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Volume 1. tiie EPSON PILOT. te PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. a. A. MILLER, Editor and Proprietor. JAMES Jl. HOOD, Publisher. Terms of Subscription. In advance, Tor 1 year, ------- $2 00 If payment be delayed 0 months, - - - 250 If delayed until the end of the year - - 300 Rates of Advertising. Advertisements will be charged at the rate of one dollar per square of ten lines or less, and fifty cents for each subsequent insertion. Professional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, will be inserted 12 months for sl2. Liberal contracts made with Merchants and others wishing to advertise by the year. For Announcement of Candidates $5, invariably in advance. Marriages and Deaths inserted free, when accompa nied by a responsible name. Obituaries of over 10 lines charged as Advertisements. We commend the following Rates of Advertising by contract to business men generally. We have placed them at the lowest figures, and they will in no instance be departed from : BY CONTRACT. 3 mns, 0 mo*. 0 mns, | 1 year. ONE SQUARE. | Without change, ? 0 00 * $8 00 $lO 00 | sl2 00 Changed quarterly 700 10 00 12 r 0 J 10 00 Changed at will. 800 12 0 ■ it QO 18 00 TWO SQUARES. Without change. 10 00 15 0i- 20 In’ 25 00 Changed quarterly 12 00 18 00 2; 00 28 <>o Changed at will, - 15 00 20 00 25 00 10 00 TRUER KQCAV.KS. Without change, 15 00 iiO 04* 25 00 .10 00 Changed quarterly 1* <> , . ;_2 00 20 00 14 00 Changed at ‘.'ill 20 I -0 Of* >2 00 10 00 HALE CnU MN, Without change, 25 O 0 j do no ! ■ <” ‘ •■>•’ 00 Changed quarterly 28 *'o | „2 t) i, I 5 u() j 55 of) Changed at will 15 ; to ...* |5OOO ! 00 00 OSE COLUMN, Without change. 00 (X) 70 (>f, ! 80 oo j l*-0 00 Changed quarterly 05 (X) 75 < 1 00 110 00 Changed at will, 70 (>■> bo os) I 1 ■’ (>■ ‘ 125 OO Legal Advertising. Sales of Lands and Negroes, bv solministraiors, Ex ecutors and Guardians, are required by law to he held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten in the forenoon and three iu the afternoon, at the Court House iu the county in which the property is sit uated. Notices of these sales must he given in a pub lic gazette forty days previous t<> the day of sale. Notice for, the sale of personal property must be given at least ten days previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be published weekly for two months. Citations for Letters of Administration must be pub lished thirty days—for Dismission from Administration, monthly six months —for Dismission from Guardian ship, flirty days. Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be published monthly for four months — for establishing lost papers for the full space of three months—fur compelling ti tles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always be continued according to thee, the legal requirements, unless otlierv i.-.e ordered, at the following hates: Citation on Letters of Administration. $2 50 “ Dismissory from Administration, 0 00 “ “ “ Guardianship, 150 Leave to sell Land or Negroes, 5 00 Hales of personal property, 10 days, 1 sq. 1 50 Hales of land or negroes by Executors, 3 50 Katraya, two weeks, 1 50 Bhrritr.s Sales, GO davs, 5 (H) “ 30 “* 250 w Money sent by mail is at the risk of the Editor, provided, if the* remittance miscarry, a receipt be ex hibited from the Post Master. FROFEBSK>!N AL < ’AHI >S. WM. G. HORSLEY, * * Attorney fit X^aw, THOMASTON, GA. WILL practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford. Monroe, Pike and Merriwether Counties. April 7. 1859—1 y. DR. JOHN GOODE, TANARUS) ESPECTFULLY offers his Professional services to IV the citizens of Thomaston and its vicinity. He can be found during the day at l>r. Heard's of fice, and at his father’s residence at night. Thomaston, Feb. 10. THOMAS BEALL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASTON, GA. fedS—ly B W. ALEXANDER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASTON. GA. nov2s—ly E WARBKr - C. T. Goode. WARREN & GOODE, ATTORNEYS AT J AW, PERRY, HOUSTON 00., GA. novlg—tf A. C. MOORE, DENTIST, THOMASTON, GA. Fl* E at my House (the late residence of Mrs. V/ Hicks,) where I am prepared to attend to all class ** Rental Operations. My work is m\Reference novlS—tf CL A. MILLER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASTON, GA. SINESS CAR p. ~GEORGE W. DAVIS 7 U in receipt of a beautiful Stock of Sprimi and Sum- Goods, comprising every article usually kept in Call and see him at his old stand. __£h<]ia.ston, April 7. 