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K. A. k J. tv. SPIVEY,
Attorneys at Law,
. 0 . THOMASTON, GEORGIA.
Ang. 27,1859. „41 tt.
WM. 11. HORSLEY, ~
Attorney a. t TL a, w ,
. THOMASTON, GA.
IV *“** practice in Upson, Talbot, Taylor, Crawford,
I . l°foe. I‘ike and Merriwether Counties.
_Apnl7.lßs9—ly.
THOMAS BEALL,
ATTORNEY at law,
H"M|ST(IN\ GEORGIA.
frbll 1860—ly
L W. ALEXANDER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
uov2s ly TH °MABTON, GA.
E w XURF.X. c T Gqode
.n^ VABBES & GOODE,
r SS NKYs AT LAW,
oovlß ts Ehhi ’ HOUSTOX CO., GA.
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. THOMASTON, GA.
( L
ie sicicnt Dentist,
AFFirr THOMASTON, GA.
Uof u r< u RI ; House (the late residence m
M 0 attend L !C ,, A “ here lam prepared
I ’•ottr. m 4 classes of Dental Opera-
kolgi.(f 0r * * s *nyßeference.
. Gical 2NT oticc.
heal . th >r several years past; I have
Ii “tclination to practice Medicine, or to
••hiDDvf* . and. if possible, cared less. But I
health ; lllturm n, y old friends and patrons that
OUf , s 110 ” tuuch better, and if they desire to re
*7 calling llner re l*tior, that they can easily do so
Wudge niv" I !f ll,e “ ‘ ien my services are needed. I will
* se to serve them to the best of my skill and
V W ni J old stand, the Drug Store, now occupied
leM - mar3 R. HARWELL.
A CARD.
w ‘ B P arks ’
Hls SERVICES TO THE
is J Zeris of Thomaston
litg wiu Ull R 0 UND |N G COMMUNITY.
p I!ampss° v s, U ‘ * a! (I hoe over C. M. Mitchell’s
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e ?Sed. •
4. 1 Htyo j v
Correspondence between the Gover
nors of Nluryland and South Carolina.
Executive Department, }
ColumLia, S. C., Dec. 30, 1839. |
His Excellency Thomas H. Hicks :
Dear Sir — I have the honor to enclose
you the within Resolutions which passed
unanimously both branches of the Legisla
ture of South Carolina, in one of which is an
earnest request that your State will ap
point Deputies, and adopt such measures
as will promole the meeting ot the slave
holding States in Convention. You will
see by the preamble to the Resolutions
that South Carolina as a sovereign State
claims the right to secede whenever she
may think it expedient to do so, but she
much prefers concerted action, and is wil
ling to follow any lead. Be pleased to sub
mit the resolutions to your Legislature at
the earliest moment.
With great respect and consideration,
I am yours, trulv,
Wm. H. Gist.
[The resolutions accompanying the let
ter of the Governor of South Carolina have
already been published. They propose a
general convention of all the Southern
States, to devise means of defence from
Northern aggression, and to take into con
sideration the propriety of seceding from
; the Union.]
The following is the reply of Governor
Hicks to the Governor of South Carolina.
! State of Maryland, Executive Chamber,
Annapolis, Jan. 2G, 18G0.
To llis Excellency , IVm. 11. Gist,
Governor of South Carolina :
Dear Sir— l have the honor to acknow
ledge the receipt ot your communication
ot the 30th of December, (until now mis
laid by an inadveitance,) enclosing the re
solutions unanimously passed by the Leg
islature of South Carolina, in relation to
i Federal Affairs, and requesting this State
J to join in the appointment of Deputies to
a Convention of the slave-holding States,
for their united action in regard to seces
sion from the Union.
1 will very cheerfully comply with your
request to submit these resolutions to the
| General Assembly of this State, now in
* :ession ; and in informing you of my in
j tenlion so to do, it seems right to add the
; expression of my own opinion, that while
the [>eople of Maryland have cause more
than the people of any other Southern
; State to complain of the loss and injury
! from those conspiracies and assaults, they
a*/ <.n . +■ .!• oidi mitrages in
a measure which, it it wore possible, coma
■ only secure the continuance of them under
shelter of uforeitjn asylum upon her bow
dtM B. *
With great respect and consideration.
I am yours truly,
Thomas H. Hicks.
Gov. Houston writes on the same sub
ject as follows, to the Texas Legislature :
*’\\ ere there no constitutional objections
to the course suggested by the resolutions.
