Upson pilot. (Thomaston, Ga.) 1858-1864, April 14, 1859, Image 1

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Volume 1. THE UPSON PI'LO T. tfl PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. Gr. A. MILLEII, Editor and Proprietor. JAMES 11. HOOD, Publisher. Terms of Subscription. In advance, for 1 year, $2 00 If payment bo delayed 0 months, - - - 250 If delayed until the end of the year - - 300 Rates of Advertising. Advertisements will bo charged at the rate of one dollar per square of ten lines or less, and fifty cents for each subsequent insertion. Professional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, will bo inserted 12 months for £l2. Liberal contracts made w ith Merchants and others wishing to advertise by the year. For Announcement of Candidates £5, invariably in advance. Marriages and Deaths inserted frc-e, when accompa nied by a responsible name. Obituaries of over 10 lines charged as Advertisements. We commend the following Rates of Advertising by contract to business men generally. Wo have placed them at the lowest figures, and they will in no instance be departed from : BY CONTRACT. | 3 nios. 6 mos. 9 mos. | 1 year. OSE SOL ARK. Without change, $6 00 £9 00 £lO 00 £l2 00 Chanced quarterly 700 10 00 12 00 10 00 Changed at will, 800 12 00 11 00 18 t'o TWO SQUARES. Without change. 10 00 15 00 20 00 25 00 Changed quarterly 12 00 18 00 24 00 28 00 Changed at will, 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 THREE SQUARES. Without change. 15 00 20 00 2-> 00 30 00 Changed quarterly 18 00 22 00 26 00 31 00 Changed at will, 20 00 26 00 32 00 40 00 HALE COLUMN, Without change, 25 00 30 00 10 00 60 00 Changed quarterly 28 00 32 ot) 45 00 55 00 Changed at will, 35 00 45 (jq 60 00 60 00 ONH COLUMN, Without change. 60 00 70 qq 80 qq 100 00 Changed quarterly 65 CM) 75 qq .90 qq 110 00 Changed at will, 70 00 85 oq 100 qq 125 00 Legal Advertising. Hales of Lands and Negroes, by administrators, Ex ecutors uud Guardians, are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours often in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the property is sit uated. Notices of these sales must be given in a pub lic gazette forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice for the sale of personal property must be given at least ten days previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of ail lytate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ortim.uy for tva\ e to s'ell EatTtl or Negrora, must be published weekly for two months. Citations for Letters of Administration must be pub lished thirty days—for Dismission from Administration, tnonthly six months—for Dismission from Guardian ship, forty days. Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be published monthly fv>r four months —for establishing lost papers for the full space of three months —for compelling ti tles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond has bts'n given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always be continued according to these, the logal requirements, unless otherwise ordered, at tho follgsving rates: Citation on Letters of Administration, £2 oO “ Pismissory from Administration, 600 11 “ “ Guardianship, 350 Leave to sell Land or Negroes, 5 00 Sales of personal proper!} 10 days, 1 sq. 100 Sales of land or negroes by Executors, 3 50 Estrays, two weeks, 1 50 Sheriffs Sales, 60 days, 6 00 3O “ 250 Ur Money sent by mail is at the risk of the Editor, provided, if the remittance miscarry, a receipt be ex hibited from the Post Master. PR ( ) F ESSIONAL OAI ? 1 >S. _ ’ \VM. Gh HOI l SLEW Attorney at Law, THOM ASTON, GA. WILL practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford, IT Monroe, Pike and Merriwether Counties. April 7. 185!)—lv. DR. JOHN GOODE, EESPF.CTFULLY offers bis Professional services to / the citizens of Thomaston and its vicinity. He can be found during the day at Dr. Heard’s of fice, and at his father’s residence at night. Thomaston, Feb. 10. ~THOMAS BEALL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASTON, GA. fed 3—l y ~ P W.IILEXANDER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASTON, GA. nov2s—ly E. Wahrex. C. T. Goode. WARREN A GOODE, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA. novlS—tf A. C. MOORE, 1) E N T IST, THOMASTON, GA. OFFICE at my House (the late residence of Mrs. Hicks,) where I am prepared to attend to all class es of Dental Operations. My work is mvßeference. nov!B—tf G. A. MILLER, ATTORNEY AT LAAV, THOMASTON, GA. gu S INESS CARDS. GEORGE W. DAVIS, “TS in receipt of a beautiful Stock of Spring and Sum x mer Goods, comprising every article usually kept in Call and see him at bis old stand. 