1859. g ßanite hall, OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE Macon, Georgia B . F . DENSE. (Late of tit*’ Floyd House.) deviS— ts rK'TFun ok. BUSI NE S S CARDS. A. S. BROOKS, Dealer in Family Oroceries, THOMASTON, GA., I r EEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds A of Family Groceries, Iron, Hollow Ware, <Sa:., &c., and a feu: Liquors for the afflicted. Fruits and Oysters in season. nov25 —ts J AMES M. EDNEYr General Purchasing and Commission Merchant, AND DEALER IN PIANOS, MELODEots PUMPS, SAFES, SEWING MACHINES, &c. Publisher of “Cherokee Physician,” “Chronology of N. C.,” “Southern Bishops,” Hickory Nut Falls, &c. 117 Chambers Street, New-York. Buys every kind of Merchandise directly from Job bers, Importers, Manufacturers, and Whole sale Dealers, (either for Cash or on time.) on the best possible terms. Commission for Buying and Forwarding, Two and a Half per Cent. REFERENCES : Wilson G. Hunt & Cos., Boss, Falconer & Cos.. Meli us. Courier & Sherwood, Cook. Dowd, Baker & Cos., Furman Davis &. Cos., A. T. Bruce & Cos., A. H. Gale & Cos New-York: McPheeters & Glieselin, John JJ. j Odom, 15-|.. Norfolk, Va.; Hou. John Baxter, Rev. \\ . I G. Brownlow, Knoxville. Tenn.,; Hon. Thus. L. Joiies. Newport, Kv..; Brown & McMillar. Washington, W. & D. Richardson! D. Avers. Esq.. Galveston, Texas; D. It. McAnnally. I) 1).. St. Louis, M 0..; R. S. Foster, D. 1). Evanston .1, M. Jo- inn & Cos., Chicago, 111.,; S. B. E'-win. Esq. Wasbinn’ D. C..; D. D. T. Moore, Esq., Rochester. New Yotlv W. M. Wightman. D. D.. Spar tanburg, S. C.. Rev. C. Gillespie. New Oileans, La.; John W Stoy. Esq Chatlcstcn lion. B. F. Perry, Greenville, S.'C.,: 11 • ■ Win A. Graham, Hillsboro, Hun- Ciias. Manly ad J. W. Ellis. Raleigh. Hon. D. 1, Swain. Chapel Hill. Ciias. F. Deems, D. D., Wilson, v c..; Dr. J. E. Fant. Macon. Miss.,; Myatts & Toler, Marion. Ala., ; W Scldey. Jr., Augusta, G. A. Miller, Tin mast ‘n Ga . W. B. Crooks, Esq., Philadelphia, Pa. Jan. 2d, 1859. SYDENHAM ACEE. JXO. F. IVERSON ACEE h IVERSON, !>lt ■’ (; 1.157S AND CHEMISTS, SION OF GOLDEN EAGLE, 00L U M BUS, OEOR GI A . DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi cine.-. Chemicals, Acids, Fine Soaps, Fine Hair and Tooth Brushes. Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines and Liquors for Medicinal purposes. Medicine Chests. Giass Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuffs, Fancy and Toilet Articles. Fine Tobacco and Havana Sugars, &e.. &c. . jauG—tf. 11A RDEM AN & GRIFFIN; Dealers in Staple Dry Goods and Groceries of every llescriutioil Corner of Cherry and ‘Third Streets, MACON, GA. AT7"E would call the attention of the Planters of Up- VV son am! (joining counties to the above Card, be lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with us. Macon. Ga.. November 19,1858. nov2s—tf. IP©La © A L . ; Speech of lion. Jerc. Clemens, OF MEMPHIS, Delivered at the State Capital before the Opposition State Convention, at Nash ville, Tenn ., March 29, 1859. Mr. Clemexs said : I laid not intend ed to make any'remarks upon the public questions now agitating the country, until alter the report of the Committee on Res olutions, of which lam a member. But the time is not at all material, and I do not feel at liberty to refuse obedience to the call which has been so generally made. From what I know of the sentiments of the committee I doubt not the resolutions will he-such as every ’ patriotic citizen can endorse, and I have no idea that they will stand in need of my advocacy to make them acceptable to the Convention. There is enough of other matter to occupy more time than vou would be willing to accord to me. The Democratic Convention which re cently assembled in this Hall, have accom plished a feat of horsemanship which, so far as my knowledge extends, is without precedent—they have demonstrated the fact that it is possible to ride on both sides of the sapling at the same time. They re solve that gold and silver is the only con stitutional currency, and yet add that in view of the circumstances surrounding them they will tolerate bank issues, and legalize the circulation of paper rags. At another time, and in another place, I shall have oc casion to inquire what kind of public mor ality that is which justifies a Legislator who has taken an oath to support the Con stitution in tolerating what he believes to he a plain infraction of its provisions for the sake of expediency. To-day I choose to look at that resolution in another light. It was intended by its framers to produce a double result. The first, which I con sider a very unnecessary precaution, was to heal the divisions in their own ranks, and make a platform upon which “Hards” and “Softs” could stand with equal com fort. I say that I believe this to have been unnecessary, because I have never yet known a difference of principle to influ ence to any great extent. Democratic votes on election day. The other object was to force us to conduct this canvass with refer ence to National, rather than State issues. From the result of the last two or three elections they believe that if they can only keep State issues out of the canvass their success is certain, and they have therefore attempted to frame their resolution upon ; the currency in such a manner that it may mean just what each PoM speaker moons ‘THE UNION OF THE STATES:-DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS j ONE, LIKE THE SEA.” THOMASTON, GEORGIA. THURSDAY MORNING, APRIL 21, ism to ascribe to it. Os course Ido not intend to permit this shallow artifice to pass un exposed. In the progress of the