his constitu ents, and in my absence, with no one to represent me, or correct him, that 1 had said I was willing to unite with free ne groes on any terms, or for any purpose ? First, it was apparent to all, that my re mark was intended merely as an illustra tion of my deep seated and earnest convic tion of the necessity for, and determina tion to use all Constitutional and lawful means to accomplish, the defeat of the de mocracy, and not as a proposition to seek their aid even, for the reason that there was no such State in the Union, and nev er could be ; and, secondly, to receive aid from them was very different from uniting with them, as every body is obliged to know, who understands the weight and meaning of the English language. To unite or coalesce with a party implies a recognition of equality and reciprocity ; to receive aid from them implies neither the one nor the other. 1 presume if Mu. Letcher’s house or barn should be on fire, he would be glad to get aid, either from Black Republicans, or free negroes, to put it out. let nobody would ever suspect that HE would unite, or coal esce. or form a partnership in business transactions for pecuniary speculation, or business advantage with either. W e all know he would be too pure and immacu late now, whatever he might have been willing to do in 1855, to form a coalition, or to unite with that degraded, unworthy and disfranchised portion of our popula tion, known as W bigs and Know Noth ings ; hut will he say he would not be thankful for their aid to beat Mr. Goggin ? Or will he, or any other man of respecta bility and common sense, say,, that if a candidate for office, he would not prefer that the votes of any class of people, that were clothed by the Constitution with power to vote, should be given to him, rather than to his competitor. If they will, then I have only to say, that I don't believe them, and nobody else will; but if true, they ought at once, as Col. Benton would have said, to be “cut for the sim ples.” During the revolutionary war, the ne groes were armed and their aid accepted to repel the enemies of the country ; and at the battle of New Orleans, Gen. Jackson availed himself of the aid of the slaves of Louisiana, in beating back the British forces under Packenham. But, was it ev er charged that either our forefathers, or Gen. Jackson, proposed to unite with the negroes, free or bond, on terms of equality or reciprocity ? Such an attempt in this case on the part of Mr. Letcher is unwor thy his past position and of the position he seeks to fill. Let him leave such efforts to a reckless party press, and conduct the canvass on his own merits, anil the merits of his party, on the merits of its principles, with a manliness that would seem to indi cate that he had some little remaining con fidence, that the cause he represents is up right and just, and not impliedly admit that neither himself nor his cause can he sustained, unless by a resort to an expedi ent, that will neither add to his political advantage nor to his personal honor. There were five persons formerly of this city, who are now dead, but whose memo ries will live in the public regard for many, many long years to come, who never omit ted an opportunity to cast their votes for me when I was a candidate, either for the State Legislature or for Congress—and of whose support I have felt, and shall ever feel, a just degree of pride—they were John Marshall, John Wickham, Chapman Johnson, Watkins Leigh, and Ilob’t Stan ard ; and yet, when the sheriff came to count up the votes at the close of the polls, they counted but five—and if I have re ceived the vote of one “ Molungeon,” and he had been authorized by the Constitu tion to vote, and had had a majority of only one—it would have been difficult to tell, whether I was most indebted for my election to the “Molungeon,” or to the Chief Justice of tlm United States ; and it rny competitor had received six “ Molun jreon” votes, or the votes of six worthless and degraded locofocos, (supposing there could be any such,) they would have more than balanced these five of the first men the State could boast, and I hardly think 1 ever had a competitor, who would not have claimed the beuefit of the return on tlie ground that one constitutional vote was as good for an election as another. But, lastly, he says, “Spoils are of more interest to me than the rights of the South.” Now, 1 ask John Letcher to lay ; his hand upon his heart, and answer, be fore Heaven, whether he believes this to be true. What spoils have 1 received, or sought ? What evidence have 1 given of a desire, or thirst for spoils? What par ty have 1 forsaken or abandoned ? What principles, or opinions, have I changed or recanted when a candidate, or not a candi- ; date, for public honors and emoluments ? When was I charged with taking spoils, under the instructions of 39 men, that I would not take without them, and that I was not entitled to receive ? When was I charged with keeping watch over flic Treasury to defeat private claims, old sol dier’s bounties, and old widow’s pensions, whilst I was voting the appropriation of j millions, for purposes that would necessa- j lily enhance the value of my own private j speculations? No, Mr. Letcher; a sacri fice of principles for spoils is a very com mon charge against politicians, especially those of the party to which you belong ; ; but no such charge has ever been before made, or can now be sustained, against me. If when I have been denounced and j beaten by my own party —and had ever) j possible inducement and promise of re ward held out by the other —if when daily