Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

Volume 1. THE UPSON PILOT. IS PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. Gr. A. MIL.LEJH, Editor ami Proprietor. JAMES R. lIOOD, Publisher. Terms of Subscription. In advance, for 1 year, - -- -- - $2 00 If payment le delayed 0 months, - - - 250 If delayed until the end of the year - - 300 Kates of Advertising. Advertisements will be charged at t lie rate of one •lollar per square of ten lines or less, and fifty cents for each subsequent insertion. Professional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, will be inserted 12 months for £l2. Liberal contracts made with Merchants and others wishing to advertise by the year. for Announcement of Candidates $5, invariably in ■advance. Marriages and Deaths inserted free, when accompa nied by a responsible name. Obituaries of over 10 lines charged as Advertisements. We commend the following Rates of Advertising by ■contract to business men generally. We have placed them at the lowest figures, and they will in no instance be departed from : BY CONTRACT. Ili mos. | 0 mos. 9 mos. 1 year. 05K SQUARE. Without change, £6 00 £8 00 £lO 00 £l2 00 Changed quarterly 700 10 00 12 00 1G 00 Changed at will, ’ bOO 12 00 14 qq lb 00 TWO SQUARES. Without change. 10 00 15 00 20 00 25 00 Changed quarterly 12 00 18 00 24 00 28 00 Changed at will, * 15 00 20 00 25 00 GO 00 TURKS SQUARES. Without change, 15 00 20 00 25 00 GO 00 Changed quarterly 18 00 22 00 2G 00 34 00 Changed at will, 20 00 2G 00 32 00 40 00 Without change, 25 00 30 oq 40 00 50 00 Changed quarterly 28 00 32 qq 45 00 55 CM) Changed at will, 35 00 45 qq 50 00 GO 00 05 K COLUMN, Without change. GO 00 70 qq 80 qq 100 00 Changed quarterly G 5 00 75 oq 00 qq 110 00 Changed at will, 70 00 85 qq 100 qq 125 00 Legal Advertising. Rales of Lands and Negroes, by administrators, Ex- Naitors and Guardians, are required by law to be bold or the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the property is sit tubsl. Notices of these sales must he given in a pub lie gazette forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice for the sale of personal property must be given at least ten days previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be published weekly for two months. Citations for Letters of Administration must be pub lished thirty days—for Dismission from Administration, monthly six months—for Dismission from Guardian ship, forty days. Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be published monthly for four months —for establishing lost papers tor the full space of three months — for compelling ti tles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always be continued according to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered, at the following rates: Citation on Letters of Administration, £2 50 “ Dismissory from Administration, GOO “ “ “ Guardianship, 350 Leave to sell Land or Negroes, 5 00 Hales of personal property, 10 days, 1 sq. 1 50 bales of land or negroes by Executors, 3 50 Kstrays, two weeks, 1 50 Bheriifs bales, GO days, 5 00 “ “ 30 “ 2 50 £{?’ Money sent by mail is at the risk of the Editor, ■provided, if the remittance miscarry, a receipt be ex hibited from the Post Master. PROFESSION A L OAR I >S. WM. G. HORSLEY, All orlie vat La w , TIIOMASTON, GA. TTTILTj practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford, ” Monroe, Pike and Merriwether Counties. April 7. 1850—ly. DR. JOHN GOODE, EEbPECTFULLY oilers his Professional services to 1 the citizens of Thomaston and its vicinity. He can be found during the day at Dr. lleard's of fice, and at his father's residence at night. Thomaston, Feb. 10. THOMAS BEALL, ATTORNEY AT HAW, THOMASTON, GA. fed3—ly p. \V. ALEXANDER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, THOMASTON, GA. nor2s—lv B- Warrks. C. T. Goode. WARREN A* GOODE, ATT i )R X EYS AT LAAV, PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA. novlS—tf A. C. MOORE, I> E JV T IST, THOMASTON. GA. o*™ k ,u - House (the late residence of Mrs. W , n k D wliere lam prepared to attend to all class of Dental Operations. My work is mvßefereuce. novik— ts G. A. MILLER, attorney at law, THOMASTON, GA. P V SINKSS CARDS. GEORGE W. DAVIS, L ti °f a beautiful Stock of Spring and Sum the K>< L com P r > s ”ig every article usually kept in t'-vountry. Call and see him at his old stand. HALL, OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE, -'GVcoN, georgia B. F. DENSE, ~ , (Late of the Floyd House.) v Proprietor. sum IBUSINESB CARDS. A. S. BROOKS, lAoaler in Family Grroceries, THOMASTON, GA., KEEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds . of Family Groceries. Iron, Hollow Ware, &c., &c., j and a few Liquors for the afflicted. td Fruits and Oysters in season. nov2s—tf SYDENHAM ACER. JXO. V. IVERSON ACEE &. IVERSON, Dlt 17 G GIS T S A Y l> ( II E 11ISTS, SIGN OF GOLDEN EAGLE, COLCM li US , G KOltfllA. DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi- U cines, Cl> lieals, Acids, Fine