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, ; Wmm ‘ ’*• - i f *\ 1 / 4%. m-- i •* x * Volume 1. THE UP SO N P I L 0 T. IS PUBLISHED EVERYjJATUBDAY MORNING, q. > J\,. Editor and Proprietor. JAMES K. HOOD, Publisher. In wlrance, for 1 year. --***’ ( r "2 If jiannent be delayed G months, - - - -o’ //deiayed until the end of the year - - ° uu Hates of Advertising. \dvertisement.s will he charged at the rate of one j dollar per square of ten lines or less, and Hit.’ cents lot j rich subsequent insertion. Professional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, will he inserted 12 months for £l2. Liberal contracts made with Merchants and others wishing to advertise by the year. For Announcement of Candidates $ >, invariably in i and Deaths inserted free, when accompa cied by'a responsible name. Obituaries of over 10 lines charged as Advertisements. We commend the following Rates of Advertising by I contract to business men generally. We have placed | them at the lowest figures, and they will in no instance he departed from: BY CONTRACT. | 3 mos. 0 inos. 9 mos. 1 year, j WithonUlnmge, $G 00 $8 00 £lO 00 sl2 00 Changed quarterly 700 10 00 12 0 0 10 00 Changed at will, ’ 800 12 00 11 0 0 18 00 TWO SQUARES. Without change. 10 00 15 00 20 00 25 00 Changed quarterlv 12 00 18 00 24 00 28 00 Changed at will, 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 TURKS SQUARES. Without change, 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 Changed quarterlv 18 00 22 00 20 00 34 00 Changed at will, ‘ 20 00 20 00 32 00 40 00 i HALF COLUMN', Without change. 25 00 30 qq 40 00 50 00 ! Changed quarterly 28 00 32 00 45 00 5o 00 Changed at will, 35 00 45 (jo 50 00 GO 00 OXF. COLUMN, Without change. GO 00 70 Qtj 80 co 100 00 Changed quarterly G 5 00 75 00 00 CM) HO 00 Changed at will, 70 00 85 qo 100 ( |( ) 125 <X) Legal Advertising. Sales of Lands and Negroes, by administrators, Ex ecutors and Guardians. are required by law to bo held on the first Tti'ulav in the month, between the hours of ten in the forenoon ami three in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the property is sit uated. Notices of these sales niiv-t be given in a pub lic gazette forty days previous t<> (lie day of sale. Notice for the sale of personal property must be given at least ten days previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors ol‘ an Estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to tin* Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be published \veekly for two moiiLlim Citations for L* r T Admhijstradon mn-t be pub lished thirty days—for Dismission from Adimni. tration, monthly six months—for Dismission from Guardian ship, forty days. Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be published j monthly for four months—for establishing h t papers j for the full space of three months—for couipedit r ti j ties from Executors or Admini--.tr:do; where* a tooel ‘ has been given by the deceased, the full space of three ‘ months. Publications will always be continued according to | these, tlm legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered, 1 at the following uatf.s : Citation on Letters of Administration. $2 50 “ Distnissory from Administration, 000 ” “ Guardianship, 350 Leave to sell Land or Negroes. 5 00 Nales of personal pj-operty. 10 days. 1 sq. 1 50 Sales of land or negroes by Executors, 3 50 list rays, two weeks, 1 50 Sheriffs Sales, GO da vs, 5 00 “• ‘• 80 2 50 i C Money sent by mail is at the risk of the Editor, provided, \f t\\o remittance miscarry, a receipt be ex hibited from tlte Post Master. PK< >FESSI( )NALi CAR! >S. WM. G. HORSLEY^ •A 11 orll o v a t Yj nw , TJIOMASTON, GA. A\ ILL practice in l jison. Talhnl. Taylor. Crcuvfonl, Monroe. i'ike and Merriwether Couutic?. April 7. ls.j{t —1 v, dr. JOHN GOODE, 11 TH IJA oftPrs ]iN I‘rnt'es.siurisil services to t it* i iti/.t'iis ni | Immasion and its vkiuuv. ne can lx> found during the day at l>r. Heard's of ’ ■ at his lather’s residence at night, rbomaston. Fell. 10. THOMAS BEALL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, feds— 1 v TIIOMASTo * x GA. ” p - NV - ALEXANDER, ATTORNEY AT LAW, nov2.V-ly THOM ASTON, GA. Wabre.v. AX* C. T. Goope. 11W _V BB 5 & Goor> E, TORNKVB \ r T Ji\AV HUSTON C 0„ GA. “ ’ n A. 0. MOORE, 1) E A T T IST, AFprop TIIOMASTON, GA. G Hicks hvlfpr ?"“*■ le I:ue residence of Mrs. 88 Denial ftJ. : am to attend to all elass- ‘ My work is my Reference. G. A. MILLER, attorney at law, THOMASTOX. GA. JO : 1 N It S S CARLS. r. GEORGE W. DAVIS, , A ! a I ‘? a . ut 'hd Stock of Spring and Sum l C " ui ] )r ’ s ‘ n ” every article usually kept in tall au, l see him at his old stand. I 7. 