j examples were spread before mo, of those j who had renounced their party associates, j abandoned their long cherished opinions j and principles, and gone over to those whom they had for years and years de nounced as rogues and royalists, and thieves ; and traitors, and were then rewarded for ! their apostacy with high honors and emol uments —if when I saw all this, I stood firm and immovable in mine integrity, and j mv principles, not in a hopeless minority i onlv. but almost by myself alone, when spoils and honor and distinction were with in my grasp—if this gives evidence of my , preference for spoils over the rights of the , South, or any thing else that was right or j just, or proper in itself, then Mr. Letcher’s denunciatory charge is well founded, and I will submit without defence. But, if. on the contrary, my course has exhibited a preference for truth, and honesty, and jus tice, and right, and principle, and love of country, then Mr. Letcher's charge falls harmlessly at my feet, and recoils with ten fold severity upon him who rashly makes it, and I leave him to the full enjoyment of whatever advantage it may yield him. But, John Letcher does not believe it himself, and honest John should have been too honest to have said it. Let him reach the Gubernatorial chair by fair and honest means, if he can, but let him exhibit more generosity and fairness than thus to at tempt the sacrifice of a friend, or make his reputation a stepping stone to his own pre ferment ; but he must not expect me to sit with my arms folded, under such imputa tions from him. Respectfully, JNO. M.BOTTS. Letter from the lion. William A. Graham* Os North Carolina, to the Whig General Committee of New York. Hillsboro’, N. C., Feb. 25,1859. Gentlemen : I regret that my absence from home and indispensable engagements have thus long delayed the acknowledg ment of your letter of the 7th instant, transmitting a resolution of the Whig Gen eral Committee of the city of New York, and requesting my views on the present aspect of affairs. I still more regret the want of leisure at present which would en able me to respond to this request in a be fitting manner. You do me but justice, gentlemen, in classing me in the “Old* Guard,” which was wont to be marshalled under the head of Clay and Webster, and which, in every time of public emergency and national danger, has appeared itself the life-guard of tlie Constitution and a Constitutional Union ; which, whether in or out of power in a party sense, lias ever been loyal to the Government and relied upon to extricate it from difficulties and save it from the an tagonisms of factions and sections. Most heartily do I concur with your committee that there should be an end of agitation on the subject of slavery. In the Consti tution formed by our fathers they mutual ly agreed to stipulations on this topic, which in the first half century of the Re public were rarely misunderstood. Upon successive enlargements ot our borders and the institution of new States and Territo ries it gave rise to divisions of the most se rious character. These, upon two memo rable occasions, were composed under the auspices of Henry Clay ; and, it the set tlements thus made were not approved by all they were acquiesced in, and regarded as final by the great majority of the Amer ican people. Without designing to censure those en tertaining and acting on a different opin ion, I more than doubt the wisdom of re opening this controversy since the compro mise of 1850. It has been productive of no result but violent, factious, arid dis graceful contentions in the distant Terri tories, and sectional alien;!* on among the States. It excited hopo’:A the South and fears in the North which have been alike disappointed, and which never can be re alized. The law of soil and climate turns out to be nearly the same in effect with the law penned by Clay. Practically, therefore, there is no longer an existing cause of discussion on this vexed question, and agitation must die out unless new fu el shall he found for the flame. The polit ical organization w hich may aspire to guide the future destinies of the nation must consequently appeal to public sentiment j on topics more expansive and general than | opposition to or zeal for the establishment j of slavery in a Territory which must soon become a State and regulate its own insti tutions. The period is passed when this issue, like the rod ot Aaron, can be per mitted to swallow’ up all questions of na tional policy, to obstruct, as for years it has done, the attention of Congress to the national interests, and to proscribe as un worthy of trust all who do not subscribe to the tests of political orthodoxy set up by extremists on either side. * In view of this approaching calm in the public mind, I cannot but regard the quick ened appetite for the acquisition of Cuba, and the very extraordinary measure rec ommended to obtain it, as anew paitv de vice, having for its object to introduce a new test of party fealty, instead of that which is about to expire. It should ever be borne in mind that the extension ot their territories was not one of the objects for which the people of the 1. nited States entered into the Federal T nion. It is true that in the progress of our histoi), mag nificent domains have been acquited, ad din<- greatlv to the national commerce and power, but always of territories contiguous to our own, ot the main land of the conti nent. by treaties made with the assent of the sovereign for a reasonable equiva lent, or by conquest in war. These, how - ever. have been but incidents in our course, and “to