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given at !o “*n da vs previous to ihe day ot sale.
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tic puldi VI forty days. *<ir
Notice that iipplica*b ‘i nOl b ntade to the Court of
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Rifim r*r Foreclosure of Mortgage i .irf ho nl.lislW
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fir the full space of three month# —for compelling ti
~ fr.cn Ex *eut->rs or Adiiiinistrat.ers, vv'bei e a boi.i
give i bv the deceased, the lu.l space of three
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ti; : r->\ rcqui.em'onts, tfultss utherv. is,: oideveti,
st the follow ing
RATEf?:
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s .Vs ..f lar.-l or n -groes by Executors, •> *0
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S’ncri.fs Sales 60 da vs. •* 6 00
‘ ;;q <■’ 2 50
o’ Mon-'v sent bv mail is at the risk of the t ditor.
jMvid-sl. if the remit • nee iniscu-rry, a :•• • -r-pt <-
fti'.itcd from the Post Master.
€atis.
A CARD.
I3r. 33. A\. Sparks,
OFFE It S Ills S 1: R V 1 e E S TO TIIE
Citizens of’ ’Tlionmston
and surrounding community.
TIE Will be found at his Office over C. M. Mitchell’s
II Harness store, during tire day and night, unless
prmessionally engaged.
February 4, 1860—ly.
K. A. & J. W. SPIVEY,
A t t o i* ii e v s a t lu a'W ,
THOM ASTON, GEORGIA.
Aug. 27. 1859. n4l tt.
\VM. G. HORStEY,
Attorney at Layv ,
THOMASTON, GA.
YITILL practice in Upson, Talliot, Taylor, t raw fold,
M Monroe. Pike and Merriweiher Counties.
April 7. 1809 —ly* .
THOMAS BEALL
ATTORNEY at LAw.
THOMASTON, GEORGIA,
febll 1860-—ly
P. W. ALEXANDER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
nor^S—ly
Darken. • C. T. Goode
WARREN & GOODE,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA.
no?lß— tf
gTaT miller,”
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
THOMASTON, GA.
_A. C. Moore,
Resident Dentist,
THOMASTON, GA.
I PICE at mv House (the late residence m
j °I Mrs. Hicks,) where lam prepared
V ail cud to all classes of Dental Opera
"‘Us. My work is mvßeference.
m-18—ts
Walton O. Jordan,
Attorney at Law and Solicitor in Equity.
Hardaway, Macon County, Ala.
V continue in endeavoring to attend to any
v I rofessioual bu?iness that may be eutiusted to
’ tUduagenjem in anv of the Counties or Courts in the
u ’ the Supreme Court.
Hvi ,rtiv ‘ e ’ Hardaway, Macon county, Alabama
oq ‘ ‘‘-I recently removed from the OtHce formerly oc
u . J “y late brother-in-law, John M. WJhite, Esq.
ttwdaway, Feb. 18,1860—ly*.
NEW YORK CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE PILOT.
3he political chaldron is in commotion.
To-day, two Democratic, one L~nion, and
one Republican State Committees are in
conclave in this State ; the result will like
ly be a union of opposing forces against the
Republican nomination, and this will be
likely to be effected in several Northern or
T ree States. In New Jersey it is already
accomplished. Great efforts are making
in this State, and I think will be success
ful in effecting a union which will defeat
the Republicans, and prevent Lincoln’s elec
tion. Pennsylvania can do the same thing.
I do not think that either Douglas, Bell or
Breckinridge could now average over one
Free State each ; and though Douglas will
or may get more votes, he cannot set down
any one Free Statens certain ; therefore
the whole leading and opposing forces will
play the fool if they do not unite in defeat
ing a common enemy, if they cannot tri
umph themselves.
1 he Prince of Wales is on his way, and
is expected in this city next week. He will
be handsomely entertained, and a dinner
given him at the Academy of Music, but
not by the Common Council.