1869. HALL, Ar up OSITETHE LANIER HOUSE ’ Ac OX, GEORGIA B • F . DEIV SE , I Late of the Floyd House,) I I’aofmnToii. BUSIN ES H C ABBS. } W. A. SNELIT Doaler in pure Drugs and Medicines, THOM ASTON, GA., KEEPS constantly on hand and for rale a largo Stock of pure Drugs, Medicines, Chemicals and Patent Medicines, consisting in part of Dr. Ayer’s Cherry Pec toral and Cathartic Pill- - . and Sarsaparilla, Wistar’s RaLam of Wild Cherry. Mustang Liniment, Perry Da ! vis’ Vegetable Pain Killer, Roberts’ Cholic Mixture, • Alcohol, Linseed Oil, Train Oil, Spirits of Turpentine, , Coach and Japan Varnish. Also, Dye Stuffs, fine Cog nac Brandy, Ten Year Old Apple Brandy, fine Bourbon | Whiskey, Old Port and Madeira Wines, Fine Cigars i and Tobacco, all of the very best quality. Besides j those, he lias lino and fancy, articles for the Toilet, ! Paints, Varnishes, &e., and in fact every thing usually kept in a first class Drug Store. I Call and see him at the stand formerly occupied by Harwell & Goode. May 19 STDF.NHAM ACEH. .IXO. F. I VERS OX ACEE &. IVERSON, s> ri: a a is t s a a s> c u e i?i ist s , SIGX OF COI.DEN EAGLE, COLU M B US, GEOII GI A . DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi cines. Chemicals, Acids, Fine Snaps. Fine Hair and i Tooth Brushes, Perfumery. Trusses and Shoulder i Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines and Liquors for Medicinal purposes. Medicine Chest.-, ■ Glass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuffs. Fancy and j Toilet Articles, .Fine Tobacco and Havana Sugars, &c.. &c. , janG— ts. HARDEMAN & GRIFFIN, BE in-IRS IN STAPLE DRY GOODS AND GROCERIES Os Every Description Corner of Cherry and Third Streets, MACON, GA. WE would call the attention of flic Planters of Up 'V son arid adjoining counties to the above Card, be lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with ns. Macon, Ga., November 19,1858. nov2s—tf. ip ©i i fj © Speech of Hon. Wm. C. Hives, Delivered in the City of Richmond, 17r fjinia. May 3, 1859. Mr. Rives Began by remarking, that llie habits and pursuits.of his life, for many years past, had removed him entirely, from scenes of political excitement. I have no desire, he said, again to engage in them.— While 1 had a public duty to perform, I endeavored to discharge it honestly, faith fully, and to 11 io best of my ability more (tiiKwu.i t<-> cvcvo I (mu Li hmm>. my j consilium's. Cherishing’’ with sincerity I the ] iin ij Its I brought with me into pub- j lie life, I e- uld not, asanhonest man, change I them at the bidding of party. My f ervid's were no longer acceptable ; and I have since lived a private citizen. Contented and happy, with no complaints or regrets in the past —no aspirations in the future. But, fellow-citizens, I should be sorry to say that 1 have lived an unconcerned spec tator of public events. In a free country every citizen, the humblest and most ob scure, its well as the highest, has a patriot ic duty to perform in watching over and defending, according to His opportunities, the precious deposit of the public liberties. Candor com] els me to declare that, from time to lime, i have seen much cause for patriotic anxiety, hut never so much as at the present moment. It is this conviction which has induced me—l may say constrained me—not with s out many struggles against the force of ; habit and that love of retirement which grows stronger by every day's indulgence, to appear before you, in obedience to the Hattering’ call that has been made upon me. I know how incapable lam of add ing. bv anything 1 can say, to the force of the many able and eloquent appeals that have been already addressed to the intelli gence and manliness of tlie country. But powerless as my voice is, I teel that I should be recreant to the duty of a good citizen, if 1 were not to raise it in such a cause, while there may be one of my countrymen willing to listen to me. 1 do not appear before you to plead for , the triumph of a party. No, fellow-citi zens ; it is a far higher cause which now demands the exertions of us all. A bold and unblushing corruption has invaded ev ery department of our muionaladministra tion, which, if not promptly and vigorously checked by the sovereign rebuke of the people, must soon engulf the public liber ty, as it is rapid!} undermining the public morals. The wisdom and valor of our ancestors bequeathed to us noble free institutions, which were intended to place the public liberty securely under the guardianship of the public virtue. It is these noble insti tutions which daring official abuses, em boldened by impunity, would now pervert ; to the destruction of Liberty, by undermi ning every guarantee provided for its secur ity—even the virtue and patriotism of the people themselves. Shall we not, then rally to their defence, one and all of us ? Shall we be told that this is the cause of a party ? Believe me, fellow-citizens, it is the vital cause of constitutional freedom — the common cause of every American citi zen, Democrat, Whig, or by whatever party denomination he may have been hitherto known, who values his birthright, and is manfully determined to defend it. That 1 have presented to you no exag gcrut* and picture of our public situation, is ‘THE UNION OF THE STATESs —DISTINCT, LIKE THE TIIOMASTON, GEORGIA. SATURDAY MORNING, MAY 28, lxA | unfortunately too well established by facts, ; now of universal notoriety. Revelations brought out, during the late session of Congress, have placed them before the pub ! lie in a form not to be questioned. Look