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Volume 1. THE UpS OJf PILOT. IS PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. G-- A. MIIiLSR, Editor aiul Proprietor. ■ JAMES R. noon, Publisher. Terms of Subscription. la advance for 1 year, $2 00 If ment l>e delayed 6 month*, - - - 250 If delayed until the end of the year - - 300 Kates of Advertising. Advertisements w ill be charged at the rate of one dollar per square of ten lines or less, and fifty cents for each subsequent insertion. Professional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, will be looted 12 months for £l2. Lileral contracts made with Merchants and others sighing to advertise by the year. For Announcement of Candidates £5, invariably in Advance. Marriages and Deaths inserted free, when accompa jurd by a resiwnsible name. Obituaries of over 10 hues charged as Advertisements. We commend the follow ing Rates of Advertising by contract to business men generally. We have placed them at tbe lowest figures, and they will in no instance be departed from : PY CONTRACT. J 3 mos. J 6 mos. |!) nm*. 1 year. OSE HQUAUK. Without change, £fi 00 £,B 00 £lO 00 £l2 00 Changed quarterly 700 10 00 12 <*) 10 00 Changed at will, 800 12 00 14 00 00 TWO SQUARES. Without change. 10 00 If. 00 20 00 25 00 Changed quarterly 12 00 18 00 24 (H) 28(H) Changed at will, ’ 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 three squares. Wiiletut change, l-> 00 20 00 25 00 30 On Changed quarterly 18(H) 22(H) 20 00 34 00 Changed at will, 20 00 20 00 of “C‘ 400 O HALF COLUMN, Without change. 25 00 30 no 40 On •’ 00 Changed quarterly 28 <h 32 oo 4"’ 00 55 00 Changed at w ill, 35 00 45 qo 50 00 00 00 ONE COLUMN, Without change. 00 00 70 of) 80 qo 100 (H) Changed quarterly 05 (H) 75 (#) IM) (m 110 00 Changel at will, 70 00 85 qq I<K) qn 125 00 Legal Advertising. Hales of Lands and Negroes, by administrators. Ex ecutors and Guardians, are required by law t<> be held on the lir>t Tuesday in the month, between the hours of leu in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court House in tlie county in w liielt the property is sit uated. Notices of these sales must lie given in a pub lic gazette forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice for the sale of personal property must be given at least ten days previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must l>e published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be published weekly for two months. Uiunions for Getters of Administration must be pub ltohM thirty days—for Dismission from Administration, monthly six months—for Dismission from Guardian ship, forty days. Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must he published monthly for four months—for establishing lost papers for the full space of three month-—for compelling ti tles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always be continued according to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered, *t the follow ing BATES: Citation on Letters of Administration, £2 50 “ Dismissory from Administration, C 00 “ “ Guardianship, 350 Leave to sell Land or Negroes 5 00 Halos of personal property, 10 days, 1 sq. 1 50 Hales of land or negroes bv Executors, 3 50 Estrays, two weeks, 1 50 Sheriffs Sales, 60 da vs, 500 j “ 30 ‘ 2 50 I'fP Money sent by mail is at the risk of the Editor, provided, if the remittance miscarry, a receipt be ex- ‘ bibited from tl.e Post Master. PR< )FESSI< )N A Is CARI>S. WM. G. lIORSLEV, Attorney at Law, THOM ASTON, GA. WILL practice in Upson, Tallwt, Taylor, Crawford, ** Monroe, Pike and Merriwether Counties. April 7. 1850—I v. DR. JOHN GOODE, RESPECTFULLY otters his Professional services to j ! the citizens of Thotnastoa and its vicinity. He can he found during tin* day a* l>r. Heard's of- j five, and at his father's residence at night. Thomastou. Feb. 10. THOMAS BEALL, attorney at law, THOM ASTON, GA. fd3—iy P. w. ALEXANDER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, TIIOMASTON. C.A. uor2s—ly *• Warrk *- c t ooode WARREN & GOODE, ATTORNFiYS at law, PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA nor 18—ts * A. C. MOORE, I) E JV T IST, THOM ASTON, CI A. at my House (the late residence of Mrs. rs “ here 1 am P re P ar cd to attend to all class es of Dental Operations. My work is mvßeferenee. novlS— ts G. A. MILLER, ATTORNEY at law, kgSines s cards. , s . GEORGE W. DAVIS,”” T n> r a heatitiful Stock of Spring and Sum- ; Uie corn Prising every article usually kept in [ Call and see him at his old stand. April 7, 1859. Gll 4NITE HALL, OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE, -MAeox', gi:oi :a i B . F . DENSE, . (Late of the Floyd nouse,) rKOPKItTOB. BUSINESS CALLS. _ a ~A.fi. ’BROOKS, Dealer in Farnilv Groceries, THOM ASTON, GA., KEEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds of Family Groceries, Iron. Hollow Ware, <SLc., &c., j and a far Liquors for the afflicted. S V Fruits and Oysters in season. nov2s—tf BYDBHIIAM ACF.K. JNO. F. IVERSON ACEE &. IVERSON, DRUGGISTS A.