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Volume 1.
jlic
mauimi sati-rlav ******
A< MILIjER,
Editor and Proprietor.
Hdelayed until the end of the >ear
Rates of Advertising.
. „.:ii i, f . charged at the rate of one
JS^SSv?!-" r *"•- - dl,r,y cenLor
exiling ten lines, will be
in flTnl contracts made “with Merchants and others
‘ . advertise hv the year.
‘r'amou of Candidates #5, invariably in
|,lva ’ v , a ,id Deaths inserted free, when accorapa-
Mirrnt ji>le name. Obituaries of over 10
r > ie<l ’• i-,s Advertisements.
: • Id the following Kates of Advertising by
* Pf Hib’ivne*smen generally. We have placed
‘ t;a ’ ‘ . . ( . . ti,-ures. and they will in no instance
them at o' c l '*” ”
tie departed from •
v|; \<~ f. 3 loos. I c nos- 9mhs. 1 1 year.
1 [ I
* K A!!: ; *r,on •. oo $lO no | sl2 oo
| Without diaiiL' : ■ . )H) J 0 m yy 00 1G 00
Bno 12 00 11 oo 18 00
It 00 15 00 20 oo 25 00
Without | f 18 0() .j 4 00 28 00
I', J Tt'Vi;! ‘ [ 1-3 00 20 00 2-3 00 30 00
t ki:l | ir, oo 2000 25 oo 3000
WWloi: V’- ,1, i 18 00 22 00 2*i 00 34 00
‘’' ’ i”- ’ ->0 00 20 00 32 00 40 00
Chiujerl l,l i l
.“ A,,r, 'e!: l n ,! .e. ! 25 00 30 00 40 00 r, ° 00
’ , ~7 .jy ->s (to 32 oo 45 00 55 00
‘•-l-’i'Vl at ’ 3-3 00 45 oo 50 00 CO 00
I c,O 00 J 70 ot) | 80 00 100 00
V “ ; ~r ] v j •"> 00 I 75 (M) I 00 oo HO 00.
( ,#• j 70 oo I 85 00 ! 100 oo 125 00
Legal Advertising.
j. . p.. U) d \ 4 by administrators. Ex
‘ 1 ij;ii.-di.i!ts. ;irt* re |wired by law to be held
iV-lwv in the month, between the hours
r. . f;i a: M three ill the afternoon, at the
• in (he e -mty in which the j>ropei ty issit
i lt i,!.. s 0l ’ these des must be given in a pub
., tortv days previous to the day of sale.
• jf,., vale of personal property must be
ii';i :u lead ten days previous to the day of sale.
S ■:i* • ;•> O-mt-ws an-l Creditors of an Estate must,
b- published feri v days.
N an-- that anp'iieatiou will be made to the Court of
Ors iirv f.* ■ lc lie to sell Land or Negroes, must be
publish** 1 wesklv for two mouths.
’ (’ l!:i! i„.;s f.,r L ‘ttersoi Administration must be pub-
I'vidii i- da vs -for Dismission from Administratiiwi,
n-v.wWv six m-*nlirs for Dismission from Ouardirtii
ty .lays.
i! >i for K ip’ Insure of M wtgnge must be pubbsbeu
n; :'fv for ur months -for establishing lost papers
f.„-; sp-v-e of three months —for compelling ti
t’e. ,i Kxeetttors or A Iministratons. where a bond
hv -1 hv th <1 -ceased, the full space of three
!’;i i :mr . -,s w 11 alwnvs b.* continu ‘d according to
tl. ;ii >i -: and r* ; ilremei. - ... unless otherwise ordered.
K the follc.v iag
Citatiivi on T,“t!.*rs of Administration. §2 -30
Distuissory from Administration, C
“ y “ “ (Guardianship, 350
1.-nve (o : ell Land >r Negroes. 5 00
S.f.'s of p -rsonal property, 10 days, 1 sq. 150
Sales of land or negro.** by Executors, 3 50
Fetravs, two week--. 1 50
Sheriffs Sales, 60 davs, 5 00
“ 30 v 250
fF’ Merev sent hv mail is at the risk of the Editor,
V” ‘ ‘ - r-niitnmv miscarry, a receipt be ex-
Vit'itM from the Post Master.
