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Volume 1. THE UPSON PILOT. ,s PUBLISHED EVERT SATURDAY MORNIVO, Or. A. • MILLER, Editor and Proprietor. _ _ : ; 1H If delayed until the end of the year - - 300 Rates of Advertising. Advertisements will he charged at the rate of one dollar per square of ten lines or less, and hit} cents for •orh subsequent insertion. Professional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, will be •, rted 12 months for sl2. Liberal contracts made with Merchants and others wishing to advertise by the year. . . . for Announcement of Candidates so, inr ariabl} in ‘ and Deaths inserted free, when accompa b„ \ responsible name. Obituaries of over 10 charged as Advertisements. We commend the following Kates of Advertising by - trad to business men generally. We have placed il'lvm al the lowest figures, and they will in no instance be departed from : BY CONTRACT, j 3 mos. 6 mos. 0 mos. 1 year. WiioaUlmnge, $6 00 $8 00 $lO 00 sl2 00 ried quarterly 700 10 00 12 0 0 16 00 Changed at will, 800 12 00 14 0 0 18 00 TWO SOPABBf. Without change. 10 00 15 00 20 00 25 00 Cl an-ed quarterly 12 00 18 00 24 00 28 00 Changed at will, 15 00 20 00 -25 00 30 00 THREE SQCARES. Without change, 15 00 . 20 00 25 00 30 00 Chinked quaiterlv 18 00 22 00 26 00 34 00 Changed at will, 20 00 26 00 32 00 40 00 half colcm.v, Without change, 25 00 30 09 ‘lO 00 50 00 Changed quarterly 28 00 32 oo 48 00 55 00 Changed at will, 35 00 45 90 80 00 CO 00 OSK COLI MX, Without change. 60 00 70 00 80 oo 100 00 Changed quarterly 65 00 I 75 99 00 qq 110 00 Changed at will, 70 00 jBS 99 100 99 125 00 Legal Advertising. Sales of Lands and Negroes, by administrators, Ex ecutors and Guardians, are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the Hours often in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the property is sit uated. Notices of these sales must he given in a pub lic gazette forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice for the sale of personal property must be given at least ten days previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will he made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be published weekly for two months. ‘Citations for Letter, of Administration must he pub lished thirty days—for Dismission from Administration, monthly six months—for Dismission from Guardian ihip. fl>rtv davs. Rules {nr foreclosure of Mortgage uiUSt, ut puun- n monthly for four months —for establishing lost papers for the full space of three months—for compelling ti tles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond has been given by the deceased, the lull space ot three months. Publications will always be continued according to the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered, at the following hates: Citation on Letters of Administration, $2 oO “ Pismissory from Administration, 600 11 “ “ Guardianship, 3 ->0 Leave to sell Land or Negroes, 8 00 Sales of personal property, 10 lnys. 1 sq. 180 Sales of land or negroes by Executors, 3 80 Estrays, two weeks, I°o j Sheriffs Sales, 60 davs, •’ “ “ 30 250 Money sent by mail H at the risk of tin* Editor, provided, if the remittance miscarry, a receipt be ex hibited from the Post Master. PROYESSK )NAL CAR I >S. Wa HORSLEY* Attoi’nev at Latv , THOMASTON, GA. Will practice in Upson. Talbot, Taylor, Crawford, ‘* Monroe, Pike and Merriwether Counties. April 7. 1859—1 y. THOMAS BEALL,” ATTORNKY AT LAW, THOMASTON, GA. fed"—ly p. w. ALEXANDER,” Attorney at law, THOMASTON. GA. tun-25—ly K - W arrbx. c t Goode. WARREN & GOODE, attorneys at law, PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA. novlß—tf A. C. MOORE, DENTIST, THOMASTON, GA. OFP0 F P, E ,u , ni - v ouse (the late residence of Mrs. r.t n A.”J iere lamI am prepared to attend to all class nov [sTt t^P erat * olls - My work is my Reference. R. a. miller, ATTORNEY at law, THOMASTON, GA. 5J5L52 T ESS CARLS. GEORGE W. DAVIS, a beautiful Stock of Spring and Sum -6 ‘i.rL comprising every article usually kept in ‘-iH'ogntrr. Call and see him at his old stand. 1 Easton, April 7, 1559. it all, OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE, MACOIsr, GEORGIA B.F.DENSE, j . (Late of the Flovd House.) ‘-ecio—tf ‘Proprietor. t ßout house, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, By Mrs. J, I>. BOYD. July 2 BtISINES S O A If J>s. w. A. SNELL, Dealer in pure Drugs and Medicines, THOMASTON, GA., KEEPS constantly on hand and for sale a large Stock of pure Drugs, Medicines, Chemicals and Patent Medicines, consisting in part of Dr. Ayer’s Cherrv Pec toral and Cathartic Pills, and Sarsaparilla, Wistar’s Balsam of Wild Cherry, Mustang Liniment. Perry Da vis’ \ egetable Pain Killer, Roberts’ Cholic Mixture, Alcohol, Linseed Oil, Train Oil, Spirits of Turpentine, Coach and Japan Varnish. Also, Dye Stuffs, fine Cog lis, c - randy , detl oar Old Apple Brandy, fine Bourbon >'liiskev, Old Port and Madeira