Soaps, Fine llair and Tooth Brushes, Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines and Liquors for Medicinal purposes, Medicine Chests, Giass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuffs, Fancy and Toilet Articles, Fine Tobacco and Havana Segars. &c.. &e. jan6—tf. HARDEMANG RIFFIN, Dealers in Staple Dry Roods and Groceries of every Description Corner of Cherry and Third Streets, MACON, GA. YUE would call the attention <>f tne Planters of Up- VV ‘son and adjoining counties to the above Card, be lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with US. .ip Macon, Ga.. November 19,1858. nov25 —ts. POLJT] .0 A L □ Extract from the Speech of lion. Washington Hunt, At the meeting of the Whig General Com mittee of New YorJe, March 24(/t, 1859: We have ■witnessed a continued series of efforts to concentrate in the Executive the most alarming and unconstitutional prerogative. So powerful lias this tenden cy become, that congress is gravely solici ted to abdicate the war-making power, and invest the President with a discretion ary authority to seize nations and involve the country in several Mars at once. The veto power Mas never so arbitrarily and ca priciously abused to defeat useful and im portant measures of legislation. The im provement us our national Maters, so nec essary for the protection of commerce and security of life and property, lias been ar rested by the Mill of the President. \Ye behold a bankrupt Treasury, running in debt from year to year, for the ordinary expenses of Government in a season of pro found peace. At the same time many im portant branches of home industry and production are prostrated for the want of that protection M’liich a reasonable revenue system Mould afford. It is true the Presi dent recommends a single modification for the benefit of one leading interest, but he tamely allows this recommendation to be strangled by his own Secretary of the Treasury. In this exhausted condition of the pub lic finances, the Administration lias rushed : into an aggressive system of foreign policy, 1 which violates the highest principles of na tional morality, and contemplates an enor mous and ruinous increase of expenditure, i The theory of the part) inppo r er would seem to be that any degree of inisgovern ment at home is fully atoned for by bold ! and reckless schemes for the extension of our territorial limits. To add a darker shade to this picture of our national con dition, it lias been recently shown that i sinister and mercenary influences have pre vailed to an alarming extent in the distri- j hut ion of Federal patronage. If there be j an abuse of power M'hich more than anoth- ! er deserves the indignant reprobation of the country, it is the appliance of public ! funds, and the awarding of Government contracts, to corrupt the people and de | bauelt their representatives. How long is I i this stab of things to be endured by a free j ■ and enlightened Republic ? Is there no 1 remedy ? Yes, gentlemen, there is an cf- J fectual and all-sufficient remedy. It is to he found in a thorough union of the Oppo- j sit ion. It is only necessary that the people of the United States who earnestly desire to reform tin* Government, and restore the true principles of the Constitution, shall j come together in a spirit of mutual confi dence and fraternal patriotism, and Mork together to secure a wise, conservative, and | honest administration of our national con- | corns. It is evident that a large majority ’ of the American people are opposetl to the policy and conduct of the present admin istration. Is there any reason M-hy they should not unite and co-operate to rescue ] the country from the evils of misgovern ment ? U ndouhtedly there are some di versities of opinion on special topics and j questions of temporary expediency, but these differences should be lield subordin ate to the national welfare and safety. In Pennsylvania and Ncm - Jersey the opposi tion have united and conquered in the name of the people. The conservative men of Kentucky have taken the field un der the flag of the Union and Reform. In Virginia they have rallied under the old ; Whig banner, Mhicli once more floats j proudly aloft, the same benignant, untar nished, glorious emblem of American lib erty, union, and nationality! Assembled as we are here to-night, let j ,us send forth our cordial greetings to the ‘THE UNION OF THE STATES s -DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.” THOMASTON. GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING. APRIL 28, 1859. true men of Virginia and Kentucky, as suring them of our M-armest sympathy and invoking upon their cause the success M T hich is due to noble and patriotic effort. In both those States they have chosen standard-bearers M*ho are well known to me, and M T liom I am proud to claim as per sonal friends—Goggin, of Virginia, and j Bell, of Kentucky. It was my good for tune to stand by their side in the halls of Congress, in the days of Daniel Webster, and Henry