Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

Volume 1. THE UPSON PILOT. I3 PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY MORNING, ft. A. MILLER, Editor and Proprietor. , T r> ti N w. McDonald, J J —P rin t e r.— w^*^^Terttiß^o?Subscriptionr^ ” , .... *2 00 Tn adranCG, for 1 If payment be delayed 0 months, - - - 200 If delayed until the end of the } ear Rates of Advertising. .. „.;ii he charged at the rate of one dolhu per square of ten lines or less, and fifty cents for ten lines, will be contract Merchants and others ‘ d \Wria-es and Deaths inserted free, when accompa • Thv a responsible name. Obituaries of over 10 rharffed as Advertisements. “wa commend the following Rates of Advertising by contract to business men generally. We have placed them at the lowest figures, and they will in no instance be departed from : YOONT raCT - | 3 mos. 6 mos. 0 mos. 1 year. trSS-e. $6 00 |8 00 $lO 00 sl2 00 SSSqXriy 700 10 00 12 00 WJO SSdStwill, 800 12 00 14 00 18 00 wCntThan'e. 10 00 15 00 20 00 25 00 7k SoSSterly 12 00 18 00 24 00 28 00 ChaS *‘t will, ‘ 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 Without change,*’ 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 Chaaeed quarterly 18 00 22 00 26 00 34 00 Changed at will, 20 00 26 00 32 00 40 00 Wi!imtX.S 25 00 30 00 40 00 50 00 Changed quarterly 28 00 32 00 45 00 55 00 Changed at will, 35 00 45 0 0 50 00 60 00 ONK CULCMK, Without change. 60 00 70 00 80 00 Changed quarterly 65 00 <5 on 90 00 HO 00 Changed at will, * 70 00 85 00 100 QQ 125 00 Legal Advertising. Piles of Lands and Negroes, by administrators, Ex ecutor* and Guardians, are required by law to he held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours often in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the property is sit uated. Notices of these sales must be given in a pub lic gazette forty davs previous to the day of sale. Notice for the sale of personal property must be given at least ten days previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be published weekly for two months. Citations for Letter:, of Administration must be pub lished thirty days—for Dismission from Administration, monthly six moaths—for Dismission from Guardian ship, forty days. Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be published monthly for four months—for establishing lost papers for the full space of three months —for compelling ti tle* from Executors or Administrators, where a bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. Publications will always be continued according to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered, *t the following bates: Citation on Letters of Administration, $2 50 “ Dismissory from Administration, 600 11 “ “ Guardianship, 350 Leave to sell Land or Negroes, 5 00 Bales of personal property, 10 days, 1 sq. 1 50 Bales of land or negroes by Executors, 3 50 F.strays, two weeks, 1 50 Sheriff's Sales, 60 davs, 5 00 “ “ 30 250 t Money sent by mail is at the risk of the Editor, provided, if the remittance miscarry, a receipt be ex hibited from the Post Master. PR()Fl.ssi ONAL CA H I)S. G. HORSLEY, “ Attorney at Law, THOMASTON, GA. At ILL practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford, ’ Monroe, Pike and Nierriwether Counties. April 7. 1859—1 y. THOMAS BEALL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, , TIIOMASTON, GA. fed9—ly p. AvTalexaydeip - Attorney at law, THOMASTON, GA. nov2s— ly * Warren. C. T. Goode. Warren & goodE; attorneys at law, perry, HOUSTON CO., GA. novlg —ts A; C. MOORE, deatist, 0^ E af , ni -’ House (the late residence of Mrs. I af n /, W , re L am prepared to attend to all class- i ‘P erat ' ons - My work is myßeference. gTaTmiller, attorney at law, thomaston, ga. s s cards I &I tA]\riTE HA.LL, OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE, MACO]sr, GEORGIA B.F .DENSE, . (Late of the Floyd House.) Proprietor. b'EBB hToXJSE, thomaston, ga. A he | l^'or *ber respectfully informs the public that tW, s c °nipleted extensive improvements to to reu ? j v ‘ ar 2e residence in Thomaston. ami proposes traits * a!ld accommodate permanent boarders and public and /: llers - He solicits the patronage of the ** tij ßed rh . ondeavor to make all comfortable and ts g at w .dl give him a call on moderate terms,and the time and markets will afford. ‘“"•18, ,359, JOHNS. WEBB. * From the Charleston Mercury*. SPEECH OF The Hon. Alex. H. Stephens. We published a few days since the ster ling and unanswerable speech of Hon. A. Iverson, U. S. Senator from Georgia, who is looking to a re-election from the people of that State. We place before our readers, to-day, the speech of the Hon. Alexander H. Ste phens, lately delivered to his constituents at Augusta, as reported, we presume, by himself, in the National Intelligencer. — This speech is entitled to consideration for several reasons. The orator is notoriously a candidate for national honors—the Pres idency or Vice Presidency of the United States. During