1 homastop, April 7, 1859. granite halt,, OPPOSITE THE LAMER HOUSE, MACOjST, GEORGIA B. F . DENSE, fLate of the Eloyd Houre,) dc'-16 —ij PnoriuL tok. BUSINESS CARDS. A. S. BROOKS, Dealer in Family (Groceries, THOMASTON, GA., I r EEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds Y of Family Groceries, Iron, Hollow Ware, &c., &c., and a feic Liquors for the afflicted. ur fruits and Oysters in season. nov25 —ts JAMES M. EDNEY, General Purchasing and Commission Merchant, A>D DEALER IX PIANOS, MELODEONS, PUMPS, SAFES, SEWING MACHINES, &c. Publisher of “Cherokee Physician,” “Chronology of N. C.,” “ Southern Bishops,” Hickory Nut Falls, &c. 14? Chambers Street, Ncw-l’ork. Buys every kind of Merchandise directly from Job bers, Importers, Manufacturers, and Whole sale Dealers, (either for Cash or on time,) on the best possible terms. Commission for Buying and Forwarding , Two and a Half per Cent. REFERENCES : Wilson G. Hunt & Cos., Ross, Falconer & Cos., Meli us, Courier & Shonvood, Cook, Dowd, Baker & Cos., Furman Davis & Cos., A. T. Bruce &. Cos., A. 11. Gale &. Cos New-York; McPhecters Gheselin, John B. Odom, Esq.. Norfolk, \ a.; Hon. John Baxter. Rev. W, G. Brownlow, Knoxville, Teim.,; Hon. Thos. L. Jones. Newport, Ky., ; Brown & McMillar, Washington, W. & D. Richardson, D. Ayers, Esq., Galveston, Texas; D. R. McAnnally, I>. I)., St. Louis, M 0..; R. S. Foster, D. D., Evanston, J. M. Jordan & Cos., Chicago, 111.,; S. B. Erwin, Esq., Washington, D. ;D. I). T. Moore, Esq., Rochester, New-York; W. M. Wightman, D. I)., Spar tanburg, S. C.,; Rev. C. C. Gillespie. New Orleans,La.; John W. Stoy, Esq., Charleston, lion. B. F. Perry, Greenville, S. C.,; Hon. “Win. A. Graham, Hillsboro, Hons. Clias. Manly and J. W. Ellis, Raleigh, Hon. D. L. Swain, Chapel Hill, Chas. F. Deems, D. D., Wilson, N. 0.,; Dr. J. E. Fant, Macon, Miss.,; Myatts & Toler, Marion, Ala..; W. Schley, Jr., Augusta, G. A. Miller, Thomaston, Ga..; W. B. Crooks, Esq., Philadelphia, Pa. Jan. 20,1859. STD EX II AM ACRE. JNO. F. IVERSON ACEE &. IVERSON, I> H I GG IS T S AN I> C 511> MISTS, sign of golden eagle, COLUMBUS, GEO It GI A . DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi cines, Chemicals, Acids, Fine Soaps, Fine Hair and Tooth Brushes, Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder Braces, Surgical, and Dental instruments, pure Wines and Liquors for Medicinal purposes, Medicine Chests, Glass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuffs, Fancy and Toilet Articles, Fine Tobacco and Havana Segars, &c.. &C. jaiiG— ts. HARDEMAN <& GRIFFIN, Dealers in Staple Dry Goods and Grocer**** of every .Iptlon Corner of Cherry and Third Streets, MACON, GA. would call the attention of the Planters of Up > V son and adjoining counties to the above Card, be lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with us. - Macon, Ga.. November 19,1858. novL<> —ts. p©L3TO © A L □ From the Charleston Mercury. lion. Alexander 11. Stephens. The lion. Alexander 11. Stephens, of Georgia, has declined a re-election to the House of Representatives. Whether a love of ease, or ill health, which has been his apparent attendant for the last ten or fifteen years, or a seat in the Senate of the United States, the compulsion of necessity, or the stimulent of ambition has governed his determination, it is useless to inquire. For the present at least, he retires from public life, and certain members of Con gress have deemed it a suitable occasion to tender him a testimonial of their admi ration, in the form of a public dinner in Washington. Our readers will find the correspondence between the parties in our columns. Public dinners on public mat ters, and the merits of public men, are subjects for free discussion and inquiry.— Mr. Stephens is not only a Georgian but a Southern man ; and for the last ten or fif teen years lias been prominent in influen cing the great events which have brought the South into a position of weakness and peril, which very few men fail to see and acknowledge. As Mr. Stephens is a type of certain men in the South, we propose to give a brief sketch of his political career, to show the debt of gratitude and admira tion which is due to him by the people ol the South. The times render it proper that they should understand the men they are to trust. Mr. Stephens, we believe, was a nullifier in Georgia in 1832 and ’33. He appeared in Congress, however, on his introduction into the arena of politics in Washington as a Whig. He continued in fraternity with the Whig party until the contest of 1850-’52, concerning our territories in Cal ifornia arose. The W hig party of the North became, during this contest, com pletely abol it ionised, and, like Mr. Web ster, we suppose be might have inquired, “ Where am Itogo ?” He became a fu- ( rious resistance man. Y\ ith bis colleague, ! Mr. Toombs, lie pushed himself forward in ; the van of those who were intent on re deeming the pledges of Georgia and other Southern States, to resist, “at all hazards, and to the last extremity,” the exclusion of the South from the Territory ot Cali fornia. No man in or out of Congress was sterner in the vindication of the rights of the South, and apparently more certainly to be relied on to enforce them in the Union, or to maintain them out of it. The