Wines, Fine Cigars and Tobacco, all of the very best quality. Besides these, he lias fine and fancy articles for the Toilet, Paints, N arnishes, &c., and in fact every thing usually kept in a first class Drug Store. Call and see him at the stand formerly occupied by Harwell & Goode. May 19 STDEXHAM ACEE. JNO. F. IVERSON ACEE &. IVERSON, DRUGGISTS AND CHEMISTS, SION OF GOLDEN EAGLE, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. DEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi cines, Chemicals, Acids, Fine Soaps, Fine Hair and Tooth Brushes, Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines and Liquors for Medicinal purposes, Medicine Chests, Glass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuffs, Fancy and Toilet Articles, Fine Tobacco and Havana Segars, &c.. &c. janC— ts. HARDEMAN & GRIFFIN, DEAf.rKS IN STAPLE DRY GOODS AND GROCERIES Ol Every Description Corner of Cherry and Third Streets. MACON, GA. YLE would call the attention of the Planters of Up -11 son and adjoining counties to the above Card, be lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with us. r Macon, Ga., November 19,1558. nov2s ts. WEBB HOUSE, THOMASTON, GA. rrilE Subscriber respectfully informs the public that X he lias completed extensive improvements to his already large residence in Thomaston, and proposes to receive and accommodate permanent boarders and transient travellers. lie solicits the patronage of the public and will endeavor to make all comfortable and satisfied that will give him a call on moderate terms,and as low as the time and markets will afford. JOHN N. WEBB. June 18, 1859. LETTER FROM I!ON. IS. 11. HILL,. La Grange, Ga., July 25, 1859. My Dear: Sir : —Excuse me for delay dor requires me to admit much of this de lay is owing to an indisposition on my part to write on politics. It is not necessary for me to say to you , that this delay is not in the least attributable to a want of res pect for yourself : for I can truly say, if there exist a class of men for whom, as cit izens, I entertain the highest respect, it is the class to which you belong—men whose lives evince that their only connection with polities is to aid in the establishment of correct principles, and in securing a prop er and honest administration of the laws of the land. With such men law nod. prin ciple, rather that party and office , consti tute the great object of desire. “What shall we of the South now do ?” is vour question. After the discussions of nearly half a century on the various issues presented by the institution of slavery in its relations to the Federal and State Governments, the country, it seems to me, has arrived at a point where these discussions, with all their dangerous tendencies, may be terminated on a correct and sate basis, honorable to all men and to every section ol the L nion—it, indeed, a settlement and peace on an\ ba sis whatever he possible. Whatever may have been open questions I on this subject heretofore, every honest , tninker is compelled now to see, that there is no ground for differences of opinion or action among those who seek the truth, and really desire to obey the laws, and let j the country have peace. It this be true, 1 aud agitators still continue to distiact us, we may know that truth is not theii ob ject, law is not their rule, and with such agreement is impossible, and all further la bor to secure it would be idle. \\ ith all; so bent, argument is simply folly. The Supreme Judicial lribunal ot the United States has solemnly decided that 1 our Southern citizens are co-equal owners of the Territories, and that to these tem tories the Southern man has a right to car rv his slaves and there Hold them with pie ciselv the same Rights belonging to any , other citizen from any other section with any other property ) and that the Geneial Government has no power to destroy, or abridge, or in any manner render ineffectu al the enjovment ot this right and this pio perty. In so deciding, the Court but de clared simple and plain elementary piin ciples of Constitutional law, which, with manv of us, were never consideied doubt ful. * Whatever of honesty charity may have accorded to those who protested to think otherwise, heretofore, certainly no ma n has even a right to think otherwise now, since obedience to law is a dut\. The Court not only decided that the General Government could.not exclude us from the territories, but with equal empha sis has also declared that this power to ex - elude, not being possessed, could not be j delegated to any Territorial Government or power. ‘THE UNION OF THE STATES:-DISTINCT, LIKE THI BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.” THOMASTON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 6, 1859. ►Since writing the foregoing I have re-ex amined the decision, and cannot refrain from extracting the following sentence : “ And no words can he found in the Con stitution which gives Congress a greater power over slave property, or which enti tles property of that kind to less protection than property of any other description.