\ D CHEMISTS, SIGN OK GOLDEN EAGLE, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. TAEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi i ±J cines, Chemicals, Acids, f’ine Soaps, Fine Hair and Tooth Brushes, Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines and Liquors for Medicinal purposes. Medicine Chests, Glass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuff*, Fancy and Toilet Articles, Fine Tobacco and Havana Segars. &c.. &c. janG—tf. ~~H ARDEM AN & G RIF FIN, Dealers in Staple Dry Goods and Groceries of every Description Corner of Cherry and Third Streets, MACON, GA. YITE would call the attention of the Planters of Up- VV son and adjoining counties to the above Card, be lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with us. Macon, Ga.. November 10,1858. nov2s—tf. HP©LJT J © A L a Letter from a Patriot and States man. The following letter from Edward Bates, of Missouri, one of tiie ablest men the country has ever produced, should be read by every man who feels an interest in his country’s welfare : St. Louis, Thursday, Feb. 24, 1859. ITo Messrs. J. Philip Phoenix, Willis J} lock stone, JI. K. Jiininger, David J. Liley, and li. It. Smith, Committer , i Note lot'k. Sirs : — A short time ago I Mas favored with vour note of the 7th inst., covering a resolution of the Committee, to the effect that it is inexpedient tit this time further j to discuss or agitate the Negro question, ! but rather to turn the attention of the peo- i pie t<* other topics—“topics of general im- ; porttmee, such ;ts our Foreign Relations, I including the extension of Territory ; the building of Railroads for National purpo ses ; the improvement of our Harbors, the navigation of our Rivers to facilitate In ternal Commerce ; the subject of Curren cy, and a Taritfof Duties, and other means of developing our own internal resources, | our home wealth and binding together by ; ties of national and fraternal feelings the i various parts and sections of our widely extended Republic.” our letter, gentlemen, opens a very wide held in asking for my “opinion upon tin* subject, and my views as to the signs of the times.” Books have been written upon these matters and speeches delivered by the thousand, and yet the argument seems as far from being exhausted as it was at the beginning ; and I take it for certain that you do not expect or desire me to discuss at large all or any of these interminable quarrels. That I have opin ions upon all or most of them is true—not I the opinions of this or that party, ready to be abandoned or modified to suit this or that platform, but my own opinions— perhaps the more fixed and harder to be changed because deliberately formed in the retirement of private life, free from the ex igencies of official responsibility and from the pert in bat ions of party policy. They are my own opinions, right or wrong. As to the Negro question—l have al ways thought and often declared in speech and in print that it is a pestilent question, the agitation of which has never done good to any party, section or class, and never can do good, unless it be accounted good to stir up the angry passions of men and exasperate the unreasonable jealousy of sections, and by those bad means foist some unlit men into office and keep some tit men out; it is a sensitive question, in to whose dangerous vortex it is quite pos sible for good men to be drawn unawares. But when 1 see a man, at the South or the North, of mature age and some expe rience, persist in urging the question, af ter the sorrowful experience of the last few years, I can attribute his conduct to no higher motive than personal ambition or sectional prejudice. As to the power of the General Govern ment to protect the persons and proper ties, and advance the interests of the peo ple, by laying taxes, raising armies and navies, building forts and arsenals, light houses, moles, and breakwaters, surveying the coast and adjacent seas, improving rivers, lakes, and harbors, and making roads—l should be very sorry to doubt the existence of the power, or the duty to exercise it, whenever the constituted au thorities have the means in their hands, and are convinced that its exercise is nec essary to protect the country and advance the prosperity of the people. In my own opinion, a government that has no power to protect the harbors of its country against winds and waves and hu man enemies, nor its rivers against snags, sands and rocks, nor to build roads for th^ ‘THE UNION OF THE STATES;-DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.” THOM ASTON, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING. MAY 5,135 ft \ transportation of its armies and its mails and the commerce of its people, is a poor, impotent government, and not at all such a government as our fathers thought they had made when they