California Compromise, as it was called 1 but in reality an ignominious and total surrender of the South in California,) pass ed Congress: and Mr. Stephens was left ‘THE UNION OF THE STATES: —DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS j ONE, LIKE THE SEA.” THOMASTON, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, APRIL 11, 1559. the alternative either to redeem his brave words and his valiant resolutions in behalf of the South, or to aid in her overthrow and submission. He took the latter course, i In Georgia, he took, the stump to quell the : free spirit of the people of that State ; and, in order to accomplish this end he got up a Union party, composed of old whig ma terials and a fragment of the democratic party to oppose and defeat the secession ists. The fierce denouncer of the Federal Government and the North now became I the apologist of both ; and the secession ists. constituting the great bulk of the de mocratic party of Georgia, found in him, instead of a consistent leader, a reviler and calumniator. To South Carolina, too, and her public men, he paid bis especial ad dresses, we learned. He succeeded, how ever. The Union party was successful; but this ephemeral combination soon fell to pieces with the restoration of the old or der of things. It was indebted for its suc cess chiefly to a fear of change —or a fear of power. Os course such an element of combination dissolved as soon as the dan ger, real or imaginary, disappeared. Mr. Webster’s anxious inquiry might again have troubled the mind of Mr. Stephens ; but fortunately for him, the whig party, in their desperation, determined to assume a new policy for party cohesion. They be came Native Americans, in opposition to the Democratic party. Mr. Stephens op posed them, and became a duly baptised Democrat. Questions in the meantime arose in Con gress of vital import to the South. The Kansas and Nebraska bill, by its author, Mr. Douglas, in his report to the Senate, was openly based on the principle of squat ter sovereignty. Mr Stephens supported it zealously in the House of Representa tives. The contest for supremacy arose in Kan sas, between Southern slaveholders, the natural population of the Territory, and non-slaveholders, assisted by Emigrant Aid Societies, and carried on by Northern clam or. The slave-holders triumphed, and sent a pro-slavery Constitution to Congress for admission into the Union. The Senate passed the bill admitting Kansas into the Union with a pro-slnvevy Constitution. Mr. Stephens, as usual supported it in the House. It failed in the House ; and then, as of yore, he helps to originate—at least, supports' —another compromise, by which he did the very thing he declared he did not do, and never would do—he submits the Lecompton Constitution to the popu lar vote of the people of Kansas, now swol len with Northern emigrants, and this Con stitution, thus submitted, is rejected, and the South is defeated. The solemn decision of the Supreme Court of the United States determines that the Southern people have equal rights in our Territories with the people of the North, and that our slaves are as much en titled to protection within them as any other property. The Northern people de nounce and reject the decision of the Su preme Court of the United States. The author of squatter sovereignty in Congress (Mr. Douglas) affirms that the people of a Territory have a right, by no legislation, or by hostile legislation, practically to abol ish slavery in our Territories. The Presi dent of the United States cannot uphold this heresy, and stands on the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in maintenance of the rights of the South. Mr. Stephens denounces him because lie will not support Douglas in Illinois against the rights of the South ; he denounces Mr. Buchanan as “wickedly foolish.” Wheth er this denunciation was occasioned by bis agreement with Douglas in his squatter sovereign absurdity, or by that intense de votion to the welfare of the Democratic par ty which only new converts can feel, no one can determine; but the most liberal charity will hardly suppose that it was in spired by any zeal for the rights or inter ests of the South. Mr. Stephens has, too, played a conspic uous part in violating and overthrowing the only good thing in favor of the South that was expected from the Compromise Conference Bill. The principle was there laid down that no Territory would be ad mitted as a State until its population num- j bered 93,000. This was a proposition j strictly just and proper. It stood in the j way of Northern dominion in the Senate. 