the last summer he de nounced the Administration as “wickedly foolish,” because it would not affiliate with Douglas, after he had defeated the Admin istration and the South by the rejection of Kansas as a slave State from the Union. At the last session of Congress he advoca ted the admission of Oregon into the Un ion, without the population required by the Kansas Compromise Act, and thus de feated the only consideration the South obtained for acquiescing in the rejection of Kansas as a slave State from the Union. The fruit of this policy is already seen in the certain return of one, if not two, black republican Senators from Oregon to Con gress. Os course, in this speech he advo cates Squatter Sovereignty ; and.of course Senator Douglas, as stated in the papers, openly expresses his preference for Mr. Stephens over all other southern aspirants for the presidency. Nor is it surprising that the New York Journal of Commerce and other northern papers that compre hend his drift, speak approvingly of the sum and substance of this effort, as con curring admirably with their policy of ‘No more slave States/ The falsities of this speech consists in only two particulars—the ivhole past and the tcJiole present, it represents the South as triumphingon all past issues on the sub ject of slavery, and as now reposing in a condition of perfect peace and security. It was to secure to the South this grand and felicitous consummation that he remained so long in public life. Now that he has no new fields to conquer for the South, this political Alexander retires tothesweets of domestic life. The speech is before our readers, and we call attention to the fol lowing extracts : “I leave the country not only in as good, hut in a better condition than I found it. Whatever dangers may have threatened us, the republic has sustained no serious detriment, either in her material resources, intellectual advancement, social condition, or political status. On the contrary, with whatever shortcomings there may have been in that fuller development that might have attained in some of these particulars, yet, on the whole, her progress in each for the better, has been most marked and un precedented. This is true of the whole country, as of each of the parts separately, and especially of our own State.” • ° * “All those great sectional questions which so furiously, in their turn, agitated the public mind, foreboding disaster, and which, from my connexion with them, caused me to remain so long at the post you assigned me, have been amicably and satisfactorily adjusted, without the sacri fice of any principle or the loss of any es sential right. At this time there is not a ripple upon the surface. The country was never in a profounder quiet, or the people, from one extent of it to the other, in a more perfect enjoyment of the blessings of peace and prosperity secured by those in stitutions for which we should feel no less grateful than proud.” “As matters now stand, so far as the sectional questions are concerned, I see no cause of danger either to the Union or southern security in it. * * I see noth ing likely to arise from it calculated to en danger either her safety or security.” 1 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress the Twenty-first Rule was in full opera tion, and by it the subject of southern slavery was precluded from Congress. — That rule in 1844 was repealed. Is the “South in a better condition” for the sue cess of the abolitionists in repealing this rule—and was the question “amicably and satisfactorily adjusted for the South “without the sacrifice of any principle or the loss of any essential right.” 2 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress it was a cardinal rule of southern policy that the equality of the two sections of the Anion should he preserved in the Senate of the United States —a slave State and a free State were admitted into the Anion together. The submission of the South to the surrender of our rights in California, which Mr. Stephens advocated on every stump in Georgia, has broken down forev er the equality of the South with the North in the Senate. Is the South in a “ better condition” for the success of northern ab olitionists in wresting from us California, and establishing the predominance of the Northern both in the Senate and House i of Representatives ; and was this question also “amicably and satisfactorily adjust- ‘THE UNION OF THE STATES: —DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.” THOMASTON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST il 18-59. ed” for the South, “without the sacrifice of any principle or the loss of any essen tial right ?” 