produced the Consti tution which was greeted by intelligent men everywhere with admiration and grat itude as a government free enough for all the ends of legal liberty, and strong enough for all purposes of national and individual protection. A free people, if it be wise, w ill make a good Constitution ; but a Con stitution, however good in itself, did never make a free peojde. The people do not derive their rights from the Government, but the Government derives its powers from the people; and these powers are granted for the main, if not the only, pur pose of protecting the rights of the people. Protection, then, if not the sole, is the chief end of government. And it is for the governing power to judge, in every instance, what kind and what degree of protection is needful— w hether a navy to guard our commerce all around tho world, or an army to defend the country against armed invasion from without, or domestic invasion from with in ; or a tariff to protect our home indus try against the dangerous obtrusion of for eign labor and capital. Os the existence of the power and duty of the Government to protect the people in their persons, their property, their in dustry, and their locomotion, 1 have no doubt, but the time, the mode, and meas ure of protection, being always questions of policy and prudence, must of necessity be left to the wisdom and patriotism of those whose duty it is to make laws for the good government of the country. And with them 1 freely leave it as the safest, I and, indeed, the only, constitutional de pository of the power. As to our foreign policy generally, I have but little to say. lam not much of a progressive, and am content to leave it where Washington placed it, upon that I wise, virtuous, safe maxim—“ Peace with j all nations ; entangling alliance with none.” j The greedy and indiscriminate appetite for foreign acquisition, which makes us covet | our neighbors’ lands, and devise cunning schemes to get. them, lias little of my sympa thy, I view it as a sort of glut tony, as dangerous to our bodv politic as gluttony is to the natural man—produc ing disease certainly, hastening death, probably. Those of our politicians who are afflicted with this morbid appetite tire wont to cite the purchase of Louisiana and Florida, as giving countenance to their in ordinate desires. But (he cases are whol ly unlike in almost every particular. Lou isiana was indispensable to our full and safe enjoyment of an immense region which was already owned, and its acquisition gave us the unquestioned control of that noble system of Mississippi waters, which nature seems to have made to be one and indivisible, and rounded off the map of the nation into one uniform and compacted whole. Nothing remained to mar and dis figure our national plat but Florida, and that was desirable, less for its intrinsic val ue than because it would form a danger ous means of annoyance, in case of war with a maritime power, surrounded, as it is, on three sides by the ocean, and touch ing three of our present States, with no barrier between. The population of Lou isiana and Florida, when acquired, was very small compared with the largeness of the territory ; and, lying in contact w T ith the States, was easily and quickly absorb ed into and assimilated with the mass of our people. Those countries were acquired, moreover, in the most peaceful and friend ly manner, and for a satisfactory conside ration. Now, without any right or necessity, i( is hard to tell what we do not claim in all the continent south of us, and the adja cent islands. Cuba is to be the first fruit of our grasping enterprise, and that is to be gotten at all hazards, by peaceful pur chase if we can, by war and conquest if we must. But Cuba is only an out-post to the Empire of Islands and continental countries that are to follow. A leading {Senator has lately declared (in debate on the thirty million bill) that w’o must not only have-Cuba, but all the Islands from Cape Florida to the Spanish Main, so as to surround the Gulf of Mexico and Ca riboan Sea, and make them our “mare clausum ,” like the Mediterranean, in old times, when the Roman Emperor ruled both its shores, from the pillars of Hercu les to the Hellespont. This claim of marc \ nostrum implies, of course, that we must own the continent that bounds our sea on the West, as well as the string of Islands that inclose it on the East —that is, Mex ico, Central America and all South America, so far South at least as the Ori noco. In that wide compass of sea and land there are a good many native Gov ernments, and Provinces belonging to the strongest maritime powers, and a narrow continental isthmus which we ourselves, as well as England and France, are wont to call the highway of nations. To fulfill the grand conception and perfect our trop ical empire, we must buy or conquer all these torrid countries, and their mongrel populations. As to buying them, it strikes