IVefrosional (lavdis.
E. A. & J. W. SPIVEY,
Atto rn o y s a t Law,
TSOMASTOK, GEORGIA.
Aug 27, 1859. n4l tt.
WM. G. HORSLEY,
Attorney .at Law,
THOM ASTON, GA.
A\ d.I, practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford,
Monroe. Pike and Merriwether Counties.
April 7. 1859—1 y.
THOMAS BEALL,
ATTORNKY AT LAW,
, , TUOMASTON, GA.
w'liV—lv
w. ALEXANDER,
■VTTOKN KY AT LAW,
nor2s-l y TUOM * VSTON .
h. M-IKEfcV. rj,. Q OODE-
A GOODE,
•ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
PERRI', HOUSTON CO., GA.
w\lß—tf ’
o. aT miller', r
ATTORNEY at law,
TIIOMASTON, GA.
A. i X M < >oro,
Dentist,
THOMASTON, GA.
os; k :i! my House (the late resilience
t 0 ‘ rs - where lam prepared
1 • all daises of Dental Opera- ,
‘y work is mv Reference.
novljs — tt -
Notice.
Uf(i t 0 ‘ health for several years past, I have
,] l ut little inclination to practice Medicine, or to
e ' <w —and, if possible, cared less. Bnt 1
inform my old friends and patrons that |
r>v, a ‘ !:i .' s notv much better, and if they desire to re- j
l, v ‘,’ Ur twiner relations, that they can easily do so j
1 2 °ti me when my services are needed. I will
ah :'y; myself to serve them to the best of my skill and
},. na t mv old stand, the Drug Store, now occupied
A - Snell. mar3 R. HARWELL.
C °N CERT HAL L ,
OVER DR. THOMPSON S STORE,
J fitted U p f or Lf c t ures> Concerts, Social Tar
PHn • Address,
A. C. MO°FE.
A Patriotic Speech-True Amer
icanism—Speech of Senator
Crittenden.
The following is a more full report of
the remarks of Senator Crittenden, on
Tuesday ; on the occasion of the opening
of the National Agricultural Fair at Chi
cago :
I came from home, among other things,
to avoid politics, and forget there was such
a thing in the world—such a cloud perva
ding the country. A speech upon party
politics nothing upon earth would drag me
into. lam a Kentuckian, and I am not
only a Kentuckian, and proud of the State
which has given me iavor and distinction
to some degree, hut I have another title—
a more elevated one —one that both I and
you, every one -of you, no matter under
what local jurisdiction he may live, or what
State he may inhabit, recognizes with grat
itude in his heart when he says to the
world, “I am an American citizen.” [Loud
cheers.] I am at home here, though I
came with very few acquaintances and
friends in this part of the country, yet the
whole land is my country. [Cheers.] The
Union makes us one people ; may God pre
serve the Union ! [Loud applause, and
cries of “good,” “good,”] These matters
of party polities, gentlemen, are very trans
itory affairs. [Laughter.] We are made
to look upon them as things of great con
sequence, when to-morrow will bury them
in oblivion. There are some tilings which
in their nature arc of some consequence.—
It is of importance that wo should vener
ate the Constitution which our fathers
made, whether it pleases us in all particu
lars or not. It was made by hands which
ought to render it sacred among us. It is
the <>nlv way to preserve the Union, for
the Union and the Constitution gotogeth
cr. Preserve the Union, and that is all
we want —that is till our people need.—
Preserve the Union, and the Union will
preserve you, and make you the mightiest
people in the world. [Great applause.]