at the report upon public printing: and you will see there how elaborate! v and ingeniously, in that large department of the public expenditure, corruption lias been organized into a system to multiply bribes to the employes and supporters of the Gov ernment. Every contract, whether for paper I for priuting, for lithographing, for engrav- I mg, has been so managed as not only to yield a rich harvest to the contractor himself, but to the officer of the Government who awards the con tract, and to the intermediate agents em ployed as brokers to procure it. Thus is a single job made, by its ramifications, to enlist and remunerate a dozen or more political retainers, at an enormous cost to the Treasury : for the prices allowed to the contractor must be correspondingly high to enable him to pay the customary trib | utes to his patrons and associates. And this rank scene of corruption’ has been passing under the very nose of the Government, in the city of Washington. One of these leviers of black mail— one who received the modest sum of $39,000 for bis good will and patronage in the sale and brokerage of public contracts —was i but the other day owner and conductor of j the official organ of the Government, and 1 is even now, we are told, public printer in fact, though notin name. Look now at the huge report made upon the operations in the navy yards of Phila l delphia and Brooklyn—a document gigan j tic and staitling in the official iniquities it reveals. I have neither the time nor the | patience to enter into the disgusting dc i tails of these revelations. But one glaring j and monstrous fact appears from them all ; —the systematic employment of contract ; for every variety of work and materials in both of those vast establishments, and that with the direct approbation of the Govern i ment itself, to reward partizan services, ; and to debauch the suffrages of the people. There you will see contracts involving large amounts of the public money, direc ted by the Government to be given, in i ODcn violation of law, to the highest, in- , stead of (lie lowest bidder, bom tin :-te . consideration of the number of subsidized ‘ voters in the employment of the preferred party, whose suffrages were required in the | critical moment of a contested election.— j So minutely and systematically was this policy carried out in one of those establish ments,* that Democratic members of Con gress representing the adjoining district’ were formerly constituted by the Govern ment its authorized agents for making an equitable division of the public spoils among its supporters ; and in this manner, : the yard was filled so the number of several : thousand, with worthless and incompetent men, whose only claim to employment was . founded on political service, and among whom, in the language of the report, “idle ness, theft, insubordination, fraud, and gross neglect of duty, prevailed to an alar ming extent,” The developments made present the Government as moving in a constant circle of corruption. First, the Government, ! with the public money, corrupts the con- i tractors and their employes to vote for; members or Congress : then the contractors corrupt the members of Congress, with a stipulated per centage, to procure them other contracts ; and finally, the members of Congress, by one species of influence or another, corrupt the Government to bestow the contracts which they had stipulated to obtain. v But, fellow-citizens, I cannot follow out these revolting details ; there they arc up on record, where you can examine them for yourselves, and ponder on the mournful degeneracy of the public morals they dis close, and upon your solemn duty, as men and patriots, to rebuke and correct tiic evil. I have referred to those things with j the deepest humiliation as an American citizen. I sincerely wish, for the honor of my count rv, that they could be shown lo be” party libels. But, unfortunately, the facts are too notorious- —the knowledge of them is too wide-spread and universal—to admit either of denial or suppression. The whole air is filled with them. They are propagated on the winds to the corners of the earth. AY hat has made AA ashing ton, as the central seat of the government —the public offices—Congress itself, a by word and reproach with the yet uncon lam inated mass of the people, but the belief j that corruption festers there, and is thence diffused, like a subtle poison, through eve ry branch of the public administration Je sending upon it. Have not Senators of the dominant party —elevated by their character as well as their position—open ly proclaimed in the Senate chamber their solemn conviction that the Government of the United States, of which they form a part, “ is the most corrupt now existing on the habitable globe ’? The time is come, when patriots and good men of all political, denominations must seriously reflect upon the duties * Brooklyn, ; CNF, LIKE THE SEA” vinca they owe to their country, irrespec tive mere party considerations. If we incun to the noble heritage of freedom ancestors have trans muted to is the time to make the