The Great Eastern has two days more
for exhibition. Her first excursion gave
her two thousand passengers, and the shab
by treatment of that two thousand reduc
ed the number on her second trip to one
hundred! She is a maguificeut vessel,
but has been badly managed here for suc
cess.
From the sth to the 12th inst. was a
succession of hot days here,almost without
a pauLel—the weather being all the time
hot.
Tin rc are a great many Southernerns on,
l both for pleasure and business.
Trade lots made a fair beginning, and
promises well, except from the dry por
tions ot the South. The news from many
parts of the Southern States is very mel
aiicholy and distressing; yet the West
promises better than for several years. We
( have a great country.
A huge number of persons during the
few ?wt days past have been drowned,
tni'Silv at watering places, which have not
i !/t t n so cr wd< and for years as at present.
Aug. 15,18G0. Yours, E.
Talking and \\ iuting.— A man never
j knows wha! he has read until he has eitli
:er talked about it or written übout it. —
I Talking and writing are digestive process
es which are absolutely essential to the
inentr! <■< a>titnnon of the man who de
vours many books. But it is not. every
iUi.n that can talk. Talking implies, first,
of all, a readim ss on the pait of the spea
ker rid next, a sympathetic listener. It
is, therefore, a digt stive process, the most
difficult if it is the most rapid in its oper
ation.
Writing is a different affair. A man
may take his own time to it, and not re
quire a reader ; he can be his own reader.
It is an easier, although more formal pro
cess of digestion than talking. It is in ev
erybody’s power—and everybody who reads
much makes more or less use of it, because,
as Bacon says, if he does not write, then
he ought to have extraordinary faculties
to compensate for such neglect. It is in
this view that we are to understand the
complaint of a well known author that he
was ignorant of a certain subject, and the
means by which he was to dispel his igno
rance—namely hy writing on it.
It is in this vi w that the monitorial sys
tem of instruction lias its great value —to
the monitors it is the best sort of teaching.
It is from the same point of view that Sir
William Hamilton used to lament the de
cay of teaching as a part of the education
of students at the Universities. In theol
; den time it was necessary to the obtaining
<<t a degree that the graduate shoult give
i evidence of his capacity as a teacher ; and
in the very titles of his degree as a magts
ter and doctor, he was designated as a teach
er. A man never knows anything, Sir
William used to say, until he has taught
it in some way or other—it may be orally,
it may he by writing a book. If is a grand
truth, and points a fine moral. Knowledge
is knowledge, say the philosophers ; it is
precious for its own sake—it is an end to
itself. But nature says the opposite.—
Knowledge is not knowledge until we use
it. It is not ours until brought under the
| command of the great social faculty, speech
—we exist for society, and knowledge is
null until we give it expression, and in so
! doing make it over to the social instinct.—
B/ackivood.
Good— A Printer in Luck. — The
London Times says that a journeyman
Printer, a very sober, steady, upright, and
deserving.old man, [just like we are—ex
cepting the ‘sober’ and r ‘old’ adjectives !]
has recently become heir to $200,000, by
the decease of an uncle in Australia. He s
lucky! Who knows but we may fall heir
to a fortune some day ? \\ ell, there sno
ttllin,’ “snaix is snaix.”
Give the devil his due. Certainly, says
a cotemjtorary ; but it is betttr to have no
dealings with the devil, and there will be
nothing due him.
‘THE UNION Os THE STATES (—DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.”
THOMASTON. GEORGIA. SATURDAY MOH.MNO, SEPTEMBER 8. Nm.
DOUGLAS IN VIRGINIA.
He wdlsustain the Lincoln Administration.
Douglas made his first campaign speech
on Southern soil in Norfolk, Va., last Sat
urday. He was met on the threshold ot
his speech, with the following demands in ;
substance:
1. Whether the South ought to secede in
the event of Lincoln’s election.
2. Whether he would assist the admin
istration in coerceing her into submis
sion.