Now, there are times when the passions
of the people are disturbed. There are
times when prejudices are excited, and the
people of one section of the country, far
removed from another section, get it into
their heads that those distant people are
their enemies—that they have evil designs
and wicked purposes —that they are bad
people. Perhaps those distant people have
toe same sort ot prejudices instilled into
their minds against you. It we took half
as much pains to inculcate and teach good
feelings one to another in every section of
the country, as is taken to separate the
people, and alienate their feelings, what a
different state of tilings would exist in the
land. We are prejudiced against each
other, and therefore we do not know one
another as we ought to do, and we do not
know each other, and, therefore, we are
prejudiced. r e won’t know one another,
and therefore we are prejudiced, and we
arc 1 prejudiced simply because we do not
know one another. [Laughter and ap
plause.] \\ hv, all our impressions of our
distant kindred ought to be that they are
just such as we wish them to be. \\ lien
we hear evil stories about them, let them
pass by us. Only let a little ot that com
mon benevolence which is in every human
bosom be indulged in among us, and this
Constitution is not only a bond of union,
but a bond of benevolence and affection
from one end of this Union to the other,
and we are really bound together in the
bonds of family as well as bonds of law.—
We are bound together by that tie that is
considered strongest among men—our fore
fathers shed their blood together in a com
mon cause. It is no figure of speech to
say that tlieir blood actually run together
upon fields of battle, where they struggled
in noble emulation, amid disaster and hard
ship, to conquer that liberty and establish
that government which we now enjoy.—
[Applause.] Let us forget our prejudices,
and teach our brethren to forget them.—
Let us endeavor to be rid ot all such feel
ings, and when our brother is accused, de
mand the testimony, and refuse to believe
one word against him until it is proved be
yond cavil or dispute. Let us be
(: To their virtues very kind,
To their faults a little blind.
[Laughter and applause.] That, it seems
to me, is the spirit and the feeling that
patriotism and benevolence would encom
age. That is what our religion teaches
and impresses upon us—daily to renew ot
ters and acts of kindness to all our kindred
and people, wherever they may be. k el
low-citizens, we have only, as I said before,
and 1 will conclude with enforcing it again
—we have only to cherish these kind feel
ings, to be the happiest as well as the
greatest people in the world. Our worst
enemy is in our own hearts. In the vicis
situdes of politics —in the history of the
various parties which have comet imes pre
vailed throughout this land, we ha'e al
lowed ourselves to believe tilings ot our
brethren at a distance which have created
some concern and unnappinefis , but the
| enemy is really in our own heaits and in
i their hearts ; expel it, and all is prosperity
and peace, and this becomes not meiel) a
i union of laws, but a union of hearts, such
as to make us one people, lou
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES: -DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA,”
THOMASTON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 15, 1859.
speak the same language everywhere
throughout this great country. The same
uniformity of speech does not exist over
one-half the space in any other part of the
habitable globe as exists among us. Take
this crowd, and I can choose a man from
each other, they learn from their mothers
tlieir mother tongue, and now they speak
it all alike. Take them altogether from
these thirty-three States, and no human
being will be able to tell what State any
particular man came from. [Cheers.]
What a bond of Union is that ! The
same love of liberty, the same principles of
government, the same great Republican
doctrines are maintained and held by eve
rybody, and yet, under this blessed Union,
we sometimes make out to find by our in
genuity, cause for alienation and dispute.
Let that as far as possible be laid aside. —
We shall differ in opinion. Men must dif
fer in their sentiments on many subjects.—
It is natural. All men think, and they do
not all think alike. Differences of opinion
and different parties arc natural in Repub
lics—perhaps necessary. They are at any
rate unavoidable. I find no fault with
them. What I contend against is the bit
ter feeling and blind prejudices sometimes
engendered by party spite, which makes
us enemies to one another. Mere differ
ence of opinion does not do that. It de
pends upon ourselves whether this govern
ment shall exist or not. If it does not, if
the experiment here going on shall ulti
mately fail, it is our fault. Then we must,
as a nation, go that common high road
which has been travelled by all nations in
succession since the dawn of history—we
must go down by the way of bloodshed and
war to a time of barbarity and ruin. By
a course which shall keep us united under
one bead, we shall grow up until the head
of this Union may be said, in a poetic
sense, to touch the sky. You are the Great
Western people. We in Kentucky are
pretty much obliterated in the present po
litical contests. Kentucky, my native
State, used to be the extreme West—all
beyond was the wilderness. Now, in the
division of all parties, and in party nomen
clature, there is nothing at all left but
North and South. There is now no East,
no West. [Laughter.]