canvass it will be necessary for all of us to exhibit it in its true colors; but on this occasion. I desire to apprise them that we do not shrink from the issue which they them selves have tendered. I take up the gaunt let they have thrown down. I enter the list they have selected, and accept thecom bat upon their own terms. It is true, and they may possibly remind you of the fact, that I am a citizen of less than four months standing. Nevertheless, I feel, and I have gratifying evidence that you do also, that I am neither a stranger nor an intruder here. Born upon the frontier of the State, I have from early manhood been familiar with Tennessee politics, and more or less inti mately associated with Tennessee politi cians. Even were it otherwise; even if I was”a stranger, with not one remembered face about me, the only enquiry I should j deem it necessary to make, at a time like ! the present , would lie, Is this an assem- ; hi aye of American citizens ? And when an affirmative answer was received, I should claim the right to say, as a citizen equally interested with themselves, that every case of governmental misrule is a reflection up on the intelligence of those who submit to it. That every instance of violated pledges on the part of our rulers, which is permit ed to pass unremarked, is a crime against patriotism—and that every detected cor ruption which is not promptly followed by a signal chastisement, is a foul blot upon the memory of a glorious ancestry, who transmitted to us an inheritance of self government with the implied injunction to preserve it pure and undefiled. “When these truths were admitted—l should claim the further right to say to them, Gentle men, w ithin the last four years a mournful and degrading chapter has been written in the history of this Republic, which it is our duty not to hide and excuse,-but to amend and redeem. It affords me no pleasure to go over the incidents recorded in that chapter. If ob livion could bring back the public virtue which has been frightened away, no hand in America could be more ready than mine t<> tln-ow h, pall over tlie loathsome Ktorv y and inscribe upon it: Let no one tetio loves hi s country seek to learn what is hidden be neath. But unfortunately silence is a charity which is no more appreciated by the pub lic than the private criminal. Nay, worse ; for in the former case it is sure to be taken sis an evidence of approbation, while in the latter the offender only imagines his sins are unknown. For public criminals, there fore, there is no repentance until after pun ishment ; and to insure that punishment, it is necessary that you, and 1, and those who feel as we do, should go out among the people, and read page after page from the public records, however we may feel our cheeks burn during the performance of the revolting task. For my present purpose it is not neces sary to ‘go behind the Convention which assembled in the city of Cincinnati in the month of June, 1556. It is true that there is much beyond that Convention which the patriot cannot recall w ithout shame, or the reformer, who seeks to re-establish better times, pass unnoticed. But all the sins of the misnamed Democracy cannot be cata logued in a single speech, and as I am com pelled to make a selection 1 shall begin with that memorable Convention. Upon coming together it exhibited a! mass of discordant and conflicting materi als such as was never witnessed before in this country, and such as 1 trust never’ will be witnessed again. There were Ben ton and anti-Benton delegates from the State of Missouri. There were Van Bu re n delegates and Dickinson delegates from the State of New York. There were dele gates professing friendship for Douglas, and yet intriguing for Buchanan. There were delegates instructed to vote for Pierce who were all the while intriguing for Dou glas. There were men ready to subscribe to any kind of a platform provided their candidate was put upon it, and there were others ready to sacrifice the choice of the people they represented if they could ob tain a platform to suit themselves. In one thing only was there an approach to una nimity. Seven in every ten had gone there in the hope, and with the expectation of political preferment. Seven in every ten were working for their own interest, “first, last, and all the time.” The public honor and the national greatness were minorcon siUerations, though I will do them the jus tice to say that in trading off the Republic no one of them undervalued his own im portance, and all of them demanded a high er price than Judas received for betraving Ins master. As might have been expected from such materials, scenes of intrigue, of bargain and barter began even before the Conven tion met. The friends of each candidate established a kind of public restaurant, and the nomination of a President was ef fected by means which a County Judge would have been ashamed to employ. Up on the public acts of that candidate I shall have occasion to comment with sonic de- gree, of freedom ; but I wish first to callat- I tention to#the platform upon which he was j elected, and which, in his letter of accep tance, he fully endorsed. I have it not be | fore me, nor is it needful that I should. It is fresh in my memory as I arn confident it is in yours. It began with the re-arffimr.