His answers to these questions wu pre
fer to give in his own words, and will there
fore quote in full that part ot his speech
which declares his position :
In the middle of his address a slip of pa
per was handed to him. It was cut from
the Norfolk Daily Argus, aud contained
two polite qrnest ions for Judge Douglas.
Having ascertained the question thus
propounded lie said thereon, 1 am not in
the habit of answering questions propoun
ded to me in the course of an address, but
on this occasion I will comply with the
request and respond very frankly and un
equivocally to th<*se two questions.
The first question is, if Abraham Lin
coln be elected Pmid nt of the United
States, will the {Southern States he justi
fied in seceding from the Union ?
To this I emphatically answer, no.—
(Great applause.) The election of a man
to the Presidency by the American people,
in conformity with the constitution of the
United States, would not justify any at
tempt at dissolving this glorious confedera
cy. (Applause.) Now I will read to you
the next question, and then answer it.
Question —If they, the Southern States,
secede from the Union upon the inaugura
tion of Abraham Lincoln, before lie com
mits an overt act against their constitution
al rights, will you advise or vindicate re
sistance by force to their secession ?
Voices —“No, no 1” ‘‘Bell men say no,
Douglas.”
Mr. Douglas. —l answer emphatically
that it is the duty of tlie President of the
United States, and all others in authority
| under him, to enforce tin* laws of th* Uni
ted States as passed by Congress and as the
courts expound them. (Cheers.) And I,
as in duty bound by my oath of fidelity to
the constitution, would do all in my power
to aid the government of the United States
in maintaining the supremacy of the laws
against all resistance to them, come from
what quarter it might. (Good.) In oth
er words, I think the President of the Uni
ted States, whoever he may he. should treat
all attempts to break up the Union, by re
sistance to its laws, as Old Hickory treated
the nullifiers in 1832. (Applause.) The
laws must be enforced, but at. the same
time, be it remembered, it is the duty of
every State, and every puhlicfunctionary, to
preserve, maintain and vindicate the rights
of every citizen and i he rights of every State
in the Union. I hold that the constitution
has a remedy for i very grievance that may
arise within the limits of the Union. lam
not in favor of any policy which would tend
to give rise to complaints or nmrinurings,
much less to such as would call for resis
tance from any quarter I acknowledge the
inherent and inalienable right to revolution
whenever a grievance becomes too burden
some to be borne. I acknowledge the right
of every man to rebel and change the form
of government under which he lives when
ever it proves destructive to the ends for
which it was established. That is a right,
however, never to be resorted to until the
operations of the government become more
grievous than the consequences of revolu
tion. And therefore I say that the mere
inauguration of a President of the United
States whose political opinions were in my
judgment hostile to the constitution and
safety, of the Union, without an overt act
on his part without striking a blow at our
constitution or our rights, is nor such a
grievance as would justify revolution orse-’
cession. (Cheers) Hence I say whoever
may be elected President of the United
States, he must be sustained in the exercise
of all his just constitutional prerogatives
and power. If he transcends them we will
punish him with all the rigor of the law,
as you punished John Brown when he vio
lated your laws. (A storm of applause.)
I for one will sustain with all my energy
the President whenever he may be in the
exercise of all the powers confeied upon
him by the constitution, but 1 would take
just as much pleasure in hanging him if he
transcended those powers, as I feel pleas
ure in knowing that you hanged John
Brown when he was guilty of murder and
treason against the State of Virginia. (Re
newal of storm.) lama law abiding, a
Union loving man, and I believe the Union
can be maintained by a faithful observance
ol the constitution, but 1 insist iu exacting :
the luinlment in good faith of every provi- !
sion of that constitution ; 1 iusist on a line ;
of policy which will place all the people of
all the iStates in an exact equality, and
maintain protect them in their just rights,
but which will also compel obedience •to 1
the constitution and the constituted au
thorities of the country. Now, these ques
tions put to me the first day 1 landed on
Virginia soil, having emanated from the
friends of the secessionist candidate, I ask
that like questions may be also put to those
candidates, and that you insist upon such
frank and unequivocal answers as I have >
given.