3 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress, the abolition party was a contemptible taction. It did not number a half dozen members in Congress. Yet Mr. Stephens enjoyed the proud satisfaction, only some three years ago, of sitting under an aboli tion speaker in the House of Representa tives, and there is every possibility of a re peated enjoyment of a similar condition of affairs at the approaching Congress, by all whosrnTs'!iitant feelings are in a like as Mr. Stephens’. Is the South “in a bet ter condition” for the mastery of the House of Representatives by northern abolition ists ? and was the long struggle for this mastery “amicably and satisfactorily ad justed” for the South, “without the sacri fice of any principle or the loss of any es sential right ?” 4 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress the southern and northern sections of the Union were not arrayed against each oth er. The election of members of Congress, of governors, legislators and judges in the northern States, did not turn on the ques tion of hostility to southern slavery. An anti-slavery candidate for the Presidency of the United States would have been a ri diculous absurdity. Such is not now the state of things. ■ To enforce the exclusion of the southern people from the common territories, an anti-slavery candidate for the presidency was very nearly elected at the last presidential election, and there is a strong probability that such a candidate will he elected at the next presidential election. The predominating party at the North is an anti-southern, anti-slavery party. Is the South in a better condition by the success of this party, and is the question of their predominance “amicably and satisfactorily adjusted” for the South, “without the sacrifice of any principle or the loss of any essential right ?” 5 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress fugitive slaves from the South were easily recovered in the North. Abolition presses were broken up and opposition to the laws of Congress was put down. No organiza tion existed to protect fugitive slaves in the North, or murder their masters seek ing to recover them. Is the South now. “in a better condition,” when, to recover a fugitive slave in the North is next to an impossibility—and the fugitive slave law by Congress has been nullified by north ern States, and judgers are dismissed from office tor enforcing it ? Arc the rights of the South to recover her fugitive slaves “amicably and satisfactorily adjusted,” “without the sacrifice of any principle or the loss of any essential right ?” G When Mr. Stephens entered Congress there was a whig and a democratic party in the United States ; Mr. Stephens was a whig. This party, at the North, became an abolition party, and Mr. Stephens drif ted over to democracy. Now, there is no whig party in the Union, and, as a party of harmonious principles, no democratic party. The black republican, a higher law party predominates at the North, re gardless of law or constitution. Is the South, made a desperate and increasing minority by the policy of Mr. Stephens and his ilk, “in a better condition” from this state of things ? and are they “amica bly arid satisfactorily adjusted” “without the sacrifice of any principle or the loss of any essential right ?” 7 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress slave States were admitted into the Union, without difficulty. Does he not know — indeed, did he not affirm—that Kansas was rejected from the Union because she applied for admission as a slave State ? and does he not know that “No more slave States” is not only the creed of the black republican party, hut Os the controling portion of the democratic party also in the North ? Is the South in “a better condi tion” in her inability to expand, which he says itxlibo life of nations —and are her re lations with the North in this particular, “amicably and satisfactorily adjusted,” “without the sacrifice of any principle or the loss of any essential right ?” 8 When Mr. Stephens entered Congress Gen. Cass had not originated the doctrine of squatter sovereignty to cheat the South out of California ; Senator Douglas had not upheld it to cheat the South out ot Kansas.; the northern portion of the dem ocratic party had not embraced it to pre clude the southern people forever from colonizing, with their slaves; any portion of our present or future territorial posses sions ; and the Hon. Alexander H. Ste phens, and the half dozen other presiden tial aspirants in the South, had hot sup ported* it, as placing her “not only in as good; but in a better condition” —and as being an “amicable and satisfactory ad justment,” “without any sacrifice of prin ciple or the loss of any essential right.”