— The only power conferred is the power coupled with the duty of guarding and pro tecting the owner in his rights.” . We then perceive that the whole ques tion of right, power and duty, in relation to slavery in the Territories has been set tled ; and settled too, not by a party plat form to be changed or violated as policy, or caprice, or had faith might dictate ; not by the Kansas bill, nor by any Congres sional act, subject to double constructions to suit latitudes, and appeals to suit preju dices ; hut settled by the Supreme Court, and settled as the law of the Constitution plainly and distinctly declared, and thus lifted high above the clamor of the politi cian, and the designing trickery of party conventions. The people then, my dear sir. have noth ing to do but to demand that this law shall be respected as law , and that the rights thus secured shall no longer be the wind whistles for demagogues at the hustings, 1 nor the subject for Delphic sentences of’ platform commentators. Here lies the rock ! of safety to the South—peace to the Un- i ion—prosperity to the country—and of death to small men. \\ hat ought the people to do to make sure this settlement, or rather res pected this law. To determine this ques tion let us look for a moment at the obsta cles in the wav. No man who fairly observes the current of political events, can fail to see that two dangerous assaults are now being made up on these w r ise and correct decisions, and the rights they involve. The one assault openly attacks and seeks to overturn the deci sions ; the other, while pretending to ad mit, adroitly evades and seeks to render them nugatory in effect. The first of these assaults is made by the Northern Republican party. This party openly declares that the decisions in the Dred Scott and Amv cases are wrong and shall bg reversed T O .'iprmm A loL +V:X population, at the ballot box, to take into their own hands the entire administration of the Government, and thus procure and enforce a construction of the Constitution favorable to their views. After mature deliberation I can see hut one reply for this people, and that is war —war in every sense bv which the term is defined, or definable. Can argument reach them ? It is exhausted. Can law hind them ? It is the law they are organized to defy—to violate. Can appeals for jus tice move them ? It is justice to one half the Union which they seek to destroy. Can we hope tor peace through some fancied compromise or compact in the future ? Can we make a better, a more solemn com pact, than the ,present Constitution? — Have we better, or wiser, or purer men than its authors, to make another ? Made in the freshness and purity of the morn ing of our history—made by patriots who had struggled through common dangers, consecrated by the presiding spirit of the great leader of the Revolution, and hal lowed by every recollection that can endear and strong in every promise that can in spire hope—if our present Constitution cannot command the respect of fanaticism, I can confide in no other agreement with the fanatic short of an absolute surrender. Formerly, the powers of the General: Government on this subject might be re garded, in charity, as an open question, j and resistance to the mere election of a j person entertaining different views from . ourselves, might not have been so easily j defended ; but to resist the success of such | a party, with such purposes, now, can no j longer be regarded as other than a right j and a duty ; because, since these decisions | by the Court, such a party is seeking no- 1 thing but a plain, open and defiant Viola- j tion of the law —the law which rnakes,us equals—and to submit to them is to Sub mit to traitors, and by the submission, ourselves would become accessories to the ciime of treason, and that too against a < Government which the rebels seek to de stroy only because it protects our firesides, our property and our all. This states the conclusion strongly, but logic never lead to a truer conclusion, nor patriotism warmed to a nobler one. The second assault comes from the De mocratic Party, or at least the wing of that party lead by Senator Douglas. These enemies set out by admitting that the Dred Scott decision is law—that the Southern man has the right to take his slave to tbe common territory, and that Congress shall not prohibit him from do | ing so. This is a long way on the road to right, but if it lead, by a crook, to the same goal as the first, it is all the more i dangerous, since honest men may he se- I duced to travel it. What else does Mr, Douglas and his followers say ? They say we have the i right to earn’ offr slaves to the territories,’ IH fright or power to hold them there T Afferent thing, and this shall depend !