A VoiCE.-“Thev could not do it squire.”
Mr. Douglas-Remember that Mr. Brek
inridge was nominated on the theory that
the election of Lincoln was preferable to
that of Douglas. Now, no man doubts
tfeatif Breckinridge’s friends had not
ded at Baltimore, but had acquiesced in
the legitimate action of the Convention, 1
would have in this contest beaten Lincoln
by the popular vote.”
A Vo^ce —“That’s so.”
Mr. Douglas—Less than one-third ot
the Convention seceded front the other
two-thirds on the ground
honor and Southern rights were not safe
in my hands, and that hence it was neces
sary to divide the party in every State of
the Union so that Lincoln might have a
chance of running in between the demo
cratic forces of the democratic party and
get elected by a majority vote.
A Voice —“ That’s so.”
Mr. Douglas—The only ostensible and
true object sought in making a Breckin
ridgs ticket in the Northern States was to
divide the democratic party so as to give
Lincoln every one of those States, so that
I tell you it Lincoln he elected President
it will be the secessionists whom you will
; have to blame for it.”
A Voice—“ That’s so.”
Mr. Douglas—Lincoln had no hope of
being elected except through the efforts of
the seeessl nists, who have divided the de
mocratic party —supposing that Breckin
ridge could carry every Southern State—
though it now seems he is not going to
j carry a single one by the people. Still, hy
dividing the North, he gives every one of
the States to Lincoln, thus allowing him
to be elected by the popular Vote. Why,
what was the true aspect of the contest be
fore the secession ? Lincoln had no show
; whatever for more than two States till the
Breckinridge division took place, and 1
! would have beaten him in every State but
i Vermont and Massachusetts. As it. is, i
think I wilt l>eat him in almost all of them
yet. (Cheers.) But should Lincoln be elec
ted, the secessionists, who nominated and
now support Breckinridge, will he entitled
to the credit of it, and upon them will
rest the responsibility of having adopted
the fatal policy, and dreading the result of
their own rash and unpatriotic acts which
gives to Lincoln a chance of success, they
come forward and ask me if I will help
them to dissolve the Union in the event of
Lincoln being raised to the Presidential
chair 1 tell them no—never on earth.—
(Cheers and cries of “Good.”) I am for
putting down Northern abolitionism, but,
am also for putting down Southern seces
sionists, and that, too, hy the exercise of
the same constitutional power. (“Good.”)
I believe that the peace, the harmony and
the Safety of this country depend upon de
stroying both factions. (Cheers.) Both
parties, if parties they can he called, are al
| ties to a common cause ; for however hos
tile they may he to each other, however
opposed in purposes and objects, yet their
course of action tends to the same deplor
able result ; and without meaning any dis
respect or personal unkindness, I believe
that, in the event of the success of either
party, the success of Northern abolition
ists or that of Southern secessionists, the
Union and our glorious constitution are a
like put in peril and danger. Northern
abolitionism could not exist for any length
of time except there was a counterpoise de
manding the intervention of the South
The republicans demand Congressional in
terference against slavery, while the seces
sionists demand that Congress shall inter
fere to protect and extend slavery. This
is the pivot upon which both parties turn;
this, my friends, is the whole state of the
case ; these are the dangers to be appre
hended, and, thus, it devolves upon yon
to rally to the rescue, and hy voting the
national democratic ticket placed before the
country by the Baltimore Convention, to
preserve this glorious Union. (Cheers and
cries of “And we will do it.”)
MARRIAGE OF NEAR RELATIVES.