1 It tended to prevent the settling of tem- j tories by a bogus population of political | emissaries, through the greater difficulties it interposed in the numbers it required to accomplish their sectional purpose. On these grounds the bill received the support of State Rights men. Gen. McQueen and j others thought that any attempt to violate ( this principle would unite the Southern representatives as one man, and constitute a better issue for resistance to Northern aggression than the land ordinance tricke ry 0 But Mr. Stephens, under the plea of divers plausibilities, treaty stipulations,, propabilities as to population, &e., has | been foremost in breaking through and trampling under foot this conservative bar rier against the fast growing ascendency of the North. Tho admission of Oregon, es peciallv championed by him. forever set- tles the validity of any check in the par ticular of population. He has assisted ar dently in cancelling the consideration on which the South gave up Kansas and her pro-slavery constitution in the passage of the Conference bill. He has lent his aid in leveling a bulwark against the progress of the North to complete mastery over the South. # The Democratic party of the North may view Mr. Stephens with intense affection and admiration. From, .the California compromise to his ardent advocacy of the last and meanest, the Kansas compromise, he has done all he could, by an humble acquiesence, to perpetuate and substantiate their power. That the abolitionists or black Republi cans should hold him in vast esteem (Wil liam li. Seward is one of his dinner-givers) is not surprising. They do not care a rush who agrees or disagrees with them in the South in their sectional strides to power. All tßcy want in a Southern man is a Union man, a submissionist. They have the power to rule the Union. What care they for grumbling, or bullying, or threats P If professions and defiances and oaths can give confidence in the South, why so much the better; because thereby weakness is inspired when this confidence is betrayed, r?nd power is increased to subject her.— Their very best allies are those in the South who, from time to time, have laid her prostrate beneath the foot of abolition aggressions. But why the South —the poor South —should honor such a man as Mr. Stephens, is one of those strange prob lems which only a state of confusion and irresolution in the popular mind, tVe result of a policy without principles, could possi bly make a subject of consideration. We wish Mr. Stephens all happiness in his re tirement from public life, and hope that it may continue forever, unless he can brave ly meet—not by words, but by acts—the perilous consequences with which his poli cy lias entangled and surrounded the South. If he will act as he spoke in 1850, we too will give him the meed ot our hum ble admiration, but not until then. Tiic Voice of Kentucky. IffieWh igs and Americans of Kentucky, J in convention assembled, have*;issued an address to the people of that State, giving a few of their objections to the Democrat ic party, and urging all good and true men, everywhere, to unite with them in oppos ing and defeating this most corrupt and corrupting organization in the world. The following condensed view of the address, we give for the benefit of our readers. — May it do them good : The Democratic party is essentially a disunion party. It hugs to its embrace many avowedalisunionists, who if they do not control, have great influence over the party; who, by constant “agitation of the slave question for sinister purposes, are rapidly driving the whoffi nation into two great sectional parties, as the precursor of disunion. It is a disorganizing, destructive party. It has destroyed the conservative elements of nearly all our State constitutions, and it has given evidence, through the utter ance of some of its most influential leaders of an intention to attack the Federal Con stitution iu the same way, but for the wholesome check which they recently re ceived. It is a double-faced party, having one j aspect for the North and another for the I South. Many of its northern leaders ear nestly advocate a strongly protective tariff, whilst many of its southern leaders say that the adoption of another protective tariff will justify and cause a dissolution of the Union. The northern leaders advo cate squatter sovereignty, whilst its south ern leaders hold it in abhorrence. It is a party with no common policy or fixed principles. Its members agree with each other as little in regard to fundamen tal principles of government, as they do in regard to measures of national policy.— Old fashioned Federalists, with President Buchanan and Chief Justiee Taney at their head, combine with Locofoco Democrats. Nulliliers and strict-construction State rights men unite with anti-nullifiers and the loosest latitudinarians. Distributionists of the proceeds of the public lands mingle with opponents of that j measure, and both unite iu squandering the public domain for the benefit of un- I naturalized foreigners and pet corpora tions. What Mr. Calhoun said of the party its whole career proves to be true “It lias no cohesive principle but the power of public plunder.” It is a sectional party. It has agitated the slavery question for party purposes un til it has driven nearly the whole North from its ranks. Everything tends to prove that so long as the Democracy retains power the disunionists will allow the na tion no peace on the slavery question.