I cannot perceive any advantage that could
result to the slave-holding States, or any
one ot them in seceding from the Union.—
The same evils, the same assaults com
pl lined of now would still exist, while no
c institution would guarantee out rights,
uniting the strength of a federal govern
ment, able and willing to maintain them ;
but an insuperable objection arises in my
mind. The course suggested has no con
stitutional sanction, and is at war with ev
ery principle affecting the happiness and
prosperity of the people of each individual
State as well as the people in their nation
al capacity.
For years past the doctrines of nullifica
tion, secession and disunion, have found
advocates in Southern States as well as
Northern. These ultra theories have at
different periods raged with more or less
violence, and there have not been wanting
persons to fan the flame of discord and to
magnify imaginary evils into startling re
alities. Confounding the language of in
dividuals with the acts of government it
self, they who desire disunion at the South,
not satisfied with the constitution fairly
and honestly inteipreted by the highest
court in the country, and the law faithful
ly and impartially administered by the fed
eral government, (even to the exercise of
all its powers,) to protect the rights of pro
perty and guarantee the same, are ready to
seek relief from abolitionism in disunion.
It is not to be supposed that the people
of the South regal’d the institution of slav
ery as possessing so little moral strength
as to be injured by the “assaults” made
upon it by a fanatical element of Northern
population, who, so long as they stay at
home, do us no harm, and btlt excite a pity
for their ignorance and contempt for their
ravings. So long as a government exists
ready and willing to maintain the Consti
tution and to guard every citizen in the en
joyment of his individual rights, the States
and the citizens of the States may rest se
cure. Ungenerous and uncharitable as are
the “assaults” made by a class at the North
upon the peculiar institutions of the South,
they would exist from like passions and
like feelings under any government, and it
is to the Constitution alone, and the Un
ion possessing strength under it, that we
are indebted for the preservation of these
separate rights which wcf.ec tit to exercise;
no matter to what extent these passions
may go, the federal arm is to be stretched
forth as a barrier against attempts to im
pair them.
It is presumed that the raid upon Har
per’s Ferry, by Brown and his miserable
associates, has been one of the causes which
have induced these resolutions by tho Leg
islature of South Carolina. In my opin
ion. the circumstances attending that act
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES; —DISTINCT. LIKE THE BILLOWS i ONE, tIKE THE SEA ”
THOMASTON. GEORGIA. SATURDAY M.HtMVG. EEliltl ARY ti. 1869.
have furnished abundant proofs of the util
ity of our present system of government, in
the fact that the federal powers have given
an evidence of their regard for the consti
tutional rights of the States, and stood
ready to defend them. It has, besides,
called forth the utterance of the mighty
masses of the people, too long held in check
by sectional appeals from selfish dema
gogues, and the South has the assurance of
their fraternal feelings. The fanatical out
rage was rebuked and the offenders pun
ished. It is for this that the Southern
States are called upon to dissolve the fra
ternal ties of the Union, and to abandon
all the benefits they now enjoy under its
a?gis, and enter upon expedients in viola
tion of the constitution, and all the safe
guards of liberty, under which we have ex
isted as a nation for nearly a century. In
the history of nations, no people ever eu
joyed so much national character and glory
or individual happiness as do to-day the
people of the United States. All this is
owing to our freeconstitution. It is alone
by tl te Union ot all the States, acting har
moniously together in their spheres under
the constitution, that our present enviable
position has been achieved. Without a
Union these results never would have been
consummated, and the States would have
been subject to continual distractions arid
petty wars. Whenever we cease to vener
ate the constitution as the only means of
securing free government, no hope remains
for the advocates of regulated liberty.—
Were the Southern States to yield to the
suggestions of Souah Carolinu, and pass
ing over the intermediate stages of trouble,
a Southern Confederacy should he estab
lished, could South Carolina offer any
guarantee for its duration ? It* she were
to secede from the present Union, could
one be formed with a constitution of more
obligatory force than the one which has
been formed by our fathers in which the
patriots and sages of South Carolina bore
a conspicuous part ? Sever the present Un
ion—tear into fragments the constitution
: stay the progress of the institutions which
both have sustained, and what atonement
is to he offered to liberty for the act ?