The Ohio Legislature has been passing
some laws on this subject ; and if one-half
. is true that has been affirmed in regard to
cousins intermarrying, it would seem as if
it were the duty of parents and guardians
to interfere, and even of all State Legisla
tures to do what can be done to prevent so
injurious a custom. It is said that in
! Massachusetts, out of seventeen families
formed by ihe marriage of cousins, there
Were ninety-five children ; and in Ohio, in
j eight hundred and seventy-three such fam
ilies, there were three thousand and nine
hundred. It would thus seem that the av
erage number of children is not diminish
ed by such intermarriages, the Massachu
setts statistics giving five and a half chil
dren to each marriage. But out of these
ninety-five children, forty-four were idiots,
twelve scrofulous, and only thirty-seven in
tolerable health ; while in Ohio, two thou- !
sand four hundred and ninety, out of three
thousand nine hundred, w<*re either intel
lectually or physically defective* In nil
families, some of the children will be more
or less defective, and w*ere careful records
made, the proportion of perfectly healthy
children would be found smaller than most
imagine. Bnt forty-four idiots out of
ninety-five children is a proportion, if true,
sufficient to startle any one, and to demand
some vigorous remedy. The records and
inquiries of insane and idiotic asylums
might throw much further light on this
subject. In one case of double cousins, nine
children—all there were—were idiots of the
lowest grade. Enough, then, may be de
monstrated to make all sensible cousins
abstain from marrying. Families, like the i
ojiening leaves of a flower, are formed not
to grow together, hut apart. Friends and
guardians, and all who have the confidence
of the young ministers and medical atten- ,
dants, should bear 6uch facts in mind, and j
exert the full measure of their intelligence j
and influence to prevent such unions.
John C. Breckinridge and Popnlar Sov
ereignty.
Col. Jerry Clemens has recently been
called upon to verify his statement of Dir.
Breckinridge’s record. It appears that Col.
Clemens imputed the following language
to that “distinguished young gentleman :”
“The people in the Territories, tinder
the K ansas-Nebraska act, have the full
i right to establish or prohibit slavery, just
as a State icould , which principle is as old
■ as Republican government itself.”
Mr. Hooper, having an eye to its effect
upon the public, immediately catechised
Mr. Breckinridge about it. Mr. Breckin
ridge replied that he “never uttered any
thing like” that quotation. Mr. Hooper
then appealed to Col. Clemons to make a
i proper contradiction, which that gontle-
I man does in the following letter. \Ye hope
1 it will he satisfactory, hut we are not en
tirely convinced that it would not have
been better not to have asked for the con
tradiction :
Huntsville. Aug. 17, ISGO.
My Dear Sir ; —Your letter calling my
attention to tin* note of J. J. Hooper, Esq.,
has just been received.
Mr. Hooper sent me a copy of his paper
containing a denial < f the correctness of
ihe extract I had quoted ; bur, as that ex
tract related only to his endorsement of the
doctrine of squatter sovereignty, and as
there was abundance of other evidence to
establish that fact, I really considered it a
matter ot very little importance whether
the extract was genuine or not. Upon re
ferring to my scrapbook, I find the extract
exactly as I gave it. The name of the pa
per fiom which it was taken is not marked
on it, but, from the general appearance of
the print, I do not doubt that it was the
Southern Advocate. It purports to he a
report of a speech made hv Mr. Breckin
ridge at Tippecanoe, iti 185 G. and contains
other passages upon which if I remember
rightly, Mr. Hooper, himself commented,
with great severity at the time. Among
other things, he said :
“I am connected with no party which
has for its object the extension of slavery,
nor with any to prevent the people of a
State or Territory from deciding the ques
tion of its existence with them,-for them
selves.”
He said, also :
‘I happened to tie in Congress when the
Nebraska hill passed, and gave it my voice
and vote; and because it did what it did,
viz : Acknowledged the right of the peo
ple of the Territory to settle the question
for themselves, and not because I supposed
what I do not now believe, that it legisla
ted slavery into tin* Territory.”