form a more perfect union, cstab- j lish justice, increase domestic tranquility, provide for the common defetice, promote j the eneral welfare, and secure the bles sings of liberty to ourselves and our pos terity” still remain the great purposes for which the Government was established. — I do not know that, under all circumstan ces I should saw with Mr. Calhoun, that “to us Cuba is forbidden fruit.” The time ! may come when it may he expedient and necessarv to enlarge our boundaiics, and , even to cover islands of the sea. But 1* t all such events he the results of time and j necessity, and effected without injustice or loss of national character. The adminis tration of Mr. Fillmore promptly refused the overture of England and France furs stipulation that neither of the parties would acquire this island, and at the samo time declared that the United States would never consent to its transfer from to any other European Power; and tue en forcement of tliis declaration is all that our interest or honor require. The pres ent limits of the United States compre hend an empire of sufficient magnitude to satisfy every just aspiration for national grandeur, and care should be taken nei ther to sully our good name, nor to bur den the present population of the country with exactions of hundreds of millions to purchase more lands, to the end that we may boast more extended domains. And when we know of a certainty that Cuba is not for sale, and that propositions for its ! purchase are offensive to its proprietors, it is not only idle, but. mischievous to appro priate moneys for its purchase, and there fore seizure in the event of refusal. Whig policy, gentlemen, is founded on no one idea, which may form the subject of a temporary excitement, expending all its energies now upon Kansas and now up on Cuba. It builds its structures on no narrow platform, formed to be interpreted in different sections with different mean ings ; but it looks to all the groat inter ests of the nation contided to the Federal Government, and seeks to adorn them by the means committed to its power. While abstaining from the exertion of powers de nied. it contemplates the free and benefi cent exercise of those conferred for the pub lic good. It endeavors to allay sectional excitement, and to promote sentiments of harmony and union by doing justice to all sections. Economical in fact, not in idle railing or boasting, it estimates the amount required for an efficient public service, and appeals to an intelligent people fur its con tributions, not by direct taxes, but by duties distinctly levied and honestly paid on for eign imports, with discrimination when necessary in favor of American and against foreign interests. \\ hen last Invested with authority, undei the mild and just rule of Fillmore, 11 gave due attention to all the national interests vA an annual cost of less than fifty-two millions of dollars —although there was an overflowing Treasury which it constantly but vainly besought Congress to reduce, and the complaint then made in a higher quarter that this amount of ex penditure was extravagant, calling for tho intervention of Democratic reform, when under its author we have seen expendit ures mount uj) to eighty millions per year, in a time too of profound peace, proves what was said long ago by the most philo sophic of statesmen, that “the art of gain ing power and that of using it well are of ten found in different person*.” But our system of policy is too well un derstood by the country to need detailed exposition, and in my opinion the people are ready lo return to it, as to the safeand tried paths of experience, if all who ap prove it in sentiment will co-operate in ac tion. They want not war, nor rumors of war, but peace, except when a resort to arms may be necessary for the defenoa of American interests and power. Thy *fw actuated by no lust for conquest and do minion, They are wearied of sect ional ag itation, and desire if possible a restoration of fraternal feeling. Instead of extrava gance, they require retrenchment, not hv sudden efforts, made in dread of popular displeasure, which threaten to destroy wholesome public institutions, but by a well considered reform and correction of abuses, beginning with those practiced un der the eye of Congress itself —in the de partment of public printing, for example. They desire, in line, a more conservative, national, and healing influence in the pub lic counsels, and need but a union of effort on the part of all entertaining these senti ments to eth et the object ot their wishes, 1 um, with sincere respect, gentlemen, Your obedient servant, WILL. A. GRAHAM. To Messrs. J. Philips Phenix, Willis Blackstone, A. M. Biningcr, D. L. Levy, and A. K. Smith. Committee. David Webb, Esq., Cor. Secretary. Quizzing a Joked. — A gentleman cros sing one of the New York ferries, Was ac costed by one of those peripatetic venders of cheap literature and weekly n< wsj open?, who arc to be found in shoals about all our public ]daces, with, “Buy Hulwers last work, sir ? Only two sliihin. ihe gen tleman willing to have a laugh with the , urchin, said, “why, 1 am Bulwer myself 1” Off went the lad, and whispering to anoth er. at a little distance, excited his wonder ment at the information he had to impart. Eyeing the pretended author of Pelham with a kind of awe, he approached him timkllv, and. holding out a pamphlet, said, modestly, “Buv the School for Husbands, sir YoiSre not Mrs. Buhcer, an you, too!” Os course, the proposed sale was effected. Flattery is a sort of bad money which our vanity gives currency.— ttoch/oii^aUHi Number 21.