me we had better wait aw hile, at least un til the Government has ceased to borrow money to pay its current expenses. And as to conquering them, perhaps it would be prudent to pause and make some esti mate, of costs and contingencies, before we rush into war with all maritime Europe and half America. I am not. one of those who believe that the United States is not an independent and safe nation, because Cuba is not apart |of it. On the contrary, I believe we are quife capable of self-defence, even if the Queen of the Antilles were a province of England, France or Russia; and surely, while it remains an appendage of a com paratively feeble nation, Cuba has much . more cause to fear us than we have to fear Cuba, In fact, gentlemen, I cannot help doubting the honesty of the cowardly ar gument by which we are urged to rob poor old Spain of this last remnant of her Wes tern empire, fur fear that she might use it ; to rub us. But suppose we could get honestly and peaceably, the whole of the country —con- tinental and insular—from the Rio Grande to the Orinoco, and from Trinidad to Cu ba, and thus establish our mare clausum, and shut the gate of the world across the Isthmus, can we govern them wisely and well P For the last lew years in the at tempt to govern our home Territories of Kansas and Utah, we have not very well maintained the dignity and justice of the nation, nor secured the peace and prosper ity of the subject people. Can we hope to do better with the various mixed races of Mexico, Central unci South America, and the West India Islands? Some of those countries have been trying for fifty years to establish republican governments on our model, but in every instance have mis erably failed ; and yet there was no obsta cle to complete success but their own inap titude. For my part, I should grieve to see my country become, like Rome, a conquering and dominant nation—for I think there are few ur no examples in history of gov ernments whose chief objects were glory and power, w hich did ever secure the hap piness and prosperity of their own people. Such guyer!)merits uiay grow great aqd fa : ui, . and advance a lew of their citizens j to wealth and nobility; but the price of j their grandeur is the personal indepen- I deuce and individual freedom of their peo ple. Still less am 1 inclined to see absorb ed into our system, “on an equal footing with the original States,” the various and mixed races (amounting to I know’ not how many millions) which inhabit the con tinent and islands south ot our present i border. lam not w illing to inoculate our body politic with the virus of their dis eases, political and social—diseases which with them are chronic and hereditary, and with us could hardly fail to produce cor ruption in the head and weakness in the j members. Our own country, as it is, in position, j form and size, is a w onder which proclaims : a wisdom above the wit of man. Large | enough for our posterity fur centuries to j come. All in the temperate zone, and therefore capable of a homogeneous popu- : lation, yet so diversified in climates and soils as to produce everything that is nec essary to the comfort and wealth of agrcat people. Bounded east and west by great ; oceans, and bisected in the middle by a mighty river wdiich drains and fructifies the continent, and binds together the most southern and northern portions of our land, by a bond stronger than iron. Besides all this, it is new’ and growing—the strongest on the continent, with no neighbor whose power it fears, or of whose ambition it has cause to be jealous. Surely such a conn- ! try is great enough and good enough for all the ends of honest ambition and virtu ous power. It seems to me that tin efficient, home loving Government, moderate and econom ical in its administration, peaceful in its objects and just to all nations, need have no fear of invasion at home, or serious aggression abroad. The nations of Europe have to stand continually in defence of I their existence, but the conquest of our 1 country by a foreign Power is simply im- j possible, and no nation is so absurd as to | entertain the thought. We may conquer ourselves by local strife and sectional ani mosities ; and w hen, by our folly and wick edness, we have accomplished that great calamity, there will be none to pity us for the consequences of so great a crime. If our Government would devote all its energies to the promotion of peace and friendship with all foreign countries, the advancement of commerce, the increase of agriculture, the growth and stability of manufactures, and the cheapening, quick ening and securing the internal trade and travel of our country ; in short, if it would devote itself in earnest to the establishment of a wise and steady policy of internal gov ernment, I think we should witness a growth and consolidation of wealth and comfort and power for good, which cannot be reasonably hoped for from a fluctuating