— u Heu! tempora mutanlur , ei nos muta mus cum ill is” l The Hon. Alexander H. Stephens con founds together two very distinct things the prosperity ot the country, and his agen cy with respect to it. The one may very decidedly exist, yet the other have had nothing‘to do wfth it. Nay, go far as the influence of his agency has extended, it may have operated most decidedly in im peding the prosperity of the South. Sup pose the Government of Spain should take the prosperity of Cuba as the criterion of their very excellent and liberal government over this rich and beautiful Island, would not the Hon. Alexander 11. Stephens un derstand the fallacy P A standing army iof fourteen thousand men, which people j are compelled to support to keep them ; down ; spies behind every door ; the press muzzled ; the garotte the speedy instru ment to suppress opposition or rebellion, and a tax ot eight millions of dollars anu ally wrung out of the people of Cuba to support the bigoted and corrupt Govern ment of Spain, are not very conclusive proofs of a good, useful and free govern ment. Yet Cuba has been prosperous as the South lias been, and from the same cause. The increasing demand for sugar, tobacco, coffee and cotton, produced by the advancing civilization of the world, lias made her people rich, in spite of the mis rule and the enormous and exhausting ex actions of the mother country. If the pro fligate Queen of Spain should imitate the Hon. Alexander 11. Stephens, and say to the Cubans, “'See how, by my wise and vir tuous policy, I have produced your pros perity ; you are one of the richest people in the world, therefore praise, and love, and uphold me,” —she would receive but the grim answer of scorn. And so it is with Air. Stephens and the South. Prosperity is no measure of liberty. Nor is the pres ent, in this respect, any criterion for the future. If the advancing waves of black republicanism are by a gradual process to overwhelm tlie South, their prosperity and our civilization must sink. Does Air. Ste phens counsel us to wait until we are over turn by political vassalage, material im poverishment, intellectual retrogression and social degradation, before we move ? It is to prevent these things that others strive, and to secure ourselves against such a con tingency the South will anticipate Mr. Stephens. He cannot show that he has acquired for the South one single guarantee for her protection, or one single instrumen tality for her prosperity. On the contrary, he submitted to the repeal of the Twenty first Rule, which protected his people and | their institution from insult and aggression. He submitted, and did all he could to make Georgia submit, to the infamous preelu ; sion of the South from the whole of Cali ’ for nia—a territory large enough for several splendid States, and belonging in common to South and North. He submitted to the rejection of Kansas from the Union, be : cause it came forward for admission as a slave State. And he now supports the foul pretension of the North, in spite of the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, to exclude the South forev er from all of our present and future terri tory by the agency of squatter sovereignty. That the South has prospered and still prospers, in spite of all these surrenders and wrongs, is attributable to her vast in herent energies and the beneficent action of the State governments, and not at all to the services of the Hon. Alexander H. Ste phens at Washington. Nor is he one of those weak and ignorant people who may have believed that the various measures of enroachment by the General Government and the North, on the rights of the South, have been insignificant or harmless. lie has denounced them and exposed them all. 1 Who, in the whole South, was more indig nant and defiant at the pretension of the North to wrest from us California ? He not only upheld but instigated the State of Georgia to commit herself to resist any measure by which we should be precluded from California hit every hazard and to the last extremity/ * And who more zealously opposed and showed the wrong to the South of squatter sovereignty ? In this very : speech he boasts of his having maintained that slavery in our territories should be j protected by the direct legislation of Con gress. If, therefore, his assertion is true that all these sectional questions have been j “amicably and satisfactorily adjusted, without sacrifice of any principle or the loss of any essential right,’ then does Air. Stephens stand self-stultified. His argu ments against them were nothing hut the gaseous effusions of demagogueismor folly. And if, on the contrary; he was right in his publicly declared estimation of them, then his glowing picture of the present fe licitous political condition of the South, j arid his important services in producing it, is nothing but the effervescence of a very modest imagination. He is entitled to no credit. Air. Stephens has doubtless displayed ability and gained some personal distinc tion. It is not an easy thing, we suppose, j for a man, under such circumstances, to realize that his whole political life, so far as the people ho represented is concerned, has been an utter failure. Hence the temp tation to represent defeat as success, and to convert, by the alchemy of words, the evils we have submitted to into blessings. Mr. Stephens’ statesmanship was at times admirable in its just comprehension of the rights and interests of the South. His failure has been in enforcing them If ■v statesmanship did not consist in action, Air. Stephens would have been efficient and useful statesman. But unfortunately for the South, action was absolutely necessary for the protection and establishment of the rights ot the South. But when her ene mies would not yield, Air. Stm heris has always been ready to submit. His states manship in action then consisted inenforc*- j ing upon the South the policy of her ene mies. This he most effectually did in the California struggle. Again, he pursued the same policy with respect to Kansas.