- : tion of the resolutions of former Demo cratic Conventions ; opposed to a tariff; opposed to^ internal improvements by the general government; opposed to a distri bution of the sales of the public lands ; , opposed to everything, iu short, except — what do you think P— economy in the pub lic expenditures. Yes, Mr. President, that was the one single affirmative principle they avowed. They were opposed to eve rything, and in favor of nothing but econ omy. Then the older and the wiser heads of the party proposed to stop. But pro gressive America, manifest destiny and overwhelming necessity men demanded j something more. To conciliate them it j was necessary that there should be an ad denda, Accordingly, we had a resolution in relation to Kansas and Squatter Sover eignty, so remarkably clear and explicit that its framers have never been able to in terpret it to tlie present day. Then there was a plank labeled u Free Seas anoth er declaring the Gulf of Mexico an Amer- i ican Lake. Another in reference to our! foreign policy, which was equivalent to a ! general declaration of war against all man- ; kind; and tacked on to the tail of all these, was a resolution in favor of a Rail road to the Pacific, but so tacked on as to enable a Tennessee Senator, not long since, to deny, with some show of reason, that it constituted any 7 part of the platform. A\ ithout deciding how far the resolu tions of that Convention were just, or ne cessary or proper, I undertake to maintain that whether they were good, bad or indif ferent, the Democratic party has proved ialse to every one. Let me be distinctly understood. Ido not charge the Democ racy with general infidelity to their pledges —I do not assert that they have broken this or that particular promise; but I as sert that they have been false to all—that there is not one solitary principle, new or old, enunciated in that platform, which has fleen truly a rat, faithfully adhered to. Id ?flier and better times, if it could be established that a party had violated a single material pledge, its prestige was gone, its defeat inevitable. Now the ques tion is not what pledge the Democratic party lias broken, but what one it h,:s re deemed. It is impossible that a free peo ple can permit themselves hus to be tri fled with. Do you ask where the proof of what I assert is to be found ? I answex, in every Democratic journal in the land. — (five me the Cincinnati platform, and the files of the Nashville Union, and I ask for no other document to establish the fact that the pathway of the Democracy is strewn wiili broken promises, and not a single truth can be gathered along the dreary way. They told you that they were opposed to a protective Tariff-—they went further, and told you that it was the duty of the Government gradually to abolish all du ties and establish direct taxation instead. Yet at the next election Gov. Packer was nominated, and elected Governor of Penn sylvania because of his high Tariff piine ples, and his open repudiation of that plank in the Cincinnati platform. In his last annual message Mr. Buchanan abjur ed the principles of free trade, and those who have endorsed his administration must; share his guilt, and are equally responsible for his shameful violation of plighted faith. 1 have here a resolution adopted by the Democratic party of Tennessee at their re cent Convention in this city. It is in the following words: Resolved , That we have an abiding con fidence in the ability and patriotism of the President of the United States, and that we approve generally the ideas contained in his messages and the acts of his admin istration. We therefore renew our pledges to his support, and our faith in his adhe rence to the principles of the party. If this resolution could be submitted to a Court of Justice, the decision would be that notwithstanding the general terms employed, it is a broad and full endorse- ; meat of the Administration of James Bu- ‘ chanan. They make no exception, and the legal presumption is that they were aware of none. Any other construction would make it no endorsement at all, be cause one man would say he intended to , except the Tariff, another that he intend ed to except Internal Improvements, and still another, the Pacific Railroad, and so i on until every part had disappeared. In law, and in equity, it would be held an unqualified endorsement, and so I shall treat it. If the question had been submit ted to Mr. Nicholson while he was Chancellor I am very sure he is too good a lawyer to have hesitated as to his decision. \Ye have then the Tennessee Democracy en dorsing the Tariff policy of James Buchan an in opposition to that of the Cincinnati ( ’'invention. Nor are the}'singular in that regard. Mr. Bigler of Pennsylvania, and Mr. I hompson .of New Jersey, with all the ; h -vr