From whence is to come theelements of “a
more perfect Union” than the one formed
by the men of the Revolution ? Where is
the patriotism, the equality, the republi
canism to frame a better constitution P
That which South Carolina became a par
ty to iu 1778 has to this period nroved
equal to all the demands made upon it by
the wants of a great people and the expan
sive energies ur . p-/.(rressive age. Neith
er in peace or in war has it ever been found
inadequate to any emergency. It has in
return extended the protection which Un
ion alone can give. The States have re
ceived the benefits of this Union. Is it left
to them to abandon it at their pleasure—
to desert the Union which has cherished
them, and without which they would have
been exposed to all the misfortunes inci
dental to their weak condition.
The Union was intended to be a perpet
uity. In accepting the conditions imposed
prior to becoming apart of the confederacy
the States became part of a nation. What
they conceded comprises the powers of the
federal government, but over that which
they did not concede their sovereignty is
as perfect as is that of the Union in its ap
propriate sphere. They gave all that was
necessary to secure strength and perma
nence to the Union —they retained all that
was necessary to secure the welfare of the
State.
; Texas cannot be in doubt as to this ques
tion. In entering the Union it is not dif
’ ticult to determine what was surrendered
|by an independent republic. We surren
derrd the very power the want of which
originated the federal Union—the right to
remulate commerce with foreign nations. —
As an evidence of it we transfer our custom
houses, as we did our forts aiqj arsenals,
along with the power to declare war. We
surrendered our national flag. In becom
ing a State of the Union, Texas agreed
“not to enter into any treaty, alliance or
confederation, and not, without the con
sent of Congress, to keep troops or ships
of war, enter into any agreement or com
pact with any other State of foreign Bow
er.”
All these rights belonged to Texas as a
nation. She ceased to possess them as a
State; nor did Texas, in terms or by im
plication, reserve the power or stipulate for
the exercise of the right to secede from
these obligations without the consent of
the other parties to the agreement acting
through their common agent, the federal
government. The constitution ot the Uni
ted States does not thus provide for its
own destruction. An inherent revolution
ary right, to be exercised when the great
purposes of the U nion have tailed, remains,
but nothing else.
It is a curious fact, not generally
known, that New Jersey has a fugitive
slave law of her own, enacted in 1798, and
re-enacted with modifications in IS3G and
184 G. The slaveholder or his agent can
apply to a common pleas judge, and the
arrest will be made by the sheriff, and the
question of property decided by these judg
es. This law is in accordance with that
interpretation of the federal constitution j
which makes the restoration of fugitive ‘
slaves the duty of the States. New Jer
sey has also a law authorizing a slavehol- (
der to take his slaves through the State,
and to make a temporary residence with
them.
The Beater Argus records the
marriage of John Coburn, only three feet
high. No wonder he wanted to get splic
ed.
Tme See eg h of the Excursion.— The
Frankfurt Yeoman publishes the following
report of a Speech made at Dayton Ohio,
by Col. G. 8., of Kentucky, one of the ex
cursionists. It is “some:”
Col. B. said : Ladies and gentlemen—
but especially you, ladies—l yield to no
man of this immense assembly of distin
guished strangers in devotion to Union
but it is not to that vulgar union among
States and nations, which has been the
theme of so much eloquence and declama
tion, but to a union that was the subject
of rejoicing to our first parent, when he
beheld the beautiful being that God had
created to bless his existence —to a union
that had been the burthen of the song of
the poet and the Troubadour —a union
that led brave Knights in former days to
go forth on distant and dangerous journeys
of errantry ; and this union has brought
your feeble speaker from the Southern side
of the beautiful river, to gaze in admira
tion on the lovely daughters of Ohio.—
| Loud applause. ) It were vain to attempt
to give utterance to the feelings of my
heart, as I behold so much beauty and
such sweet smiles. [Sensation.] Gentle
men talk of their interest in Bunker Hill
and Yorktown [applause]; but what are
these to the enchanting smiles and lovely
features of the beautiful women before me?
[Applause.] For a union with one upon
my gaze is now resting. I would barter my
interest in all the battle-fields of the old
world or the new—give up my interest in
the waters of Ohio —[loud applause] —ex-
change my franchise as an American citi
zen —yield my fee-simple title to the capi
tal at Washington, and do what any oth
er man would dare, and consider the pur
chase a cheap one. [Sensation and ap
plause.] Union indeed ! It is union I
speak of, but a mystic union,of which Mil
ton sang and Erskine spoke, and from
which spring all the charities ot wife, and
husband, and mother, and brother, [ap
plause from the ladies, loud and pro
longed,] and upon which is founded the
whole structure of human society. [Hear !
hear ! ] How insignificant must merely
political bonds and unions appear in the
contrast, and and how feeble the ties! And
tor such a union as I have here described, I
here pledge my life, and offer my hand—
The Colonel disappeared amid a shower
of bouquets, bon lions, lihbon-bows, kid
gloves, and other articles of female appa
rel, and became no more visible till upon
the Ferry-boat Saturday morning, cross
ing to Covington, lie refuses to say what
became of him, but hints at a most glori
ous experience.