— When Kansas no'longer promises to keep j it alive, they try to give it new vitality by advocating the openingof the African slave trade-—a ‘ cheme which, as it has nochance of Aicces". be founded ojj no moti'o but that of agitation. They stimulate the agitation by encouraging the smuggling of cargoes of Africans. They audaciously in sult the whole nation by giving impunity to the piratical felons who effected the smuggling. They incite their grand juries to a practical sort of nullification of the nation’s law, and justify them for refusing to indict the persons engaged in this pi ratical traffic. It is a corrupt party. It is not only corrupt itself, but has caused much cor ruption in most other parties. It intro duced into the National Government the spoils principle for distributing patronage; and the infectious example has diffused that system throughout the nation. It is unavoidably a corrupting system. Party allegiance is the test for all offices from the highest to the lowest. All offices and em ployments, National, State, county, town, or corporation, are the immense spoils for which parties contend through the ballot box. The necessary natural consequence ensues. The ballot-box has become tlior oughly corrupt. Bribery, box-stuffing, il legal voting, forged certificates of natural ization, false returns, % and all manner of frauds have become the regular accompa niments of every national election. For this corruption the Democracy is more re sponsible than any other party, or all oth er parties. It has systematized and ex tended tins corruption so far that it is somewhat doubtful whether the incensed nation can wage successful resistance through the ballot box against its”corrupt officeholders. According to Democratic discipline all holders of civil office and all contractors have to pay a heavy tax on their salaries and earnings towards raising an .enormous corruption fund fur carrying elections. This fund, wielded by more than a hundred thousand well drilled office holders, renders the party rule truly for midable. Senator Johnston, said in his seat, “that if the people only knew the extent of the corruption they would come to Washing ton and pitch the whole concern into the Potomac.” It is an extravagant wasteful party. — The conclusive proof ot this lies in the fact that under its rule the annual expendi tures have increased from less than twenty to more than eighty millions. The single item of five millions spent in two Congressional terms for public print ing, and the waste of six hundred thou sand dollars annually in collecting the rev enue, as stated in the report of even a Democratic committee, supersede the ne cessity of any detailed exposure of extrav agance. In the published letter of President Bu chanan before referred to, bo complained that in 1852 the annual expenditures u have reached the enormous sum of fifty millions ,” and predicts that, “'unless ar rested by the strong arm of Democracy , may, in the course of a few years reach a hundred million.” “I am convinced our expenditures ought to be considerably re duced below the present standard, not on ly without detriment, but with advantage to the Government and the people.” The “strong arm of Democracy” has bad con trol of the finances for the last six years, and instead of arresting waste and extrav agance they have been nearly doubled in amount. Such is the contrast between Democratic performance and its promise whilst seeking popular favor. Thus Mr. Buchanan, the most competent and relia- j ble witness in such a case, proves the waste ful extravagance of the honest Democracy. The wasteful donation of public lands enabled the directors of a single railroad to use a million of dollars in bribing the pas sage of the scheme through Congress and the Wisconsin Legislature, as fully proved before a legislative committee. This is one instance out of many that might be adduced to prove how the national treas ure and domain arc squandered, as Mr. Buchanan says, “to enrich contractors, speculators, and agents.” This summary of only part of the mis rule shows the necessity of a combined ef fort of all opponents of the corrupt De mocracy to rescue the Government, from its evil grasp. The defeat of that party is j a great national necessity, the indispensa ble prerequisite to any reform. That is ; the only mode by which power can be | placed iu the hands of honest men, who will— -1 Prevent disunion and check disunion tendencies. 2 Give peace to the nation on the slave- I ry question. 3 Give an honest, economical adminis- j tration of the Government, and stop spo liations of the Treasury and national do main. 4 Not give injurious control to the Fed eral Government over State banks and railroads, by means of a bankrupt law, as recommended by our Democratic Presi dent and Secretary of the Treasury. 