Clay, and John Quincy Adams. Statesmen and patriots of the old school, they are Union men M’hose love of country knows no sectional lines or distinctions. I remembefi* well that they sustained the tar iff of 1842, and advocated the rights of American labor, m hen Northern Democrats voted away the prosperity of their constit uents, under the coercive sM r ay of party discipline. Is there any sufficient impediment to l prevent the conservative people of all the States from uniting on principles of tional harmony and patriotic conciliation, in accordance with the example furnished by the States already mentioned ? We are all aware that many good men are of opin ion the next Presidential contest should | be conducted mainly, if not exclusively, on | the slavery question. Nor is it to be dis I guised that the repeal of the Missouri com promise, and the unhappy events M’hich ensued, were calculated to excite at the North a strong feeling of jealousy and re sentment. But ought not this feeling to be appeased by the substantial fact that in the actual result the North has lost noth ing and the South has gained nothing? Have toe not reached a point where so ber and reflecting men of the North and South , entertaining the same general views of national policy , can come together , af ter their temporary estrangement, and unite in their future political action, M'ith out any sacrifice of honor or self-respect ? Let us consider this question for a mo ment in a spirit of justice and impartiali ty. In the first place, m t g must remember that a wide difference of sentiment in res pect to negro slavery lias always existed, and must long continue to exist, between the States of the South, Mdiere slavery pre vails, and the free States of the North. It is a difference arising from the very nature of things, and cannot be extinguished ; on the contrary, it is intensely aggravated by sectional combinations in our national pol itics. In truth, the effort to build up a party organization to control the general govern ment on this difference of sentiments be tM'een the sections, so far as the attempt is successful, must be subversive of one of the foremost objects of the federative com pact. For it is an indisputable historical truth that one of the first and most essen tial purposes of the Constitution, M r as to unite all the States by friendly ties and reciprocal benefits on such principles of justice, equality, and forbearance, as should combine their whole strength and recon cile conflicting vicM's, so as to prevent di versity of interest and condition from en- j gendering those international contests, sac- I tions, and disputes which have proved so - fatal to the cause of free government in every age of the M T orld. Our fathers foresaw the danger of strife and contention between the States. They aimed, above all things, to establish peace and concord and tranquility on firm and enduring foundations. They were men of lofty patriotism and M’ise moderation, and, under the blessing of Providence, they suc ceeded in cementing the States of Ameri ca into one nation and one people. Nor can it be possible that M’e have reached that stage of sectional antipathy M’hich makes it no longer practicable for reasona ble and just men of the North and the j South to co-operate and move on harmo niously in their political action. If this be really so, hoM” are they ever to coalesce and M ork together in the practical admin istration of one common Government ? In the next place it becomes important to considei M’hat definite end and object is to be attained by keeping up a party or ganization on the slavery question to reg ulate Federal interests. Is it proposed by this mode of action to diminish slavery or ; to emancipate a slave ? Not at all. The right of each State to regulate its own col ored population, without external inter ference, is conceded on all hands. But m-c are told that the object is to prevent the extension of slavery into free territory.— Into what free territory ? Will someone point it out on the map ? I feel very con fident that M'e have no territory M’ithiu the present limits of the United States in M’hich slavery can be successfully estab lished. All admit that Kansas and all the States to be formed from the territory covered by the Missouri compromise must eventually become free States. Minnesota and Oregon are free States already. Wash ington and Nebraska are equally certain to become so. Where, then, is the point of danger to be found ? Is it in Utah or New Mexi co ? Who can seriously believe it possi ble to carry slaver}- into those remote and inaccessible regions? It is represented that there is a speck of trouble in New j Mexico, and that its Legislature have pas sed a law legalizing slavery. This is an age of marvels, and it may be that the Territorial Legislature is inclined to play fantastic tricks, illustrating the doctrine ot squatter sovereignty. But all the leg islative power on earth M’ould prove insuf ! iicient to establish