Genius and Business. —It has been a
favorite fallacy with dunces in all times,
that men of genius are unfitted for busi
ness pursuits. Yet Shaksbeare was a suc
cessful manager of a theatre—perhaps pri
ding himself more upon his practical qual
ities in that capacity than on his writing
of plays and poetry. Pope was of opinion
that Shakespeare’s principal object in cul
tivating literature was to secure an honest
independence. Indeed, he seems to have
been altogether indifferent to literary rep
utation. It is not known that be superin
tended the publication of a single play, or
even sanctioned the printing of one ■ and
the chronology of his writings is still a
mystery. It is certain, however, that he
prospered in his business, and realized suf
ficient to enable him to retire upon a com
petency to his native town of Htrat-ford
upon-Avon. Chaucer was in early life a
soldier, and afterwards an effective com
missioner of customs, and inspector of
woods and crown lands. Spencer was sec
retary to the Lord Deputy of Ireland, and
is said to have been very shrewd and atten
tive in matters of business. Milton, orig
inally a schoolmaster, was afterwards ele
vated to the post of secretary to the Coun
cil of States during the commonwealth ;
and the extant order-book of the council,
as well as many of Milton’s letters which
are preserved, give abundant evidence of
his activity and usefulness in that office. —
Sir Isaac Newton proved himself a most
efficient master of the Mint, the new coiu-
a ire 1G94 having been carried on under his
immediate personal superintendence. Cow
per prided himself on his business punctu
ality, though he confessed that he “never
knew a poet except himself who was punc
tual in anything.” But against this we
may set the lives of Wordsworth arid Scott
—the former a distributer of stamps, the
latter a clerk to the court of session—both
of whom, though great poets, were emi
nently punctual and practical men of bus
iness. David Ricardo, amidst the occupa
tion of his daily business as a London ban
ker, in conducting which he acquired an
ample fortune, was able to concentrate his
mind upon his favorite subject—on which
he was enabled to throw great light—the
principles of political economy; for he uni
ted in himself the sagacious commercial
man and the profound philosopher. We
have abundant illustrations, even in our
own day, of the tact that the highest intel
lectual power is not incompatible with the
active and efficient performance of routine
duties. Grote, the great historian of Greece,
like Ricardo, is a London banker. And it
is not long since John Stuart Mill, one of
our greatest living thinkers, retired from
the examiner's department of the East In
dia Company, carrying with him the ad
miration and esteem of his fellow-officers,
not on account of high views of philosophy
but of the high standard cf effici
ency which he had established in his office,
and the thoroughly satisfactory manner in
which he had conducted the business of
his department.— Sr//’ Help , by Samuel
Smile*.
Octavia WaYFon Le Vert. —A Mobile
correspondent of the New Orleans .DeltE,
writes:
As ttf literature, this fair city takes the
palm and laurel leaf l Who has not read
the graceful voluntas of Travel in Europe
by the “fair Countess of Mobile” (as a late
French tourist gallantly termed her in a
letter to the Moniteur) Madame Le Vert,
wherein she proved that a person with a
kind heart aud courtesy can go the world
over without Seeing anything to find fault
with ! There is tin amusing story told ol
her husband, one of the ablest surgeons
and physicians of the South, hut a taciturn
gentleman wholly absorbed in his profes
sion, who accompanied her through Eu
rope in her tour, belt felt no interest in the
thousand and one objects which attracted
her, visiting all the hospitals and men of
eminence in his profession.
After, her return, and her hooks appeaf
ed, the Doctor, who did not know she was
writing them until he saw them announc
ed, (and also highly praised,) had some
curiosity to see them. Instead of asking
the volumes of the fair authoress, he qui
etly purchased a copy and read it by stealth
in his office, not caring, I dtire say to com
pliment her so far in her first book its to
let her know he thought enough of it to
read it. At length he finished it, (having
been so absorbed in it as to he heedless of
the repeated calls to dinner,) and with it
in his baud came from his office into the
house !