We used to hear many people saying,
“I know no North, no South, no East, no
West.” As to the two latter, lam afraid
we are in danger of not knowing anything
more of them. [Laughter.] They are for
gotten. Now let me say a word on this
subject. It has been a favorable theme
with me for a long time. Thank God, it
is altogether of a friendly character. Here
is really a North to our country, and we
have a South There are various produc
tions and different pursuits to create rival
ries and collisions, and in the wrath and
rage of the moment of political contentions,
one may talk about accession and another
about a separation of this Union. The
tariff may be a subject of vast contention,
and has been between the North and South.
What is our duty to the South ? We are
not of the North or the South, and that
is a happy thing for this Union. You are
really the Great West. We have our
Southwest and our Northwest, but for
God’s sake let her be the West still. —
[Laughter.] We have a Great West be
longing neither to North or South. We
are out here in the . woods, but we are a
great number, and we are multiplying like
the sands of the sea-shore. \\ hat is our
business and our duty ? How are we re
lated to this North and South, and the
danger of possible collisions between them ?
We must have a North and a South to
serve our purposes and to serve their pur
poses. We have a great, plain, visible in
terest. The mere affections of men are too
changeable to bo relied upon as a political
foundation for government. With union,
or anything else, you must have a mixture
of interest and then with the hearts of the
people you will have secured the action of
the country for all time to come. You of
the Northwest or West, or Southwest, have
occasion for united action, and will have it
more visible every day. You of the Nor th,
and those of the South will always be the
great productive regions—a union in agri
culture at least. You must have New Or
leans to go to, and they must have New
York to go to. Both are not more than
what is absolutely necessary. Confine you
I to one market and you are at the mercy ot
that one market for the prices of your pro
ducts. You cannot do without the mar
kets both North and South. You stand
placed by nature here, in that kind Provi
dence which has seemed to watch over this
country with peculiar regard, as the chosen
and vigilant guardians of the Constitution
and the Union. That is your position a
i great and mighty position—a magnificent
position.
Just think of this vast country belong
ing to you ! Just think of yourselves as
masters of a great empire. Here we will
be in this great region, drinking the waters
of the Mississippi and of these far spread
ing lakes, fifty millions of men in less than
a hundred years from this time. The North
west will be a mighty arbiter, and mighty
will be the interests you will draw to ar
i bitrate. Give yourselves, then, tone lit’
tie spirit ot local or transitory interest.—
\ou have a higher destiny—a nobler and
more dignified position- -than any other
people in the world. Think of yourselves
as rulers—masters of a mighty empire !
Exercise, then, with wisdom and with the
calmness which belongs to justice, the
mighty power which Providence has given
you. When you go to the polls, go with
the high thought, “I am one of this migh
ty empire—one of its sovereigns—one of
its masters and lam going now to exer
cise the highest duty belonging to that
character, I give my vote to direct the
course of empire.”
My fellow oltiHons, I fpfd that lam in
danger of being led—that I have already
been misled—into a generality of remark
which—[Loud cries of “go on !”drowning
the speakers voice.] Well, I don’t know
that I have anything more to say. [Laugh
ter.] I thank you kindly, most cordially,
for the kindness and attention with which
you have listened to me. I salute you all
as my fellow-citizens. lam a Kentuckian
—I care not from what State you come—
we are fellow-citizens. Love your country,
entertain and cherish for all your country
men the same friendly feelings that I en
tertain for each and all 14!“ you, and all will
be well.
Tlie Cotton Trade 185 8-9.