effoD.. Public morality is the only basis on which free institutions can stand. If that is once sapped, the edifice itself must crumble to she ground. Waive not been an inattentive olPrver, : ffl^Hpbilizens, of what lias passed in other countries, as well as our own, during the .eventful epoch in which we live. 1 have iv. itrr^ssed- 1 he downfall of an ancient mon arch} in Europe. I have seen a constitu tional representative government establish ed upon its ruins ; and in eighteen short yeai y, I have seen that government subver ted by a revolution, to make way, after a brief and convulsive period of anarchy, for | a military despotism. A\ hat occasioned the premature down tall of the representative government of I ranee ? It was political corruption un- • , denuiuing-it at its base. Louis Philippe! I and Ins ministers, instead of resting on the virtue and intelligence of the country ! for support, sought to rule it by an open i and shameless system of corruption. The elective franchise being confined to a com paratively small portion of the nation, and j that fraction being itself corrupted by the ! Government, the mass of the people could right themselves only by revolution ; and 1 the Govermnbnt fell. L is a remarkable instance of the cer tainty with which effects follow their cau ses in the political world, that 31. de Toe queville, one of the most profound politi cal philosophers of this or any other age, announced from his place in the chamber of Deputies, while all seemed sure and sta ble in the eyes of the government, that the country was sleeping upon a volcano, and that a revolution was at hand. And what was the ground of his prediction ? There had then been no popular tumults —no public disorders. He pointed alone to the depravation of the public morals by the malpractices of the Government—to the system of political corruption it had intro duced, and on which it relied—as the fa tal cause which must inevitably bring on a | national catastrophe. Now. ff'llo'A-citizens. I take unqu JQiv r : .-• a, vitil some knowledge ol facts m both \ courta ries, to say that, great as were the [ abuses then committed by the Govern-1 mi nt of France, they were, in no respect, ! ! greater than those which are this day re- ! vealed to us as habitually, systematically! practiced bv our own government-. For-! | Innately for us, our political institutions { have, in the general light of suffrage, fur nished the people of America with an offi cii nt insu’umaut for the peaceable correc tion of these abuses, if they choose to make 1 use of it. This great right, Mr. Jefferson ! has emphatically told us, is the appropri ate and “peaceable corrective of abuses, , which in other countries are lopped by the | ! sword of revolution.” But if the people, | i enslaved by their party leaders, will not j apply the “corrective, it is the same thing ns it they had it not: and we must then, \ like other nations, run the risk -of violent !” react ions and revolutions, of which few can ibn see the issue, when they are once en- | tered upon. AA r e have had impressive admonitions! that these tire not mere visionary specula tions, even in this land of the largest liber ty. AA hat have already been the results of the heedless exercise or of the party en slavement of the right of suffrage in the hand: of certain portions of the American | people ? Have we not seen vigilance com mittees forcibly superseding, in several communities, municipal governments that ! sprang from the forms of popular election, ; but whose abuses and corruptions were so j great that the most virtuous and. in gene ral, p< ace-h>\ ing citizens, co-operated in their ovei throw : and even those who gave j existence io th m by their suffrages, look ed.on. and rejoiced in their downfall. And what is this but revolution ? And j may whai has occurred in your cities, occur, in process of time, on the theatre ol the nation, if such enormous governmental abuses as I have exposed to you this day, be permitted to go on, not only uij correct ed. but accumulating, and. acquiring a m ae daring boldness by impunity ? Leave net, 1 beseech you, f-How-citizens, this dear native land of ours to the cruel alter native of a tame surrender ol its liberties, or of a fearful resort to a revolutionary vigilance committee taking possession of the Government at AYashingtou. No, fellow-citizens ; let us organize our legal, constitutional, salutary vigilance j committees at the polls. Let us throw off the debasing shackles of party thralldom, and assert the majesty and sovereignty of the pcq alar will. Let us resolve by the potent voice of our suffrages to exclude from the high places of the Government those, whether individuals or parties, who have in any manner sanctioned, participa ted in, or been accessory to the gross and daring abuses which dishonor the country, ; while they imperil its liberties. . I know the re are many of my Democrat ic friends who loathe and detest these offi cial imquiti* s as I do. I*nv to them, then. respectfully but earnestly—do not make yourselves responsible for and accessory to i such abuses, bv