— The Kansas Compromise was worthy of all his refined powers of self-delusion. His vehement assertion that the constitution of Kansas was not submitted by thiscompro : mise to the vote of the people, had its just commentary in the rejection of the consti tution by the vote of the people. And now, after opposing squatter sovereignty, and finding that Douglas and his anti-Lecomp ton democrats will not yield their perni cious heresy, because they mean by it to shut the South out of all our future terri tory, and thus prevent her expansion and secure the mastering predominance of the North in tlie Union, Air. Stephens, of course, succumbs. He does With a characteristic facility he embraces the her esy. The able and conclusive positions of Brown and Davis, and Hunter, and Ala ’ son, and Iverson, and Clay, in the senato rial debate of the last Congress, he repudi ates, and walks over to close hands with the grand representative of squatter sover eignty. It is astonishing that Davis should quarrel with him for thus underbidding them all with the North p He is prepar ed to support Douglas, and we presume to be supported by Douglas, on the platform of enforcing squatter sovereignty against the South as a law of the Union. It is thus that in every sectional contest between the North and the South, during Air. Ste phens’ congressional career, he has first de fended the rights of the South, then sur- I rendered them, and then subserved the pur i poses of the North upon the South. In all such services to northern freesoil democ ! racy I/e may flatter himself as being one of the most useful public men in his section. We now look upon him as one of those pub lie men who work the decline of a people from their high estate of liberty, or who help to overthrow it. Time is a great disperser of vanities.— Within a little more than a year, it will be ascertained whether the South is satisfied with the triumphant repose ascribed to her by Air. Stephens. It will be seen whether this modern Alexander of southern con quests will be President or Vice President of the United States. In our opinion, Douglas and his adherents, South and North, are destined to a decisive, and, we trust, an ignominious overthrow. Disap pointment awaits those who, judging by the past, regard the people of the South as useful make-weights in their personal games. The people of the South are at length com ing to the conviction that a compromiser is nothing but a traitor ; and that they must save themselves from their southern politi cians no less than from their northern ene mies. Necessity of Acids. —Physiological re search has fully established the fact that acids promote the separation of bile from the blood, which is then passed from the system, thus preventing fevers, the preval ing diseases of summer. All fevers are ; “bilious that is, the bile is in the blood. Whatever is antagonistic to fever is Tool ing.” It is a common saying that fruits are ‘ cooling;” also berries of every descrip tion ; it is because the acidity which they contain aids in separating the bile from the blood ; that is, aids in purifying the blood. Hence the great yearning for greens and lettuce, and salads in the early spring, these being eaten with vinegar ; hence also the taste for something sour, for lemonades on an attack of fever. But this being the case, it is easy to see that we nullify the good effects of fruits and berries in proportion as we eat them with sugar, or even sweet milk or cream. If we eat them in their natural state, fresh, ripe, perfect, it is al most impossible to eat too many, to eat enough to hurt us, especially if we eat them alone, not taking any liquid with them whatever. Hence also is buttermilk or even common sour milk promotive of health in I summer time. Sweet milk tends to bilious ness in sedentary people, sour milk is an tagonistic. The Greeks artd Turks are pas ! sionately fond of sour milk. The shep herds use rennet, arid the niilk-dealers alum, to make sour the sooner. Butter milk acts like watermelons on the system. — Hall’s Journal of Health. I Fly Catching.