In our last issue, we were enabled, ac
cording to usage, to present the public
with a statement of the Cotton Crop of
the United States for the commercial year
ending August 31st, showing as accurate
ly as possible, the total crop and produc
tion, and indicating the various channels
of its distribution for consumption at home
and abroad, accompanied by such compari
sons, with the returns for previous years,
as might furnish a faithful and intelligible
criterion of the present extent, progress
and general importance of the Cotton plan
ters’ interests of this country. Indepen
dently of their immediate connexion with
the practical operations of agriculture,
commerce, manufactures and shipping—
elements of national wealth, and national
greatness of which the great staple is the
most prominent ingredient—these figures
furnish for the contemplative mind abun
dant food for reflection and thought. Pro
bably the most striking features of these
annual returns are the facts —tirst that the
ratio of production is, with insignificant
deviations, constantly increasing from year
to year; second, that the demand for
foreign and domestic consumption to-day
is fully equal to, if it do not actually exceed,
all the known sources of supply; and
third, that the yield for the year under re
view. was by tar the most abundant on re
cord—in excess, that is to say, of four
millions of bales, the value of which may
be roughly estimated, in round numbers,
at $212,000,000 —and the value of the
Commercial Crop, say 3,851,481 bales, at
11 cents, would reach nearly $205,000,000.
And this, too, it must be borne in mind,
in the face of the paralyzing influences of
the political complications of Continental
Europe, which, beginning with the French
Emperor’s initiary menace to Austria,
through her minister at the New Year’s
fetes, and presaging the subsequent war,
continued to exercise a singularly depress
ing effect upon the manufacturing interest
in England and on the Continent through
out the spring and summer—a depression
which only received a check, and a change
for the better, by the peace of Villafranca
at about the end of July. Notwithstand
ing these serious drawbacks, however, it is
nevertheless seen that Great Britain alone
took 209,286 bales from us over and above,
her supplies for the year previous ; France
66,694 bales more ; and the North of Eu
rope and other foreign countries a propor
tionate increase. These facts, perhaps, go
some way to strengthen the theory, that
cotton is now come to be “King” to such
an extent, that neither wars nor rumors of
war, nor any other convulsion in the world’s
politics, can break its sceptre ; in other
words, that the staple is now so much of a
necessity with the leading nations of the
earth, that the demand for it can no more
be permanently lessened than can the de
mand for bread or provisions, or any other
commodity which enters into the daily con
sumption of every civilized people under
the sun, quite irrespective of the conditions
of war or peace. Clothing, thus, is just
as indispensable to the soldier to the battle
field as to the soldier in a peace establish
ment. Something to wear must be had as
well as something to eat, and hence cotton
is as necessary for the proper equipment
of an army as beef, or pork, or corn ; aud
it matters but little, therefore, who is
victorious, or who is vanquished, clothing
must be had ; and production, therefore,
must proceed from the very necessity of the
case, without serious or protracted interrup
tion. True, all the opperations of the
world’s commerce have now so intimate a
relation to onc f another, that what unfavor
ably influences the one, must, in greater
lor less proportion, affect the other. Panics
in the money market, producing embarrass
ment in the prosecution of general trade,
have operated, and will continue to operate,
: to restrict manufactures, and, by conse
quence, to reduce the prices, and to that
extent discourage the planter, but it is
evident to all who have studied the subject
that the Cotton trade is less susceptible
than almost any other article of commerce
to influence of that character. The raw
material is one of the earth’s wants, and a
want that must be supplied, no matter
whether its inhabitants are living in har
mony or at swords’ points. Protracted
wars unquestionably tend to curtail the
operations of certain branches of industry,
of which the staple is an indispensable
constituent ; yet, as most wars create a
new set of wants, which Cotton only can
provide for, it is a question whether, even
if the late Auslru-Itulian Conflict 1 lud con
tinued to this day, or for another twelve
month even, the actual consumption would
have so dwindled away, as to bring the
planter—as many predicted—it would to
bankruptcy and ruin. We have seen that
the demand for the article extends just as