“Upon my word, Madame Le Vert,”
said the darkbrowed, stout “M. I).,” (the
term he goes by in the volumes, whenever
Madame alludes to him.) “Iliad iio idea
of this ! You have written a most inter
esting book ! I did not see auv of those
fine scenes, and places, and people you de
scribe. Bless me ! I must go hack to Eu
rope and go over it all again, and see all this!”
It is said that these volumes arose from
a correspondence with her mother ; which
letters being seen by Judge Meek, (now
Speaker of the Alabama Legislature,) he
was so struck with the graphic power of
her pen en famille, that when she returned
lie prevailed upon her (though not until
after six months urging the point) to have
them published. When at length she con
sented, she spent three months in wholly
re-writing them, whereby they lost much
of their original and native freshness, al
beit they gained in the strict literary pro
prieties of style. If the original had been
published as they were, “with the dew on
the leaves,” the book would have gained in
freshness what it would have lacked in
yi and i calc.
Robbery in Fort Valley.
We understand that on Thursday night
the 9th inst., J. T. Griffin, of Fort Valley,
on returning from his supper table to the
Parlor, found his private Secretary broken
open, and SSOO extracted therefrom. Af
ter diligent search for facts, suspicion res
ted upon a poor wretch ol a Canadian,
Charles Cary, as the.robber. This ungrate
ful being, the Captain had clothed and ta
ken care of in sickness, and had first ap
peared in Fort Valley as a street beggar.-
Instantly, the Captain repaired to the de
pot, where he ascertained that Cary had
taken the cars for Macon. Next morning,
Griffin reached this place, and was passing
across the street to the Brown House, when
who should he see but Cary, strutting to
wards him, dressed in anew suit out and
out. Cauada saw breakers ahead; no time
was to be lost, so with right about face, off
he went in a double quick time, and Grif
fin in chase after him. Cary held his own
for about a square, when the Captain of
the Governor’s Guards, bringing into ac
tion his practice oftheLight Infantry dou
ble, double quick, began to gain on Cana
da, and finally, at the end of the third
square, overtook him. No sooner did Ca
ry find himself held than he turned on his
pursuer, holding in one hand a pistol and
in the other a bowio knife. First he tried
his pistol, it snapped, then attempted tlte
ilse of tile knife with no better success; for
the gallant Captain, though a diminutive
man, felled him with a blow of his fist, and
was surprised to behold hat, boots, pistol
and knife were of his own household. Dis-
arming him and bidding him rise, lie seiz
ed him bv the collar and placed him in the
Guard House. Cary confessed the theft,
implicating other parties who were to share
in the spoils. On Friday night, Captain
Griffin returned to Fort Valley, having in
charge bis protege, a precious one indeed.
This case suggests a few facts which
have come to our knowledge within the
last three weeks. Two merchants of our
city in that time, have had their money
drawers rifled; one of SIOO in Bank notes,
a part of which had been paid in by Capt.
Griffin, who did not know Cary at the
time, but the Police states he was here then.
The other was robbed of sl7, and would
have lost more, but for a clerk, who walk
ed in one door as the thief escaped from
the other. —Macon Telegraph, of the 14 th.
An Editor in a Tight Place. —“Olp
Tom Dryer” editor of the Oregonian and
member of the Oregon Legislature, says
the Mariposa Gazette, has at last got what
his abusive tongw bals earned long ago.—
The tfcp’ormt of his sufferings are truly
graphic :
‘■Lasater immediately repeated and re
peated that we were a liar and blackguard
whereupon we did take our inkstand from
the desk and hurled it in his face, intend- j
ing it as a rebuke for his gross insults.—
More than half an hour had intervened,
when, as we were passing down the princi
pal street, Lasater seized us by the throat,
at the same time planting a heavy blow
upon our forehead, and rushed it's into the
floor of a store where wc both fell upon 1
Pay dole in AtUanco.
so uh* <>j on slice boxes. Las a tor on top
grasping our throat. Ass( fa few blows ho
inserted the thumb of his right hand tnf
ohr left eve, and forced it aiuio'st from it.3
socket: AftcV seVoral frtiitiesS efforts td
insert his thumb into our tight eye, he
then commenced poundidg us.on the, hack
of the lfetUl With his lists. The only aid
and comfort wo lhnl were, the vocitferowtf
yell of—“ti ivc him hell,” “Dig hits damned
eyes ollt,” “Do in, Lasafei,” iVe.