nil* revolving round them, have boldly advocated higher duties than were j ever contended for by any Whig of Ten i nessee, while they have remained in full j fellowship, and acted no undistinguished part in the Democratic caucuses, and con claves, for which the last Congress was so : remarkable. Can you ask for more over whelming proof that so far as “free trade” 1 is concerned, the people have been deluded and deceived. Instead of lower duties | they have persistently urged the adoption i of higher, and in order to create a neecssi -1 ty for them they have systematically squan dered the public money until they havere | duced the Government to bankruptcy, and | thereby furnished the Washington Union, ; the acknowledged organ of the party, an ; occasion for a lengthy editorial to prove tha “ The Tariff is the Union.” The resolution against Internal Im i provements has had an equally brief exis tence, or rather it never had an existence at all. It was dead before its birth, and came still born into the world. Congress was in session when it was adopted, and bet ore their adjournment they passed some eight or nine (the number is immaterial) Internal Improvement bills, and then went home to prove to their constituents that theWincinnati platform which they had violated so glaringly, was the embodiment of wisdom and honesty. Not one Demo crat from the North-West voted against these bills. There were very few “ nays” from the South-West. The Northern and Middle States formed a fair proportion of Democratic “yeas,” and a few stragglers were picked from the South by an appro priation for Cape Fear river, whose im portance may be estimated when I tell you that it affords about as much water as Duck river at Columbia. Two planks are thus disposed of. I take them as they occur to me, without refer ence to the order in which they are set ‘ down in the platform. The next to which | I shall direct attention is the resolution against the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands. is true that no bill in those words lias been pas sed, but there is such a thing as whipping the devil around the stump. There are more ways than one of arriving at a given end, and a principle may be murdered un ! der a different name. If the Constitution forbids Congress to distribute the money arising front the sales of land, unquestion ably it follows that it forbids them to dis tribute the land itself. If there is any difference it is in favor of the money grants since in that case the government at least receives back the expenses of survey and sale, while in the land grants the costs al ready incurred are wholly lost. Looking at the question in this light what respect have the Democracy paid to this plank of their platform ? I passover the numerous grants of swamp lands—of lands for Internal Improvements —of lands for schools, rail roads and oth er purposes ; partly because many of these were made prior to the time within which I propose to confine myself, and partly be cause I am not unaware that some of them are defended upon the flimsy pretext that the Government receives a rpiid pro quo in the enhanced value of its remaining lands. 1 choose to touch nothing to-day which admits of dispute, and therefore I come down to the last session of Congress when an attempt was made to distribute from seven to ten millions of acres of pub lic lands among the States for the nomi- | nal purpose oit‘ establishing Agricultural ’ Colleges. Here was a gift without an | equivalent —a distribution of land in di- ‘ reel violation of the Cincinnati platform, and that distribution was sanctioned by j both brandies of the Democratic Congress. ‘ Remember that I am not arguing to prove that the Agricultural College bill was wrong in itself, I can scarcely say that 1 have a well settled opinion upon the sub ject. lam trying the Democracy by their own principles, not by ours. 1 am going on in a very plain way to demonstrate that they have proved false to their pl< dges— and this brings me to the subject of econ omy in the public expenditures. A sub ject upon which volumes might be spoken and yet leave it exhausted. The furni ture of what in courtly language is denom- ; inated the “Retiring Room’ of the House of Representatives, might alone furnish a theme for an hour’s discourse. Just think | of the Representative from my own dis trict —the Dray Boy of Memphis, as his friends love to call him —washing his deli- , cate hands at a stand which cost sixty eight dollars of the people's money—comb ing liis hair before a s4bs mirror, and in- j dulging the luxury of a cigar upon a lounge ! But these arc details into which I have no time to enter. I shall leave it to Mr. Avery’s antagonist, whoever lie may be, to give him an opportunity to explain the consistency of these luxurious indul gences with the claims set up for him as the working man’s candidate. I must deal with aggregates. In 1852, Mr. Buchanan wrote his celebrated Wheatland letter, in which he alleged that Mr. Fillmore had run up the expenditures of the Govern ment to $50,(KM1,000, and dwelt with holy horror upon the wasteful extravagance of that pure minded and upright patriot. 