‘R n Wll * majority of the teredo iic settlers. That we have the right to cary our slaves to the territories, and h6d them if we can but that if, after we ge there, the Territorial Legislature, or tb people, or the mob, shall discriminate agiinst us, or refuse to protect us by the enforcement of law, or shall take our pro peitv away, or not acknowledge our right of roperty in slaves, or shall otherwise render them useless—why, the Govern n not interfere, but we must sub m*; f help ourselves as best we can ! Ths is a fair statement of “Popular Sov eregnty,” falsely so-called, and it does to me its very statement is enough to *nlist every honest man against it. Vhe naked doctrine is that while we ha/e a right to our property in slaves in a territory, yet, if the powers in the Territo ry eloose to invade or destroy that right, or reader useless that property, we have no remedy ! To a lawyer no proposition coulf be more absurd, to a citizen none mon shocking, and to a candid statesman nom more disgusting. To sustain this doctrine of Senator Dotglas and his followers, we have to ad mit at least four positions or assumptions, eadi ot which is a fatal and palpable er ro’, and all of which are neither more nor less than abolition dogmas. fst. This doctrine assumes that the ten dfc by which we hold property in slaves, is different from that by which we hold other chattel property. But in fact our tile to a slave is precisely the same every where, and especially as members of the Federal Government:, as the title to our horse, and the law of the United States, which makes it larceny in the territories to steal a thing of value, makes it larceny to steal my slave. 2nd. It assumes that special legislation is necessary to create, or at least to pre sawe property in slaves, and that more es pecially are we in the power of Territorial Legislation on this subject. I am aware that one or two party leaders of notoriety from the South have admitted that slave ry is an institution which depends solely upon the municipal law of the place where \ exist* * hniihis nnsition is contrary to tTarj to the direct decisions ot tne United States Courts. Besides, it must he re membered in this connection, that these same party leaders, have at some period, managed to admit almost if not altogeth er, every dogma of Freesoilism. I write this in no spirit of crimination, but only because it is the truth of history, and is in the line of my argument. Property in slaves is in no sense the crea ture of municipal laws. So far from it I do not know of a single old State in this Union which has ever created the right of property in slaves by legislation. Certain ly, slaves were brought into Georgia, not only without law, but against law, and so the matter as far as creating statutes are concerned, stands to this day. We have regulating statutes and that is all ; pre cisely as the United States have, and must have, regulating statutes in all the terri tories. Besides, if a man convert my slave to his own use even in Georgia, my reme dy for his recovery, is by the old English action of Trover. Why ? Because a ne gro is a chattel , and the actions of Detinue and Trover are remedies for the recovery of chattels. When a Southern man emi grates with his slaves to the common Ter ritories, by what law is he protected ? By the Constitution and laws of the United States, including the remedy for the re covery of chattels, and the law for the pun ishment of larceny. By the laws of the United States, he who steals my slave in a territory is guilty [ of larceny, and he who converts my slave is liable to me in damages, for the same reason in both cases—the slave is by the 1 law r of tile same power, property of value. The Courts of the United States are open 1 Hj die Territory for the administration of j these laws. The Slaveholder is not de pendent on the Territorial Legislature for his title, or his remedy, but is altogether independent of it on both points, because both are recognized and protected by a ~ Constitution and a law which Territorial Legislatures cannot repeal. The national fiag is the Slaveholder’s power and protec j tion wherever it floats. But suppose the Territorial Legislature should pass a law against you any how ; err suppose the Courts and juries, and peo ple- should refuse to enforce the law in your favor, hut by force execute an uncon - stitutional act against you ? What then ? The answer is easy, for 3rd. This docUUie of Mr. Douglas as sumes that be such a thing as a Government which does not protect the citizen, and cannot execute its own laws. Is the Government to look on idly, and see its own officers violate its own laws to the injury of its own citizens ? Has it ilo power to protect ? Then it is no Govern ment, but a farce. Has it ho will to pro tect ? Then it is mean and oppressive, and entitled to neither respect nor obedi ence. Has it the power and the will, but fails to execute either because the policy or platform of a dominant party forbids it ? Then such a party is meaner and more oppressive still, is unfit to adminis ter any Government, and the very salva tion ot both the Government and the citi zen demands that such a party be repudi ated bv all honest men. Obedience and protection are reciprocal, and the first is only due by the citizen when the latter is accorded by the Government. Protection to the person and property ot the citizen is the very object of Government, and it is only on this condition that obedience is a virtue or disobedience a crime. 