The Vxiox PaiDy Movement. —The
National Union men of New York are se
dulously pushing forward the organization
of the Union party. They are forming
clubs in all parts of the Slate. They luiVe
selected as their mottoes the sentiment of
llenry Clay, “the Union, the Constitution
and the enforcement of the laws ;” and
that of Daniel Webster, “Our Country,
one Constitution, one destiny,;” and thafc
of Andrew Jatkfcon, a The Union must
and shall be preserved.” They have is
sued an address to their fellow-eitizei £
throughout the United States id the fol
lowing teims :
“A crisis has arrived in the history ot
parties. Patriotism demands that t lie
sober reflecting men of all names and as
sociations should rally and unite to rescue
our country from impending dangers.—i
Men of extreme views, both North and
•South, regardless of the gniit bond of Un
ion and Protection, which the Constitu
tion secures, have pushed t heir disunion
measures to such lengths, that the slabilG
ty of our institutions is threatened, and
unless a speedy arrest is made, it is im
possible to exaggerate the disasters which
the Republic Will suffer.
Our Government was formed in a spirit,
of concession and forbearance. A number
of sovereign and lndej end *nt States, of
common origin, language and religion,
with diverse domestic institutions, and in
ternal policy, with various climate, pro
ductions and resources formed a solemn
lfeague and covenant under the form of a
federal Constitution, by which they be
came one people, one country, With a na
tional identity of interest and destiny.—
The Constitution was framed to protect
eacli State in tlio enjoyment of all its’
rights, with the knowledge that the policy
of each State might in all things he regu
lated by its own Government, provided al
ways that it does not interfere with the
rights and principles of a sister State. — 1
But for this understanding, the confedera
cy which is now the light and hope of free
dom in the world, could not have been
formed. W hen that principle is ruthless
ly Lrampled upon, or basely ignored by the
General Government, or the people in their
sovereign capacity as electors, 1 lie ends fb?
which the Union was formed, have signal
ly failed. Disunion will then have begurf
in fact, and the catastrophe cannot long
be delayed.
The agitation of the subject of Slavery
lias been rapidly precipitating the result.
With madness that delies reason, with fa
naticism that disregards law, both divine
and human, with a short-sightedness that
sees nothing of the fatal breakers ahe; if/
the sectionalists have waged a war against
the institutions of the South, that i<? hos
tile in its spirit and intent to the basis on
which our federal corn pact was formed.-
So far from believing that there is a nec
essary antagonism between States that ftifd
fer among themselves as to the system of
domestic labor, we arc satisfied by the ex
perience of seventy years of peace and un
exampled prosperity, that the members pf
this confederacy, like the members of the
human frame, are mutually dependent up
on and auxiliary to each other : that each
State has a right to elect and to enjoy its
own system, and this diversity in unity,,
will cement the Union, while tin spirit of
the convenant is preserved.
. 1
Already the direful inflinhie of this un
holy war is felt in the disruption of relig
ions institutions that once were bonds of
union, binding the distant parts of the
country in disorganizing offr National
Councils : in alienating our statesmen : in
paralyzing the confidence of our people id
each other : deranging the plans arid dis
appointing the hopes of tire citi
zens of the Union, anu presenting the un
seemly spectacle to tile vforTd, us a Nation
divided against itself.
All questions relating to flic rights of
the individual States ttf tfi’e Cofnmon Ter
ritories, may he safely left to he (fettled by
the autiioYized expositors of the Constitu
tion itself. As good citizens wo are hound,-
and as good men we shall live to ho hound,
to submit our right 1 ’ and privileges to tin
constituted legal tribunals of the United
States. Their deilTrons, as long as theV
are upon record as the exposition of the
Constitution, are binding on every man*
tth'o is fit to hear the name of an American
citizen. ,
With these simpfe principles as the ba
sis of our action, wc call upon all friends
of the Constitution and laws, upon all who
love their country more than party, and alf
who would rescue the government from tin
hands of corrupt and dangerous men, and
save it from falling ih'o the ) osscssion of
any sectional party whose fundamental
principle is hostile to th-e object and spirit
of the Constitution, we call up6n all Mho
love the Union for the sake of the Union,’
and who Mould see in the Presidential
chair an incorruptible patriot, a man
will be supported by s Mind, judicious, up-’
right and faithful citizens in the North’
and Start h, in the East and West,* to rally
with us around , the flag of our country,*
the spirit of Washington and Jackson,’
\\ ebs ter and Clay, tocliei isli ami defend
the L nion. and transmit it v>ith augmerrt*
and glories to future generation's.”
Nmnbrr lo;