policy, always watching for the turns of. coed fortune, or from a graspiou* ambition to seize new territories, which are hard to get and harder to govern. The present position of the Administra tion is a sorrowful commentary upon the broad democracy of its professions. In theory, the people have the right and abil ity to do anything; in practice, we are ver ging rapidly to the One-Man power, i The President, the ostensible head of the National Democrats, is eagerly striv ing to concentrate power in his own hands, and thus to set aside both the People and their Representatives in the actual affairs ot government. Having emptied the.Tre surv, which he found full, and living pre cariously upon borrowed money, he now demands of Congress to intrust to his un checked discretion the War power, the Purse and the Sword. First, heasks Con gress to authorize him, by statute, to use the Army to take military possession of the Northern Mexico, and hold it under his protectorate, and as a security for debts due to our citizens —civil possession would not answer, for that might expose him, as in the case of Kansas, to be annoyed by a factious Congress and a rebellious Territo- I rial Legislature. Secondly—Not content with this, he de mands the discretionary power to use the army and navy in the South ; also in block ading the coast and marching his troops into the interior of Mexico and New Gran ada to protect our citizens against all evil doors along the transit routes of Telman- ! tepee and Panama. And he and his sup- ; porters in Congress claim this enormous 1 power upon the ground that, in this par ticular at least, lie ought to be the equal of the greatest monarch of Europe. They forget that our fathers limitsd the power ot the President by design, and for the rea son that they had found out by sad expe rience that the monarchs of Europe were too strong for freedom. Third—ln strict pursuance of this doc trine, first publicly announced from Ostend, lie demands of Congress to hand over to him $30,000,000 to be used at his discre tion to facilitate the acquisition of Cuba. Facilitate how ? Perhaps it might be im prudent to tell. Add to all this the fact (as yet unex plained) that one of the largest naval ar maments that ever sailed from our coast is now operating in South America ostensi bly against a poor little republic far up the Platte river to settle somelittle quarrel be tween the two Presidents. If Congress had been polite enough to grant the Pres ident’s demand of the sword and the purse against Mexico, Central America, and Cu ba, this navy, its duty done at the South, might be made, on its way home, to arrive in the Gult very opportunely to aid the “Commander-in-Chief” in the acquisition of some very valuable territory. I allude to these facts with no malice against Mr. Buchanan, but as evidence of the dangerous change which is now obvi ously sought to be made in the practical working of the Government—the concen tration of power in the hands of the Pres ident and the dangerous policy, now almost established, of looking abroad for temporary glory and aggrandizement in stead of looking at home, for all the pur poses of good government —peaceable, moderate, economical, protecting all inter ests alike, and by fixed policy, calling into safe exercise all the talents and industry of our people, and thus steadily advancing our country in everything which can make a nation great, happy and permanent. The rapid increase of the public expen diture, and that, too, under the manage- j ment of statesmen professing to be pecu-1 liarly economical, is an alarming sign of; corruption and decay. That increase bears no fair proportion ■ to the growth and expansion of the country, but looks rather like wanton waste or criminal negligence, The ordinary objects : of great expense are not materially aug- j monted—the army and navy remain on a | low peace establishment—the military de fences are little, if at all enlarged—the improvement of harbors, lakes and rivers is abandoned, and the Pacific railroad is not only not begun, but the very location is scrambled for by angry sections, which succeed in nothing but mutual defeat In short, the money to an enormous amount (I am told at the rate of $80,000,000 to 8100,000,000 a year) is gone, and we have little or nothing to show for it. In pro found peace with foreign nations, and sur rounded with the proofs of national growth and individual prosperity, the Treasury, by less than two years of management, is j made bankrupt, and the Government itself j’ is living from hand to mouth, on bills of credit and borrowed money. This humiliating state of things could hardly happen if men in power were both , honest and wise. The Democratic econo- j mists in Congress confess that they have recklessly wasted the public revenue ; they confess it by refusing to raise the tariff to j 1 meet the present exigency, and by insisting that they can replenish