— The A l, heeling Intel- , ligencer says of a paper that has been pre- ! pared for catching flies: “It is smeared with a mixture of nut oil j and molasses, applied when hot. When the sheet is folded the paper becomes per fectly portable. Each sheet will entrap j a couple of thousand flies; for let the in- j sect but touch it ever so lightly, and he ! sticks to the paper like a politician to the j habit of lying ” The Historical Picture of 1859. : THE TWO LEADING SOVEREIGNS OF EUROPE. Murillo immortalized himself by his cel ebrated picture ot the “Immaculate Con ; ception, Angelo by his “Last Judgment,” Raphael by his cartoons ; but who is to win immortality by a representation of ! the interview between tlie Emperors of France and Austria at Villafranca, the great historical picture of 1850, in which the two leading sovereigns of Europe par ticipated ? And that they are the leading rulers in Europe recent events have demon strated. That, after a war involving the interest!*, the existence, the policy of two empires ; with a population of thirty or forty mi 11- | ions each ; after six bat ties had been fought, two of them the greatest of which history tells,these menshould, of theirsingleminds, come together, and, without advice or as sistance, or the elaborate humbrgof diplo macy. settle the affairs, not only of their own dominions, hut of all Europe, is a faefi which iti itself stamps them ns the leading sovereigns of the Old World, When the preliminaries were arranged, each started in his own direction, and hot h equally great. That Francis Joseph should have the mor al courage to meet his antagonist alone, and tliei ‘o settle the question of peace, calmly submitting to the inevitable circumstances, which surrounded him, and accepting the sole responsibility, proves him to be as great a man in his own way as Napoleon has proved himself in his. One can fancy the emotions which filled the breast of Francis Joseph at finding him self face to lace-with one whom he must have felt at that moment was the master mind of Europe—alone, without a friend or counsellor, to settle the destinies of his* Italian possessions, and perchance his own States in Europe. After eight hours of such association, during which period he had ceded a fair domain to his adversary, it is no wonder that diis countenance was blanched to deadly paleness when he re joined his staff on the threshold of that memorable house, tbe Casa-Cfandini-Mor elli. One can readily fancy, also, the non ch a lance of Louis Napoleon, whose simple undress uniform covered a heart pregnant with grand schemes and far off projects, in viting his youthful adversary to smoke a cigaretee, and pulling a flower to pieces, leaf by leaf, like a thoughtful maiden. What a strange stream of thought must have passed through the mind of each in tlie few brief moments which preceded the first word of that mysterious conference* the secrets of which history will probably never record ! And then the parting at the door, the intense gaze with which each met the other’s eyes—a look, the import where of no witness could read—the hurried gras ping of the hands, the vaulting into thd saddle, and thejj’abrupt departure in differ ent directions without a parting glance. The whole scene formed one of the most pictorial episodes of the war. — N. Y. Her ald. Who Elected flanks Speaker I In the 34th Congress, the Republicans numbered in the House, 108 ; the Demo crats, 83 ; and the Americans, 43. Banks came there from Massachusetts as the regu lar nominee of the Democratic party. Letcher, a brother Free Soil Democrat, in defending Banks, said : “As I understand it, Mr. Banks does not belong to the Ameri can party.”i See Globe ’.15, page 44. This man Banks was elected by the in trigues of Sam Smith, of Tennessee, who offered the following plurality fllle, and managed to have it adopted : “ Resolved , That the House will proceed immediately to the election of a Speaker. v'va voce. If, after the roll shall have been called three times, no member shall have received a majority of all the votes cast, the roll shall again be called, and the member who shall then receive the largest number of votes, provided it be a majority of a quorum, shall be declared duly elected Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Thirty-Fourth Congress.” The Democrats had been running Rich ardson of Illinois, until Zollicoffer showed him from the record to he an Abolitionist of the first water. He was withdrawn upOii the ad o pti°n of Smith’s plurality rule; and on the one hundred and thirty-third ballot, thus, Batiks was elected. Banks, Northern Democrat - - - 103 Aiken. Soutuern Democrat - - - 10(1 Fuller, Northern AnieHCatl -- - 6 Campbell, Northern Whig 4 The whole number of votes cast was 213. As many a 28 Americans -oted for Aiken, and only six for Fuller, their nominee. Six Democrats, three from the South, dodged behind the bar, and permitted Banks to bq elected, when.they, or four of them, could have elected Aiken. An apology for Vagrant Spirit#. You laugh when told that spirit# wing Their flight from some far world ot bliss, To rap on boards, that tools may bring A tribute to the knaves of this : But spare those doubt# Tnd sneers, I pray; Breathe not one word of hai>h abuse : Ghosts well may clap when Loco’s play This wondrotts flu ce of Fox and Goose. Wa£le£> --A (juoinffom a printer’s Number 41.