In 1850, Mr. Breckinridge introduced
the following resolution in the Kentucky
Legislature, to which you recently called
attention in the Enquirer :
‘'litsolved, By the General Assembly
of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, that
| the question of slavery in the Territories,
i being wholly local and domestic, properly
! belongs alone to the people who inhabit
them.”
This resolution (it is worthy of remark)
was introduced at a time when it could
have had no other object than to mark the
mover’s approval of the doctrine of squat
ter sovereignty, as expounded in General
Cass’ Nicholson letter.
In Mr. Breckinridge’s speech at Lexing
ton, K\\, after his nomination for the Vice-
Presidency, lie said :
“Upon the distracting question of do
mestic slavery, their position is clear. The
whole power of the Democratic organiza
tion is pledged to the following proposi
tions : That Congress shall not intervene
upon this subject in the States or in th< j
Territories, or in the district of Columbia ;
that the people of each Teriitory shall de
termine the question for themselves, and
he admitted into the Union upon a footing
of perfect equality with tin 1 original States,
without discrimination on account of the
allowance or prohibition of slavery.”
With all these multiplied evidences be
fore me, I am at a loss in understand what
difference it makes whether the particular
extract to which Mr. Hooper alludes is
genuine or not. He says Mr. Breckinridge
denies the use of the language imputed to
him. The denial comes somewhat late;
but I do not hesitate to give him the ben
efit of it. 1 know Mr. Breckinridge well,
and I believe him to be incapable of a false
hood ; hut I must he pardoned for suggest
ing that it would have been more to the
purpose if he had said, as he might have
done that he teas never an advocate oj
i squatter sovereignty ; instead ot confining
| himself to a denial of those particular
! words. Considering that Mr. Breckinridge
i the representative of a party wno avow- ,
ed, at Charleston, a praiseworthy determi
! nation to leave nothing in doubt, we had
j a right to expect from him more frankness
and candor. He had been repeatedly and
j publicly charged with entertaining squat
ter sovereignty views, up to the time of
his nomination for the Presidency; and,
if it was not true, it would have cost him
no more trouble to deny it, than it did to
deny the extract to which Hooper refers.
Mr. Hooper’s own commentary upon the
Tippecanoe speech was in the following
emphatic Words :
“It is a positive declaration that the :
squatters of a Territory have a right to leg
islate slavery into that Territory, or out of,
it, before the organization of a State gov- 1
eminent, and as such we Indd it lip to-day
to the scorn and indignation of the slave
holding States.”
If 1 have done Mr. Breckinridge any
wrong, Mr. Hooper is partly responsible
for it, and may, therefore, well afford to 1 1
.Payable in Advance.
regard my error with leniency.
I thank you tor your prompt and gene
rous notice of the speech of Mr. Yancey,
so far as it had personal reference to me.
I read the report of his speech with sur
prise and mortification ; but I was glad to
find, in you; paper of yestetd iv, an expla
nation over Ins signature which relieves it
ot its offensive personality.
letter from tin* President.
We understand that Mr. Buchanan, on
reading the letter of the Emperor Napole
on to the Embassador of Fiance, Mr. De
Persignv, determined, at his 1. is tire, to do
his share in calming the fears of England,
and lately addressed the following letter to
tiie lion. George M Dallas, mr Minister
at the Court of JSt. James. —■Philadetqthia
Inquirt r. *
Soi.diek's Home, August 15, ISGO.