civilization extends, population increases,
and new countries are settled ; and there
is no probability that the market for it, in
either hemisphere, will be less ready, or
less profitable, until in the course ot time,
these several mighty forces shall have ex
hausted themselves. Nature, in seeming
to limit the sources of supply, would seem
to have fore-ordained that its cultivation
should always ensure handsome returns. —
Unlike corn, or wheat, or cattle the plant
cannot be raised beyond a certain line ot lati
tude, nor even within those latitudes unless
the condition of temperature is such as to
harmonize with its delicate nature. If the
cereal harvests fail in the North, the abun
dance of the South may makegood the de
ficiency ; but if the plant that will only
grow in the tropics, yields no fruit, man
kind cannot go to the cold North to re
plenish their stores. It is not surprising,
then, that the demand for the staple should
keep so closely upon the heels of produc
tion. Nor is it marvellous that the utmost
exertions have been made, and are now
making, to extend the area of its cultiva
tion to countries and climes to which it
lias hitherto, to all intents and purposes,
been a stranger, yet though the philanthro
pist and the statesman and the commercial
economist have joined in a common effort
in certain European nations to that end,
we think it must be candidly acknowledged
that the net results thus far are by no
means such as to afford them special en
couragement. At all events, the southern
States of the American Union, as yet,
maintain an undoubted supremacy in
that respect, against the East Indies, Africa,
Mexico, Central America, the Brazils, &c. ;
and though at the present time, as we
have said, there is no relaxation in the pur
suit of new sources of production, it is
difficult to foresee anything like competi
tion in any quarter of the globe, sufficient
ly formidable to annihilate that suprema
cy during the present century. It is not
only a question of climate and soil, but a
question of labor, which invests this im
portant branch of American trade with the
commanding importance everywhere con
ceded to it; and differ as men may upon
the relative advantages of free and slave
labor, in the abstract, there can be no
doubt that the strict organization to which
the latter is subjected in the southern
States, has conferred upon it an efficiency
which gives the United States a great ad
vantage as a producer over those countries
whose powers of competition in the mark
ets of Europe, solely depend the necessari
ly more relaxed, and consequenly less pro
ductive systems of labor. The speculative
philanthropy and philanthropists of the
old world recognize, while they deprecate,
this fact, and naturally spare no pains to
promote every expedient to overcome it,
by persistent appeals to the morality and
humanity of the age, but every day history
informs us that the only practical response
to the appeal is more cotton from the fields
of America for the mills of Manchester.—
Outside of this sentimental circle, however,
it would be imprudent to close our eyes to
the fact that the popular sentiment, both
in Great Britain and France —our best cus
tomers abroad—is strongly in favor of re
lying less upon the United States, and
more upon other countries for their future
supplies. The social, political aud indus
trial interests —especially of England—are
now all so closely identified with the well
being of her manufacturing system, that
the bare possibility of a failure of the
American cotton crop is commonly viewed
as something approaching the magnitude
of a national calamitv, to guard against
which, by encouraging the cultivation of
; the plant in other climes, is the dictate
alike of self-preservation and patriotism.
If the “Cotton Supply Association” at
Liverpool, and similar associations else
where, are acting upon convictions of this
1 character, we do not know that it especial
lv becomes us to lament over it; but we
do know that it ought to stimulate inquiry
at home, as to the practicability of extend
ing the area of culture in the States, not
only by converting to account the many
square miles of lands which are still lying
waste for the lack of the labor necessary to
! bring them under cultivation, but to en
-1 courage the multiplication of facilities for
bringiug the crop to the seaboard after >4
is grown. Now, it is not for us to indicate
the specific ways and means whereby these
things may be accomplished, but that they
must he accomplished, sooner or later,
there can be no manner of doubt, if the
Southern States of the American Union
desire to permanently occupy a position
which enables them to set at naught, as
now, the efforts that are making abroad to
reduce them to a second, third, or fourth
rate source of supply.