4th. But again, this doctrine of Mr. Douglas allows to the Territorial Legisla ture and people what it denies to Con gress. But how ? for the Territorial Leg islature is the creature of Congress, and is actually created by Congress for no other purpose, than to observe the law andpro tect the citizens— all the citizens in person and property—and when it fails or refuses to do this, it has defeated the only object ol its organization, and the General Gov ernment—each department in its proper sphere— must simply do directly what, by its agents, it could not do indirectly. It seems to me that reasoning cannot be clearer, or more correct. But why enter into argument to show that Senator Douglas is wrong ? His doc trine is just as palpably in the teeth of the decisions by the Supreme Court as the doc trine of Seward and the Republicans. — Both the power and duty of protection are distinctly decided in both the Dred Scott and Amy cases. By his professions Doug las pretends to stand by the decisions, anu in the very midst of his professions, ad vances doctrines against even the letter, language and spirit of the decisions. He has the same venom that Seward has, hut hides it: He approaches the South with the same weapon, hut conceals it and de ludes with the cry, “a friend is comino- When the General Government fails from any cause to protect the slaveholder in the Territories, then as to the Slaveholder the Government is iio longer a Government and all who are interested in slaves are discharged from obedience to it; and if Mr. Douglas, or any other man holding his ‘f./Wn tn minister this claration that there is no Government Tor the slaveholder, and every word I have written against the success of Republican ism, 1 repeat here with all the superadded emphasis which indignation can acquire from seeing hypocricy added to wrong. Both the parties thus assaulting these decisions, and through them, the rights of the slaveholder, are preparing to elect a President in 1860. One of them even counts on an undivided South for support. The delusion of pretended friendship is to secure Southern support, and the real free soilism of doctrine is to carry a sufficiency of the North. The duty of the Southern people, it seems to me is so plain, that no man can mistake it. Let us all unite —not on party —but on the laiv. The Kansas bill can’t Otvro VIO. X t Into IV* llv\l 2 K * A iY ikii TANARUS) 111 Mr. Douglas borrows the arguments by which he attacks the decisions in the Dred Scott and Amy cases, in the manner set forth before* The endorsement which the South gave that Bill in 1856, might now prove her ruin, but there is a way of escape. Since that time the Court , has settled the law for us. Let us, like good citizens, get off’ of double-meaning Kansas Bills and all treacherous Party platforms, and step on the law. Here is a foundation on which if we but stand with unity, demagogues can never embitter, nor heresies divide us, and from which fanatics can never drive us. — Here are the decisions of the highest tri bunal in our country, declaring that the Wilrnot Proviso and Squatter Sovereignty, and Congressional and Territorial restric tions are all unconstitutional, and that no department of the General Government, nor all its departments together, nor all the agents it can create, have any power over the institution of Slavery “ except the | power, coupled with the duty, of guarding and pretexting the owner in his rights.” What more do we want ? How much better can Party and Platforms do for us ? Why auv further convention commenta ries ? Why still talk about the Kansas Bill—the Cincinnatti Platform and Buc hanan’s inaugural ? Where is the ground for differences between Southern men ? Upon what pretence —for what better doc trine is the slavery agition to be continued ? Will not the law satisfy us all ? Con Doitglasism improve the law ? Will hot the people now see that the agitator has nothing in view but his own promo tion, and that to accomplish this our dear est rights are to be forever attacked, the rhostlolemn sanctions of law disregarded, and party strifes always to divide us ? Let us throw away longer reliance upon Party, and let us wake up the sleeping genius of Patriotism that these storms of agitation may be rebuked until the winds are stilled and peace restored to a distracted crew. In the present canvass let us have no mere party candidates. Let us take our stand on the law. and give notice to all the North, and all parties that we are don‘6. with contentions—done with double-mean ing resolutions—done with Congressional; tricks—done with discussing Congressional power over Slavery, Let us sav the law has been pronounced. The judgement has been entered and there is no appeal. By it we will &tand aftd will tolerate no party which doubts its correctness, or hesitates to enforce it. Let Georgia, with an undi vided voice,‘speak this warning from the ballot box in October next. Let us say, we will obey the law onrselvcs, and tvc will submit to the ride of no power that jsc^iU >7s abrogation or reversal. If the s<>uth will Lnt do this —it Georgia will do it—.