giving your confidence and support to those who practice them Stand up in the virtue and manliness of your own freedom. You are she rightful mas ters. Do not consrut to wear the tarnish ed and dishonored livery of your servants. You owe no allegiance but to your coun try ; and she now calls upon you to per form your duty, your whole duty to her, fearlessly as patriots, conscientiously as men. It is th? fatal Jffetrino of passive party obedience and non-resistance—a doctrine ! so long and successfully inculcated by the party in power —that lias brought the af fairs of our country into their present de plorable condition. They have assiduous- Iv taught that tlio first and indeed only I duty of every man, in the exercise of his civil and political functions, is to follow | and obey his party leaders : that the pre dominance of his party, under all circum ! stances, and whatever be the consequences | to his country, is the one paramount and ; absorbing object which should engage all his zeal, to the disregard of every dictate ! of conscience, and of every call ol patriot j ism. This mercenary and slavish doctrine has been enforced by the terrors of excommu nication on the one hand —by the lavish promises of reward on the other. “To tlie victor belongs flic spoils of victory,” is the motto emblazoned oil their standard. The offices, the employments of the Govern ment, arc no longer, in their eyes, public trusts, to be conferred and administered for the public good ; but of every grade and description, from the highest lo the lowest, they are the legitimate booty of a conquering party, to be dealt out in lar gesses and rewards to its followers. Thro’ jobs, through contracts, through the prod igal and unscrupulous expenditure of the public money, upon every possible pretext, the Treasury is delivered up to pillage, to stimulate the activity and feed the cupidi ty of partisan hordes. The startling abuses which have been recently brought to light, in the various branches of the public administration, arc not accidental, or occasional, or simply norsonai. TUev are iffo. neeessavy. logical, inevitable results of the system of political morality embraced, and indeed professed, by the party in power. It’ the Govern ment is to be administered solely for the benefit and selfish interests of a party, then fellow-citizens, your rulers have not been unfaithful to their creed. And who, permit me to ask, according to this modern system of political tactics, constitute the party? Arc they the rank and file—fhe great body of worthy and respectable citizens who do the voting— that constitute the party, in a practical sense? No, fellow-citizens jwe all know, and I am sure that many of my Demo- j cratic friends will sustain me in what I say ; —it is a few adroit political managers, who, for the most part, make a trade of | politics, that constitute the real party, in every practical, influential sense. It is ; they that make the nominations —they : that, make the political issues—they that > construct the party platforms; and the sovereign people, however their conscien ces and better feelings may revolt, have no j option, under this new martial law of par ty discipline, but to obey, or ;o be shot as deserters. Is this, fellow-citizens, the system of government which our noble and free-born ancestors bequeathed to us ? Is this a gov ernment of the people ? Is this a Democ racy. in the virtuous and honorable sense in which only a free people would accept ; it, or is it not rather an oligarchy of the worst and most degrading character —a sordid oligarchy of mercenary office holders and office-seekers ? 1 have the satisfac tion to know that there are Democrats in Virginia, at least, who repudiate such a system —who will not permit themselves to ; he manacled with such >ile fetters —-who will assert their privileges as freemen, their , dignity as men. In a free country there will be, there must be parties. But to the virtuous and honorable, and to merit the support.of. the people, they must he founded on pnn ciple, and honestly pursue the public good j as their aim—not the acquisition of power j for mere selfish and interested ends. bee, fellow-citizens, how this natural • anil legitimate constitution ot parties has been perverted of late in this country, by the corrupting influences of the new system of political ethics taught and practiced by the party in power. What were the dis tinguishing’ principles of the Democratic party, professed in the days of its purity, by its great founder, Thomas Jefferson ? Simplicity and economy in the public ex pense —a jealous limitation of executive power —a sacred regard for the freedom of elections —a stern prohibition ot all official interference with them —peace and honest friendship with all nations. AYith democratic tradition, and even pro fessions of simplicity and economy, your two last administrations have, in six years, carried up the expenses of the government from forty to eighty million: of dollars._(l spcalc approximately arid in round num bers,) having exhausted a surplus of 20 or. millions, and