Dear George : —Excuse the familiarity,
for I use the endearing tnm from motives
of St at e policy. I wish you would tell
Palmerston that il I can be of* any service
in assisting in the fortification of England,
it will give tin* ple> sure to do so. Some
| years ago, on a sud ! n em rgency like the
present, we found ilia: C • 11.► 11 bales made
the vety best breast-work, and I would,
i (It clef.ue in a friendlv wav, suggest their
use to him. It he should adopt them for
; the defence of London, it would really be a
ii great thing for our Southern interests. I
am anxious to do something of this kind
for the South before retiring from office —
I tried to inspire them with gratitude by
my course <>n the Kansas question, but 1
made a poor business of it as yoif did when
you voted against ihe tariff. I lost the
sympathy of my own State and gained none
anywhere else. If, then, wo could make a
hit in selling Cotton, which is how low, I
| think we might have great hopes if a Sou
! them Confederacy should he formed. I
will ask Wendell what he thinks Palmers
ton should receive if he curries the thing
through, and let you know ; as I hear from
Lung worth that you cl >n’t lake commis
sions, there would he only Palmerston and
myself to he remunerated.
Nobody heli vos here that Louis Napo
leon has any indention of attacking Eng
land, but this you can keep to a ourself.—
In case you uie sounded as to the military
resources of this country, you might, casu
alty, show “Frank Leslie’s Llastrated
Newspaper,* containing an account of the
gymnastic peif•nuance of the Chicago
Zouaves, helore the President’s House, and
you might also mention the Seventh Ilegi
mentot New ork, and Philadelphia Wash
ington Grays ; and ppeal: of other com pa
nic's as being In the course of formation.—
The mention a our military forces should
be made with great tact and discretion, for
I do not w ish England to get up any pan
ic about our intentions toward her, but
merely to let her know the importance of
conciliating uh in the cane of expected dif
ficulties with others. Our success in mak
ing the Republic of Paraguay agree to pay
us what, it seems by tbe report of our
Commissioner, she never owed, is a suffi
cient evidence of the efficiency of our navy,
and it is not necessary to extol that branch
of the service.
! Tell llussell ids three propositions about
the slave trade nre nil a perfect humbug.—
jWe are not’ going to bully Spain on that
S topic ; in fact, wo don’t care how many
slaves get into Cuba now, for when we an
nex the island, if there are too many, we
; can easily bung them into the United
states, as the domestic trade in slaves is,
!as you know, not forbidden. Intimate to
j him, very opeulv, that they are not going
to play the same game on this “Coolie
trade < 1.. t they did with the “slave trade”
; • —send rdaves over here t ill jt ceases to pay,
and then call on us to $• t them tr.-e. We
are a little too wide awake fur that. Prob
ably, it'we did admit them, we Could not
j elevate them si3 much as we have the ne-
I genes. fr England with all her care of the
1 Coolies, it seems, was not aide to show one
at the .Sia'istical Congress ; you might ask
Brougham the reason.
I have mu written to you f.r sometime,
to*- I hate been daily in hope that you
would return, and have hardly thought it
worth while to write. I wrote to Victoria
; unco ah >nr her hoy, but with the exception
of that, have adopted no foreign policy at
all. That confounded Douglas has both
| Hied my life out at home, and I have hard
ly given a thought to anything, except, my
fight with him. I have killed him at last,
but have b en obliged to destroy the Dem
ocratic party with him. This, if a young
er man, I should ivgret, but having got
most of bur old Chernies,- the Whigs, to
join it. I think it rather a neat thing to
blow them all up together. The new con
verts have all the* offices, and they will get
no Sympathy fiotn their old friends or new
associates. Breckinridge I never liked,
Douglas I hate, and as Lincoln agrees with
me in that, I don't see that lam to use
any very extraordinary exertions to defeat
h i rn.
I am staying at pnfcent at the ‘ Soldiers
Home,” as you will poicebe from the date
of my letter, endeavoring to accustom my
self to the pleasures indulged in by “old
public functionaries.’’ It is rather a list
less sort of life, only to be endured from
stern necessity, but I trust to be reconciled
to it, as being mv earthly portion h renf
ter. Who wrote Mrs. Gurney's letter?—
There is some dispute about it here, and I
wish yon would ask Lord Shaftesbury about
it and let me know.
Believe me. yours truly,
J. Buchanan.
God intrusts every man with the cares of his
own soul
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