slavery in Ncm 7 Mexico. i There is but a small part of that vast and desolate region M'hich affords sustenance for man or beast. Whoever heard of a slaveholder who intends or desires to re move his slaves into Ncm’ Mexico, and what wnuld he do M’ith them there ? They Mould not be worth the cost of their trans portation thither. Indeed, the soundest statesmen of the Southern States, of all parties, now confess that there is no space in our vacant Territories where it can be made profitable or desirable to introduce slavery. When they gave up the contest is it M'ise for us to inflict ourselves with needless alarms and insist on suffering im <3 ° aginary woes f In point ot fact, so tar as M'e can Judge from recent experience, the clamor at the South, iu favor of extending slavery, M*ould seem to have been chiefly confined to agi tators and politicians mlio have no slaves of their own. This is made apparent by the history of Kansas. They passed spu rious huvs legalizing slavery there. The press and the party leaders made the mcl kin ring with appeals to the slaveholders to invade Kansas and make it a Southern State. The Federal Executive favored their machinations. But M’hat Mas the response ? The slaveholders remained quietly at home. With all the convulsive efforts that were made less than 200 slaves were moved across the Missouri line, but kept so near the border that they could be brought back on very short notice. The attempt to make Kansas a slave State Mas in conflict M’ith natural laws, too powerful to be counteracted by the efforts of any po litical combination. Is there any necessi tv, then, for convulsing the country anew ? W e are sometimes reminded of efforts in the South to revive the African slave trade. If I believed there were any real danger on this head there is an extremity to which I would not go to avert it. But it is well known that public opinion in the South is emphatically against the proposition. If the question were distinctly submit ted to the Southern people to-day, m t c are assured that more than nine-tenths M'ould oppose and resist a renewal of that infa mous trade. The few m lio advocate it are either political lunatics or disunionists at heart, and their odious avoM’als are suffi ciently counterbalanced by the railings of Garrison and his few infatuated followers. The law M’hich punishes the slave trade as piracy, like all other Lim’s, must be enforc ed at all hazzards, by exerting, if need be, the M’hole poMer of the government, M’hose SM’orn duty it is to see that the huvs are executed ; and every loyal citizen M ill yield a willing support to the constituted au thorities in the discharge ot this vital func- j tion. On the M’hole, then, unless some j fresh provocation is given, I can perceive no sufficient cause for allowing the slavery question to divert our attention from those important measures and practical functions of government which so deeply concern the welfare of the country. For my own-part, I have always endea- i vored to maintain the just rights of my om’ii section, in the manner M’hich seemed j to me most judicious and effectual. Many of ns have uniformly resisted all measures M'hich tended to produce sectional strife, and when controversies have arisen we have desired to see them extinguished, and set tled as speedily as possible on principles of justice and moderation. Wars between foreign and independent nations are sure to be terminated, at some time by a treaty of peace, and I think it is but reasonable that there should be an occasional truce, if not a final cessation of hostilities, between States M’hich profess to be united. I consider concord and good-will between tlie sections far more desirable, more fa vorable to the interests of liberty and hu manity, than endless contention and irre pressable conflict. It seems like solemn trifling to urge that the North has any oc casion t<> defeat the South. Two free S tales have been admitted within a year, and we hold a decided and permanent pre ponder- j ance of power. The South has gained no thing by territorial additions since the an nexation of Texas. This M’as fifteen years ago ; and it is a striking fact that during this M’hole period the uproar of Southern propagandists has not added a single acre to the area of slavery, and tlie “noise and fury’” of Northern fanatics has not liberat ed a single slave. During the same peri od nearly the M’hole of the Pacific coast has been added to the domain of freedom. Nor can we forget that Texas was an nexed bv Northern Democrats, against the able and strenuous opposition of Southern Whigs. The same conservative men a r e still to be found in the South. They want no sectional advantages ; they claim no ex tension of slavery ; they are as ready as we to resist all rash and dangerous schemes of territorial expansion, In a word, they are faithful to the Union andtheConstitution, and ask for nothing but an honest, impar-’ 1 tial, and patriotic administration of our National Government. For