5 Not permit the substitution of direct taxation, in lieu of duties on imports, to raise revenue for enormous national expen ses, as recommended by a Democratic com- : mi t tee. Not permit the f rnirA t f t ~ ar- making power to the President, nor allow him to make treaties without the super vising control of the Senate, or trust nim with an enormous secret-service corruption tund, to be used either nbr<xul or at home. 7 Not attempt by any but honorable means the acquisition of Cuba. 8 Nor permit the importation of for eign felons or paupers. 9 Not squander the national domain in donations to unnaturalized foreigners and pet corporations, but keep it as a Rftefed trust for nil the States, to whom it be longs. In conclusion, deeming, as wc do, tho defeat of the Democratic party a great pub lic necessity, for the reasons already stntfcd,’ and many more, wo would rejoice to see patriotic citizens throughout tho Union abandoning those unprofitable disputes which have been the main instrument of perpetuating power in the hands of tho unscrupulous Democracy, combined to gether for its overthrow. But co-opera tion or union by the Opposition of Ken tucky is now and forever utterly undesira ble and impossible with any party or per sons who seek, by the action of the Fede ral Government, through any of its De partments, to interfere with the institu tion of slavery, and we declare that we can have no affiliation whatever with disun ionists or abolitionists. All others are in- Vlit JLw a bUI dial perfect equality. Virginia Democracy. The Baltimore Clipper thus discourses fully. How admirably the portrait suits a modernised creature of the same family in these parts. “The defeat of the Virginia Democracy will unquestionably seal the fate of tho Democratic party, hut how in the name of truth can that party be styled the only party that has attempted the enforcement and protection of Southern rights 1 “It has clamored loudly in favor of the rights of the South ; but while pretending to defend them, has in every instance, Ju das like betrayed them. “It has itself up as a pro-slavery party, and has continually placed in the hands of the opponents of slavery the very weapons with winch to strike at the vitula of Southern institutions. , “It promulgated the States Bights res olutions of ’1)8. They are now the plat form of the higher-law, Seward abolition ists, and are used to justify Northern free soil nullification of the fugitive slave law. “It proclaimed Kunsas-Nebraska-Squat ter Sovereignty, and it is recognized by Northern freesoilism as practically a bet ter abolition doctrine than Wilmot Provi soism. They contend for the right of Con gress to protect slavery in the Territories, and thereby admit its right to abolish or exclude it therefrom. “It is now asking protection from Con gress for our slaves as property, and there by concedes the constitutional right of Congress to regulate and control and in terdict the inter-State Slave-trade. “In every instance the weapons of tho abolitionists against the peculiar institu tions of the South have been drawn from the Democratic quiver. “To the Democracy we owe the rise of the abolition party of the North. From the bosom of the Democratic party have sprung the Van Burens and the Cochrans, and the I Tales and the Vfilmots, and near ly all the leading and ultra fanatics of the abolition faction. And to Democracy alone is the country indebted for the origin and growth of a Northern sectional party. “These are few of the claims of the De mocracy to Southern support : they are a portion only of the proofs that the Demo cratic party is “the only party that ha* at tempted the enforcement and protection of Southern rights.’’ Force of Imagination'.— A remarka ble instance of the force of imagination oc curred upon the occasion of the late disas ter on Lake Erie. One of the porters, George Dana, who never had attempted to swim in his life, got a life preserver, which he put on, and jumping into the water, swam some fifteen or twenty rods to tho binnacle, which was floating in the water. When he reached it, he felt the India rub ber belt, and for the fiist time discovered that lie had forgotten to inflate it. It was nevertheless, essentially his lifi* preserver, as without the confidence inspired by the knowledge that he had it on, he would have been unable to swim a yard. A Good Idea. —The English druggists are about adopting a hexangular bottle, with deep'flutings, to put poisons in which are sold by retail. This is to prevent per sons making mistakes by getting hold of the wrong bottle. As an additional secu rity, the neck of the bottle is so contracted that but a drop at a time can be poured out. The very deliberate and cautious ac tion thus produced will, it is believed, de ter anv one from taking overdoses of med icine- ; while it is difficult to imagine a case in which a person could pour out and take the whole contents of ono of these bottle*, in mistake f:i something Number H