now* living lrmn hand to mouth, on the beggarly and ruinous cxj'C dient ot loans ; while rU the same time wo j hare seen Democratic members of Congress by an act of unprecedented cupidity and in violation of all decency, as well as the | spirit ot the Constitution, doubling their pay and voting the increase into their owh pockets by a retrospective provision, and surrounding themselves at an enormous j waste of the public treasure, with luxuri j ant accommodations and extravagant al-• lowances. that put to shame all we read of . oriental magnificence and self-indulgence. \\ itli like professions of democratic jealousy of executive power, your President | modest ly calls on the representatives of the people to transfer to him the power of peace and war—to give him in effect, the 1 sole treaty making power—to place mil-, lions of the public money at his discretion —and to invest him with military protec-:, torates ov r foreign States. With the same professed allegiance t< Democratic I principles—he tramples under foot tlie sa | ered regard inculcated by the founder of the Democratic party for the freedom of elections* and brings the whole patronage and influence of his high ofliee to control I elections in the States, from the humblest | representative thist to that of Senator of the l nited Stales. Succeeding to the Democratic maxim of peace and honest friendship with all nations, he threatens all by bellicose denunciations, in order to keep up the llagging spirit of party devo tion by fact it ions appeals to national pride and honor. Can such a party as this he said to be founded on any public principle ? If it is, it is upon principles directly the reverse of those which were taught by the author and acknowledged oracle of the democratic faith—which gave that great man the con fidence and support of the people—and which originally established the ascendancy of the party in the councils of the nation. Will the intelligent and patriotic peopled!* this country permit themselves to be duped by a mere’ name, seductive as it may be, when every principle which belongs to it in its proper interpretation, and in its an cient and, honorable traditions, is noerdv renounced and disregarded by those who now assume it ? But I may go further, and risk if there is a single principle of any sort held in common by the members of the now domi nant parly ? The favorite and prominent measures of the present administration are the thirty million Cuba appropriation—- the transfer of the war making power —the Mexican protectorate —the Facilie Railroad —a ]r>te five tariff, and, until lately the Lceompton Constitution. Is there any union of the party upon a single ono of these measures? No, bll ov-citizens, there is division and dissent iori upon all of thorn—flagrant intestine war upon some— and upon others, it is hard to decide wheth er a majority of the party agree with or differ from their President and chief in the measures recommended by him. But still, with rare exceptions, they ad here to and sustain him. As the living ropres illative and embodiment of the par ty, lie is to be Supported at all hazards. The politic and ascendancy of the party —the power of disposing of tlie offices, employ ments, emoluments, solid personal benefits of tlu l government, is hot to he jeoparded by indiscreet scruples about matters of so little comparative importantance as prin ples and the general interests of the coun try. Such, fellow-citizens, are the results of tic modern system of party discipline—• of the code of political morals inculcated by the party in power. What is it but to proclaim by their own act, the justice of the sentence pronounced years ago by a distinguished statesman ot South Caroli na : “ that they arc held together only by the cohesive power of the public plunder.” One of the chief arts by which this party has so long held possession of she govern ment. to the serious injury of the country and in spite id the reprobation of their measures by a large and unquestionable majority of th** people of the 1 nited States, is t he fabrication of sectional issues ami the fomentation of sectional jeal"ueiee to di vide the country, and thereby to prevent nuraeri us masses of virtuous find Mori ara ble men in both sections, who cordially agree in detestation of their practices, from uniting in any efficient co-operation to displace thorn from power. The great in stviiin ;:t f popular delusion which they use f r that purpose, and to which alone they own their unnatural foothold in the South, is the incessant and pernicious agi tation “of questions connected ith slavery. They put themselves forward its the spe cial atfd exclusive friends of the rights of the slaveholding States. They officiously volunteer to make political issues for the South ■ and when by means of tea se facti tious issues. tbcV have inflamed the South, and secured her votes, a part of tin m equiv ocate about the meaning amt import of tlffir ob liges, and others betray her into false and untenable positions, where she is doomed to humiliating defeat, and whetr, [■ r.E fourth r.\or J Number £&