one, lam wil ling to act M'ith them for the common good, as our fathers did before us, and to stand by them in opposition to disunionists, pro pagandists, and extremists of every shade, wherever they may be found. What the country needs is not a Northern nor a Southern, but a National Administration, { M’hich will restore tranquility by holding the reins of Government M’ith an even hand, and encroaching upon none. Give us an Executive who will confine | himselt to his constitutional sphere of du j ty, who will he actuated by ti spirit of M’ise : moderation, and who honestly desires to ; revive sentiments of affection and good will | between the States, and, ignoring all geo graphical distinctions, Mill regard himself ; as tire chosen giiafdian of the rights of the M’hole Union aiid the M-elfare of the whole American people. It matters little by M’hat name l(e may have been called or from i what part of the country he may come. I believe these arc vlcms upon M’hich the op ponents ot the present Administration, | right-minded llepubliccnis , Americans, Old Whigs, Independent Democrats, and conservative men of every shade, can unite and ought to unite in a spirit of patriotic I conciliation. Complete uniformity of opin ion on all questions is not to be expected in any political organization in a free coun try so widely diversified as ours. The full est toleration of differences of sentiment on subordinate topics is alike just and neces sary. Men M’ho are disposed to unite and make common cause in the great work of reforming the Government can afford to exhibit a generous magnanimity and cul tivate sentiments of mutual concession and forbearance. The condition of (he country at the pres ent time calls loudly for reform. Our most vital interests are suffering for the want of liberal and friendly legislation. It is one of the deplorable incidents of prolonged sectional strife that those beneficent pow ers of government which ought to be exer ted to invigorate the national prosperity and foster American interests are virtual- I ly suspended, or exercised so capriciously as to produce nothing but mischief and confusion. For some years past M’e have seen the progress of useful legislation on subjects of the highest practical importance to the country seriously obstructed, if not absolutely interrupted, by vain and irritat ing controversies on questions entirely be yond the reach of the Federal authority.— At the same time a most formidable foe lias invaded the sanctuary of freedom. Corruption stalks abroad M'ithjbold and audacious front, and rears its hateful crest in many of the high places of the land. It is becoming a familiar spectacle to see mo ney poured out M’ith a lavish profusion to control popular elections and to influence the action of our legislative bodies. These J things must be corrected if we are to re main a free country. It is time for the friends of public virtue to rally and come to the rescue ot our representative system. Unless a timely remedy is applied, repub- ! lican institutions Mill become a bye-word, i and reproach, and our great experiment of j self-government must provoke an ignoble failure, blasting the best hopes and fond est expectations of mankind. Whatever others may do, I trust the old Whigs Mill stand fast to their integrity, and show themselves M T orthy of the noble ! inheritance bequeathed tousbv the fathers ; of the Republic. Let us discharge our ! whole duty M’ith a disinterested and patri- i otic* zeal. Come what may, be it ours to maintain M'ith constant fidelity those prin ciples of constitutional liberty and union M'hich lias made us a free people, and giv en us a proud position among the nations of the earth. If there are insuperable ob stacles in the M r ay of such united action as Me all desire, they M ill become manifest in season. Meanwhile, we must possess our souls in patience and abide our time. We M ill await the course of events noM- rapid ly unfolding. If the friends of good government and salutary reforms can be combined in a uni ted organization, on conservative and na tional principles, I believe I liazzard noth ing in saying the Whigs of the Union M ill lend their best endeavors to promote the I common cause ; and if, on the other hand, ! such union is made impossible by exclu sive views and extreme requirements, it is equally safe to declare that they will still ■ be found true to their country, faithful to | their cherished principles, and ready to j obey the voice of duty, M'hithersoever it j may lead. v Southern Men not Handsome. —A Washington correspondent of tlie N. Y. Times, in the course of a long article on the famous Napier Ball, uses the folio Ming language: The sunny South seems to reserve ail its 1 gifts for women, at least the men whom it sends to the Senate cannot be said to be specimens of manly beauty. Mason and Toombs are both ponderous men, fond of domineering attitudes, but they arc sadly j old-fashioned, and remind you more of the j Celtic barons of the middle ages than of of the 19th century. °^y ieTlX<i r.EH'IIER OF I'.U.SEHOOD. Ihe R.chniond 117, c „, ITI Vf s oid J ollll Le oIHT ~| „ .lei. Wrote faUehoo.l. in the I” 1 1 ‘ HlL ‘ n °t tlio J.’Twging refresliii..'doc- umem. T.cti-her ilrm.