} the reign of the i s over aIK j the day of fanaticism has passed. ’ Will Governor Brown now reconsiderand repudiate, or at least leave in obevance, a mere parti/ nomination, and take this po^ t sition ? Will he repudiate Douglas and his doctrines and Seward, and all parties for the time being, and agree to support in the future only that party or that man who shall distinctly come to this position ? If so, all other grounds of difference shall be. forgotten, and I will give liltfl hty humble support. It is indispensable to success that the Southern Democracy should take this po sition, for it is in the Democratic party that one of the doctrines which is at war. with the law and our rights finds its home and its strength. If Southern Democrats would preserve their self-respect they must take this position. In 1855,-. and 1857, we of the Americans insisted, that Mr. Douglas occupied the very position in which we now find him, and our objections to the Kansas Bill were its squatter (or popular) sovereignty and alien suffrage features, by the first of which this princi ple of Douglas was to be fixed on the Ter-, ritories, and by the second the population was to be secured which to make the principle effective. .The Democrats per sistently and everywhere denied our char ges both as to Douglas and the Kansas Bill. But it has turned out that we were right and they were mistaken. We speak nothing in the spirit off triumph. We do not ask the Democrats to join our party, but we do ask them to abandon those who defend the law. We make” no” bo&st/' n, se claim no reward, for we only did our duty. I m'aS’e tne appeal direct! y to Governor Brown, and hope we shall hear from him before the 10th day of August. Will he. repudiate party, and stand on the law with us, or will he remain a party candidate, standing on the Cincinnati Platform where Douglas and Van Buren .are also standing and pleaching their free soil heresies ? If he has not the courage or strength to break his party fetters, will the chivalrous Thomas do it ? If no Democrat has the nerve to quit his party and come to the country, will not some noble Georgian, who has heretofore had no active connec tion with party conflicts, lead a deluded people away from that body of death— Partyism! Then: also let tne people in tne various Congressional Districts, without regard to party, nominations, made, or to be made, vote for their very ablest and best men, and send them all of one voice to Wash-, ington declaring that the South will no longer submit to have her rights regarded as mere trump cards for demagogues to win power, and will therefore tolerate no mail or organ ifatioft or Govertirfient which will not inforce and administer tft'e Vaiv. I have written, Sir, as 1 think. 1 have made suggestions. Honest minds can easi ly fill up the argument. I will not con ceal from any, whither, in my opinion, the policy 1 have suggested may lead us. If in 18G0 the Democratic Party shall give us principles and a nominee coming distinctly and boldly up to the requisites of this letter, and our party shall fail to. do so, then, to be consistent, we must and we will go to the Democracy. If our party shall come up to this stan dard abd Democracy shall fail, then Sou th em Democracy, to be consistent, must come with us. , If both shall come up patriotically to the line designated, then we., mall have, done a great good to the tourltrv, and we can go in good humour, and witH good consciences, each tb bis reiSjV’btiVk stau | dard to do battle on other and proper is ! sues. . . • • i If neither shall come to the rescue, but both bend before the winds of fanaticism, or party policy, and repudiate or be afraid of the lav.% then we shall defeat both, it we can. arid failing if! this, we shall all join hands and hearts and voiees too, in quest of a Go"er:iirient that will acknow ledge the right, and protect the citizen.— As an American, proud with confidence in my associates, and knowing our hopeflty heretofore, and happy in the consmousnesa of my rectitude of -purpose now, I do not f ea r aiid will not shrink, from the test. Yours, very truly, . • . IT ft. ftILL. To Gol Geo. IP DrbLEfi Americus, Qdi Number 38,