1 * take it for granted that no Democrat can object to Mr. Buchanan’s own standard of economy. According to that $30,000,(X0 was an inexcusable outlay of the pablitf money; and the Cincinnati Conventual undoubtedly intended to endorse his posi tion, botli by the nomination they gave him. and tho resolution which aecompani |ed it. They were thus pledged to a reduc tion below $50,000,000, and they have re deemed the pledge by increasing the ex penditures to according to their own showing—to $100,000,000 ac cording to the Washington States, whose Democratic orthodoxy has never hereto fore been questioned. Tn two short years they have accomplished such wonders in the way of economy that the Government is bankrupt, and the Post OfHec Depart ment, that great medium of communica tion between the businessman and his cus tomer; between father, and mother* the brother, the sister, the husband, and the wife —that department which conies home to the business of every man, and the bo soms of every woman and child in theland —that department around which cluster so many hopes and affections as well as Sff many commercial interests, that depart ment is so crippled by absolute poverty aa to he compelled to discontinue some of its important lines, and impose embarrassing restrictions upon all of them. This is econ omy with a vengeance! Tins is Demo cratic pledges! Oh, how widely the great Bard of hftgland was mistaken when he told us there was nothing ill a name! If these enormities had been perpetrated un der any other name than that of Democra cy there is ho calculating the extent, and violence of the storm which would now be raging from ono eftd of the Union to the other. 1 have disposed of the old and ffimiliftf planks of the Democratic platform; afid I ask you if 1 have not kept my promise ? If I have not demonstrated that each and every one of them has been violated by the party now sailing under democratic colors? Perhaps you think that a harder task is before me ? Perhaps you think that, al thouyi iai’ W-ss to the old love, they have at lu ‘,r manifested a two years’ constancy to the i.ew ? Perhaps you think that the ardent’love of Southern institutions, and the wide and boundless patriotism which dictated the additional resolutions, still survives ; and while all around hnS Cfnm* pled at t lie touch of party interest, this alone still exhibits the granite's firmness and marble’s purity ? Plain truth requires me to dispel the delusion. The love of the National Democracy tor Southern institu tions very much resembles that of Cleopa tra for Mark Anthony. His power was necessary to sustain her tottering throne, and her endearments were therefore lav ished upon him ; but when that power Was si ruck-down by the arms of Augustus, the faithless fair one promptly decided upon transferring her charms to the conqueror.’ The South was necessary to the National Democracy, and therefore they adopted a resolution at Cincinnati under which tho chivalry went to work and eon verted the Territory of Kansas into a State with a shivery Constitution. But when the elec tion was over and that Constitution wm submitted to Congress, they found, totheir surprise, that it had a Northern As Well a* a Southern construction. The legisla tures of Alabama and Texas became indig nant, and resorted to the old expedient of threatening to dissolve the Union. Sun dry public meetings in Georgia, Mississip pi and Virginia followed their example ; but the Northern construction prevailed, nevertheless, and then what do you think the Southern Democracy did ? They re newed their oath of allegiance to the Na tional party, and swore that the Sou Hi her self ought to have kicked Lecomjiton out of Congress. They first re solved to dis solve the Union, if Lecompton was reject ed, arid when it was rejected, they turned to us with an unblushing countenance* and said, “Our Northern allies have done right. The fact is, wc ought to have kicked it out ourselves.” You may remember. Mr. President, tho reply of Walter de Montreal to the Ital ian noble, whoexhibited his Crest, oh which was inscribed the motto, “Faithful death.” “I did not think,” replied the Knight of St. John, “that thou cohld’st he faithful to anything, atul well I know that it could be to nothing unless it were to Death, or to the Devil !” I trust my Southern Democratic friends will not he angry when I say that although a decided Union man, I was not inUehdis turbed by their threats of disunion ; for well I knew that they could be faithful to nothing:, politically, except the Party or the President. But l am wasting time unnecessarily upon this point; for w hether the North ern or the Southern construction lie ac-, cep ted. it has been equally violated: If the Northern construction is right, then the Southern Democracy have violated it, and if the Southern construction is right, then the Northern Democracy have viola ted it. In either case the j>oint 1 make,’ - i'-rr. rr(’i<nt rAOE-j Number 23L