-s saving aided in defray.n S , ho Mpeuscs of Nh!i s hin S tlm Hutlncr pamphlet, upon (lie that it contained “many exceptionable Poor old Letcher, lie equivocates, aye, lies, in order to get out of his Abolition ism. Hire is the original contract with the Printer, and the three words italicised’ are so marked in the original: Ihe undersigned agree to pay their proportionate part of the expenses to be incurred in the publication of a pamphlet °n the removal of slavery from Western irgihia, provided the expenses does not exceed the sum of ten dollars to each sub scriber. 8. Mel). Moore, James 11. Jordan, John Lcliols, J. Horace Lacy, 1). E. Moore, Daniel P. Curry, George A. Baker, John W. Fuller, Henry Putfner, JOHN LETCHER, Janu sU. Hamilton.’ . Mark the language ! —‘The undersigned, agree to pay their proportionate part of the expenses to he incurred, in the publica tion of a jximphlet ON TIIE REM(>VAL OF SLAVERY FROM WESTERN IHO 1 NIA !’ Why, the filthy old Abo litionist, instead of being elected Governor, should he rude on a rail , beyond the lim its ot the State ! — Brownloic’s Whig. r l he Southern Mercury thus lets off ors “Our country.” Hear him : Our Country* r I her s not the least shadow of a doubt about the matter—ours is emphatically, undeniably, incontrovertahlv, p<>sitivclv, comparatively and superlatively, a great and glorious country. The annals of time furnish nothing to compare with it; Greece wasn’t a circumstance ; Romo was uno whar ; ’ \ enice couldn’t hold us a candle, while all modern nations sink into insig nificauce before or a country. It has lon ger rivers, and more of them, andmuddier, and deeper, and they run faster, and go’ father, and make more noise, and rise high er and tall lower, and do more damage thari any body clse’s rivers. It has more lakes, and they arc bigger, and deeper, and clear er, than those ot any other nation. Ithatj more cataracts, and they fall and taster, and harder, and roar louder, ana look grander than all other cataracts: Ifc has more mountains, and higher QiieA, ana more snow on ’em, and they are harder td get lip, and easier to fall down than all other mountains. It has more gold, and it is heavier, and brighter, and worth than the gold of other countries. Qur/ail cars are bigger, and run faster, afid pffch oil the track of toner, and kill more people,” than all other rail cars. Our steam boats are longer, and carry bigger loads, ami bile their busters” oftener, and the cap tains swear harder, than any other country. Our men are bigger, and longer, and high er, and thicker, and can fight harder, and taster, and drink more whiskey, eliew more tobacco, spit more, and further, kick up their heels higher, and do anything else more, and better, and oftener, than men in all the other countries combined. Our ladies are prettier, dress finer, spend rnor*j money, break more hunts , wear bigger hoops and shorter dresses, and kick up the devil generally to a greater extent than all other ladies. Our politicians can spout louder, lie harder, make gas faster, dodge quicker, turn oftener,make more noise, and do less work than every body clse’s politi cians. Our niggers are blacker, work har der, have thicker sculls, smell louder, and need thrashing oftener, than other nig gers. Our children squall louder, grow faster and get too big for their trousers quicker than all other children. It is a great country ! It is the corn.er ■stone of nations ; it is the top of the pile, the head man of the heap, the last buttoD on the coat, the crowning jewel in the di adem, the capital of the column, the last link in the chain, the observed of all ob servers. It will cat up all other nations taster than Pharaoh’s lean kine eat up the fat ones. When all othernationsare num bered-among the things that were it will just he rejoicing in its strength. It will kick all other nations out of existence, it will lick them up as the cow lickethsalt.— It has now thirty-three States, and “moro a comin.” It covers more territory than all other nations. And finally, it has lou der thunder, faster lightning, bigg<r kailj and colder ice, than ran he found in any other part of t lie habitable globe. Hur rah f>r this jtrodi-gi- oils constellation of free States ! Hang a man that wont praise his own country ! llon. James C. Jones.—The Athens Post says : Rumor says that Ex-Senator James (’ Jon* s has declared his determi nation to support Col. N’ethcrJand for Gov ernor. There is said to be more joy in heaven over oiie sinner that repenteth than ninety-nine of the righteous. We have be lieved that toe Ex-fcv. nator was in an un natural position for the hist fetv years, ami thousands will rejoice to see him again in the front rank with his old friends, rally ing them to the chu-ge Nil in her 21.