the exhausted Treasury and support the Government, in credit and efficiency, by simply striking off i the ir former extravagances. An illustrious predecessor of the Presi- • dent is reported to have declared “ that < v k*. f those who live on borrowed money ought to break’ 1 do not concur m tflut harsh say ing ; yet I am clearly of opinion that the Government, in common prudence, (to say nothing of pride and dignity,) ought to reserve its credit for great transactions and unforseen emergencies. In common times of peace, it ought always to have an es tablished revenue, equal at least, to it# current expense And that revenue ought to be so levied as to foster and protect thw industry of the country employed in otir most necessary and important manufac ture?. Gentlemen, I cannot touch upon all the topics alluded to in your letter and resolu tion. 1 ought rather to l>og your pardon for the prolixity of this answer. I speak for no party, because the only party I ever belonged to has cetised to exist as an or ganized and militant body. ‘ And I speak for no man but myself. lam fully aware that in y opinions and views of public policy are of no importance to anybody Gut me. and there is good rea son to fear that some of them are so anti quated and out of fashion as to make it very improbable that they will ever again be put to the test of actual practice. Most respectfully, Eow.mil) Bates. Scaring a “Green Horn,”--The Mos . bile Adrertint r relates the adventures of j countrymen who recently visited that citjq and one of the incidents is as follows ; He was in the middle ot Dauphin j and near u large music store, in which there were a bevy of ladies, one of whom waa testing the merits of anew and beautiful piano, which the proprietor had that mor ning opened. Hosier hastened to the sidewalk and planted himself in the mid dle of the door, where, with mouth wide open, he stood, enjoying music which he had never befoic heard, with the most in tense satisfaction. It was in coining out of the door that he was met by our old friend Dick—- “straight back Dick,” of yellow fever mem ory—who had been watching him for some time, waiting for an opportunity to exer cise his vocation. Dick's intention was to see how far ho might play upon the hoosier’s fears through his apparent greenness —to put on a bully ing, swaggering front—and, if he succeed ed in frightening him sufficiently, got up-* mock court among his friends and put greeny through a trial tor some imaginary offense, convict and punish him, and add another to the list ot victims serni-occasion ally immolated upon the shrine of his pet passion. Dick had it all arranged. As Greeney stepped out of the store ho received a tap on his shoulder which would not have allayed a pain had one existed there, and tinning around quickly he dis covered Dick standing in a commanding position, right foot advanced, left hand upon the hip, and right hand extended— palm up—as though waiting for something to be deposited therein, Greeney looked into the extended hand, and then interro gatively into Dick's eyes. “Your license!’’ demanded Dick, sharp iy-. “What license?’ asked Grecnev, not a whit alarmed. “ W by, your license for walking on my pavement,” returned Dick, waxing wroth. “Darn your pavement,”replied Greeney, warmly, and looking around as though searching for tin* pavement. “I haint walked over it. 1 haint seed it, and I haint got no license. ’ “ Then get out into the street, you scant]), I don’t allow persons to stand on the sidewalk who have no license!” “ Well, now, look a hire, stranger, I aint awar of having done nothin’ Wrong, as 1 knows on, and 1 reckon as how if I do get off this sidewalk, somebcdy’ll put me off, sure’s I’m from Pike !” Vos. and I am the somebody that will do it!” said Dick, who hud worked him self up into a special rage. Suiting his movements to his words, Dick turned Up his sleeves, and executed a series of mani pulations that would have attracted the attention of Aaron Jones himself, all pre paration to a grand “pitching into” the unprotected front of the innocent Greeney. W'ith the utmost unconcern, he allowed Dick to circle arc tied him once or twice, when he straightened out a brawny arm, to which was attached a sledge hammer fist, and quick as thought Dick occupied a hor izontal position upon the mooted sidewalk, I loonier calmly regarded the cha]*-faliezp joker as he slowly regained his feet aud started off. Sticking his fists deep into the capacious pockets of his pantaloons, ho watched the retreating form of Dick, who did not get away without hearing the jart'ng admo nition of the green Tin : “I say. yew — next time. yo*t fish i or puckers, fry sv.m ot'a - bait arid ye.” The net increase of the Method ist Church South, the past year, as gathered from the General Mimitc3 ju.-’t issued, wae. 44.898, makeing the present total membership, of the Methodist Episcopal Church Cutittq €99.177 Number &