The heavy increase in the demand for
Domestic consumption (914,911 bales,
against 595,562 in 1857-8, and 819,936
in 1856-7) may be accepted as a satisfac
tory evidence of the progress of manufac
tures at home. The condition of general
trade throughout the country, as affected
by the troubles in Europe, and the serious
embarrassments entailed by the revulsion
of the previous twelve months, it need
hardly be said, was anything but propitious
for the developement of that branch ot in
dustrial enterprise, yet the largely aug
mented consumption of the raw T
under the unfavorable circumstances of
the case, indicates a healthful aud rapid
advancement in the right direction, that
bids 11s look forward to still more flatter
ing returns for the twelve months to come.
The results of the year, as regards prices,
we think, are such as, ou the whole, must
be satifactory to the planter, tbe factor, the
shipper, and all others connected with tho
trade, while the prospect for the current
season, from present indications, are as
cheerful as could reasonably be desired.-
N. Y. Shipping List.
The* Slave Trade.
The Charleston News, referring to a
meeting at Mount Pleasant, (S. C.) in fa
vor of the opening of the African Slave
Trade, says :
We observe this movement with great
regret, and we cannot withhold the ex
pression of our surprise that intelligent and
respectable gentlemen should be so delu
ded as. to approve so impracticable and ru
inous a scheme. If there was the slightest
reasonable expectation that the design of
repealing both the Federal and tho State
laws against the slave trade could be car
ried out, or if there was a shadow of hope
that the measure itself could he of the
least service, political or industrial, there
might be a pretext for the agitation of the
subject. But as it can never be any more
than the hobby of Southern political ad
ventures and Northern venal speculators ;
as it can never obtain, as now fully shown,
the assent of the South itself, or any State
of if, much less of the United States, it is
with unqualified amazement that we see
staid planters and law-abiding citizens ag
itating a measure which can only distract
thefpublic mind and demoralize the pub
lic sentiment.
A Strong Stomucli. 7
A western cattle dealer, who rarely had
the privilege of sitting down to meat with
a family, and had never been in a minis
ter’s house in his life, was not long ago be
nighted and lost in his ride across the pra
iries, and compelled to ask for lodgings in
the first house he could find. Happily for
him, it proved to be the dwelling of a good
man, a parson, who gave him a cordial
welcome, and, what was especially agreea
ble, told him supper would soon be ready.
The traveler’s appetite was ravenous, and
the moment lie was asked to sit bv, he
complied ; and without waiting for a sec
ond invitation, he laid hold of what he
could reach.
‘Stop, stop !’ said the good man of tho
house ; ‘we are in thehabitof saying some
thing here before we eat.’
This hint to wait till the blessing was
asked, the rough customer did not under
stand ; hut, with his mouth full, he mut
tered :
‘Go ahead ! say what you like ! you
can’t turn my stomach now !’
Brownlcw on Long Sermons. —To sit
now, and be bored for one hour and a half,
or two hours, by a man of talents, in the
pelivery of a single sermon, is preposterous,
but to be thus bored by a man of moder
ate talents, is an outrage which no congre
gation ought to submit to. Formerly, in
many sections of the country, we had
preaching once in a month, and then long
sermons were tolerated. Now, we have it
once a week in most neighborhoods, and
in towns two or three times every week.—
Therefore, in towns, when a sermon reaches
beyond 45 minutes, the audience ought to
leave the house. A man of extraordinary
abilitv and fame, may preach longer in a
town, but let a “one-horse” preacher cut
short the work in righteousness!
Post Office. —New f post offices have
been established at Flag Pond, Henry
county, Ala., and Hampton, Hamilton
county, Texas.
The post offices at Atwood, DeKalb
county, and Ripley, Calhoun county, Ala
bama, Grahamsville, Choctaw’ county, and
Cato, Rankin county, Miss., Alabama
Bayou, Rointe Coupee parish, La., Seven
Oaks, Galveston county, and Burnt* Ford,
Burnett county, Texas, have been dittos*
tinued.
Number 48.